Chapter 8: China: Human Rights Vs. the Party

Chapter 8: China: Human Rights Vs. The Party

Shanghai boys on the subway. Notice his jacket says “Future”

Great works such as The Animal Farm and truth-telling sites like the Vietnamese BBC never have a chance to reach Vietnamese people. I did not even know that there were freedom of expression advocates being house arrested, attacked or jailed secretly. The amount of information hidden by the government is just unbelievable! Therefore, my childhood was perfectly happy and simple. It doesn’t mean that I turn my back to my country. No matter where I go in the future, that’s the only place that I would call home. Khue, 17, f, Vietnam (going to school in the US)

We don’t need no thought control. Leave them kids alone.

Hong Kong protesters’ signs quoting the British rock band Pink Floyd

If students don’t stand on the front line of democracy, who else can?

Joshua Wong, 17, m, Hong Kong

 We are the post-90s, you say we are immature, we are rebellious, we are wild. But we are definitely not brain-dead! In fact we are passionate, we are rising, we are ready to take on responsibility. Student demonstrators against the arrest of a Chinese civil rights lawyer in 2014.

Contents: Vietnam, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan

Communist countries replaced a philosophy of proletariat solidarity with materialism and nationalism led by a few patriarchs, Vladimir Putin in Russia and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Both approaches inhibit youth activism for freedom of expression. Youth activists recently led political movements in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea. All are motivated by economic recession and fears for their future careers, lack of affordable housing and a moral concern that elders are undermining democracy.[1] A smaller generation than older ones means more older voters have political power. Youth unemployment is higher than for older workers and their jobs are more precarious. . A Japanese survey of people ages 15 to 34 reported that 40% depend on their parents as their main source of income.[2]

    Vietnam

In Vietnam the communist government sentenced democracy activists and bloggers to long jail terms in 2012 and 2013 for spreading “antigovernment propaganda.” It fined a state-run newspaper for “untrue information” included in a 2014 article stating that four of history’s famous communist leaders were notorious dictators: Lenin, Stalin, Fidel Castro, and Mao Zedong. A blogger was sentenced to 15 months in prison for “vilifying and smearing” leaders. The government invested in an Internet social network to educate young people in “patriotism and the love for the nation and the love for the government.” To get uncensored news, people turn to Facebook with 22 million members out of a population of 90 million people. About 100,000 students are studying abroad and learning new ideas.[3] Lily is one of the many middle-class teens studying abroad, as she discusses on our video.[4] A Vietnamese foreign policy expert explained these connected youth are demanding to be heard in policy decisions. A student, 19, told reporter Thomas Friedman, “We get many different sources of information from the world. It opens eyes.”

Khue, 17, answered my question about growing up in of the few (Laos, China, North Korea, Cuba) at least partially communist countries—Vietnam. Her comments are similar to those I heard from Chinese teens. She attends high school in the US.


             I never learned about Marx’s ideology for it’s only taught in university. However, my friends and I were taught about Hochiminh’s ideology, which is basically based on Marx and Lenin. As you can imagine, everything is one direction. It’s different from how I learned about Christopher Columbus’s discovery, as well as his cruelty, in my US history class in the States. I was taught only good or victorious things about Hochiminh and the party. There were communistic organizations for youths, which every student must join and I didn’t like them because I had to learn, again, about Hochiminh and other soldiers/politicians’ victories.         

                        In my country, we have a saying, C.O.C.C, an abbreviation for a phrase describing people who don’t have much talent but loftily sit on the top. Actually, this happens to many people and everywhere that I witnessed at a very early age. When I was younger, I usually felt angry and unfair when thinking about that, but speaking against the government is something to fear here. In short, I think the system has created people like me, who choose to secure their life by either shutting up or going abroad, not changing the system even though we see its weakness.

When I came here to the US, I started to notice that many books were never translated into Vietnamese because of their contents and many websites were prevented in advance by government-controlled Internet. Great works such as The Animal Farm and truth-telling sites like the Vietnamese BBC never have a chance to reach Vietnamese people [similar to China]. I did not even know that there were freedom of expression advocates being house arrested, attacked or jailed secretly. The amount of information hidden by the government is just unbelievable! Therefore, my childhood was perfectly happy and simple. It doesn’t mean that I turn my back to my country. No matter where I go in the future, that’s the only place that I would call “home.”

            Similar to other Asian countries, students complain about 12-hours-a-day spent studying. Middle-class preschoolers study in computer rooms and learn English from an early age. Wealthy Vietnamese aim to send their children to colleges abroad, including Moscow. Quinn, a young Vietnamese man living in the US, told me after a visit back home in 2010, “There’s still a big gap between the poor and the rich. The education system is not strong. They are still trying to figure out how to change it. The rich families send their kids to rich schools or half and half: community and private. Poor kids struggle to keep up with community schools or drop out and work.” Returning home in 2014, Khue emailed,

This year, I am amazed at the rapid influence of Starbucks, McDonalds and foreign supermarkets after their debuts last year. Also, the city is under a big construction for the new pedestrian area and first subway system. I agree with Quinn that there is still a very big gap between the rich and the poor. The education system, as well as the healthcare system, tries, sometimes fruitlessly, to mimic the developed countries without any long-term strategy. Therefore, many families choose studying abroad, and you hear the term “ethical degradation” a lot. 

Reporter Roger Cohen found that hypercapitalism without Western checks and balances produces “new Asian elites, often party-connected, whose dream is an American lifestyle and education for their children.”[5] On the other end of the social spectrum, he saw Vietnamese women on bicycles searching through the trash of the rich looking for items to sell. It’s paradoxical that communist countries like Viet Nam and China focus on capitalist entrepreneurship, profit making, and consumption rather than the good of the proletariat.

China

Asia is the region with the fastest growing economies, including emerging markets in Indonesia, Vietnam and Philippines. China is the single largest contributor to world economic growth, averaging 10% growth during the three decades from 1980 to 2015, compared to global growth of 3%. It contributed a quarter of global expansion in 2015 and was forecast to grow faster than the US economy in the future. (However, India is moving ahead with the fastest economic growth, the largest youth population, but inhibited by the most polluted cities, inadequate infrastructure and as numerous as the US population lifted out of poverty and a number of billionaires second only to the US.[6]  The government almost doubled life expectancy since 1950 with public health programs. With nearly $4 trillion in currency reserves, China is the world’s second largest economy,[7] the largest owner of US debt, and second only to the US in its investments abroad.

However, the slowdown in its economy and stock market crashes in 2015 negatively impacted economies around the world that rely on Chinese purchases of their raw materials such as oil. China’s debt load is a higher percentage of GDP than in Germany or the US, rising to $28 trillion by 2014.[8] The debt almost quadrupled between 2007 and 2015. Autocratic nations’ economies grow faster than democratic ones up to the level of income per person where China is now, indicating growth will slow without reform and improvement of poor quality rural education.[9] With economic slowdown, predictions were 20% to 30% of the 6.8 million recent college graduates won’t find jobs: About 700,000 graduates in 2012 were unemployed the following year.[10] Unlike Western countries, educated youth are more likely to be unemployed than less educated youth, with an unemployment rate of 10% for all youth aged 16 to 24.[11]

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has over 80 million members, millions of soldiers. The CCP survey of 25,000 students at 140 universities reported that about 80% were willing to join the party’s more than 80 million members.[12] The party explained that a small number of young people join for selfish reasons “due to the rampant materialism and consumerism of modern society,” but the main draw is the party gives an answer to the quest for the meaning of life. Since its inception, the CCP maintains that it has been a youthful party because, “The Party’s faith and belief gives young people a wider, more meaningful, more stirring and more forceful answer to a certain degree.” A survey revealed that young university graduates’ top job choices are to work for the government or state-owned businesses that favor CCP members. See young Chinese for yourself on my video interviews with a student from a well-to-do family in central China, students in a Shanghai international school, and my main contact, Yuan.[13] I started corresponding with him via email when he very thoughtfully answered the book questionnaire as a college freshman and now he’s 28 in graduate school in Europe. Some of our correspondence over the years is on the book website.[14]

In the largest youth uprising, young Red Guards led the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to Mao’s death in 1979, fighting against old traditions and power bases. At first a student had to be from a “red” family of elite CCP cadres and members of Young Pioneers, but then students from other families were allowed to join, even “black” former rich families.[15] One of their first posters stated, “Beat to a pulp any and all persons who go against Mao Zedong Thought.” “Snake demon” teachers accused of bourgeois thinking were subject to humiliation like wearing dunce hats, having their homes looted, being beaten, and even murdered. The CCP shut down all classes so students could devote themselves to the Cultural Revolution, one of the few times in history government backed a student revolt.

Two years after Mao’s death in 1976, CCP party leader Deng Xiaoping decided to reform the economy but not the one-party political system. He allowed more local elections, public hearings, term limits and required retirement age for top leaders for the first time in thousands of years. Innovative local democracy efforts were awarded, such as a public poll to evaluate local government performance, livestreaming public meetings on the Internet or childcare for immigrants. “Accusation centers” and confidential phone lines permit anonymous complains about party members, although corruption is still pervasive. The CCP gave Chinese new freedoms to move, own property, choose their career, go on the Internet (albeit censored) and gave up the campaign for “socialist purity.”

The People’s Republic of Amnesia by Louisa Lim (2014) describes how young Chinese nationalists don’t know their history, such as when over 3,000 students conducted hunger strikes for democratic reform. Most Chinese young people don’t know about the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 4, 1989 and that “June 4” is deleted from the Internet in China. Students called for Deng Xiaoping, the architect of capitalist reforms, to resign. They built a tent city in the square, making art (a 37-foot sculpture called the Goddess of Liberty) as in other global uprisings. Reporter Nicholas Kristof witnessed the Chinese army crush the student democracy movement, “shooting at anything that moved.”[16] He said the protesters demanded not just rice, but rights. It was the most polite protest movement he’s ever seen with protesters thanking police and returning lost shoes to their owners as student marshals controlled the crowds. Rickshaw drivers risked their lives to pick up bodies of injured or dead demonstrators.

Youth discontent helped fuel the democracy protests in the square, famous everywhere but China. Former US military officer Colonel Robert Helvey (a member of the Defense Intelligence Agency of the Pentagon) used Gene Sharp’s tactics to train Chinese student leaders in Hong Kong in techniques they later used in Tiananmen Square. Students demonstrated against corruption and nepotism, encouraged by party chief Hu Yaobang’s statement that modernization required democracy. Hu was ousted in early 1987 for failing to crack down on students. Thousands of peaceful Beijing residents went to the streets to stop the 200,000 troops from harming the million students and other demonstrators who protested corruption and call for freedom of the press, to no avail. They also gathered in squares in other cities to call for freedom of speech and elections.

When the USSR fell apart in 1991, the CCP sent teams of researchers to study the former republics to find out how not to repeat Russian mistakes. They also sent thousands of officials to study abroad in outstanding universities in the US, England, Japan, Russia, and so on. Deng didn’t want Chinese perestroika as led by Gorbachev because he warned in 1992, “Liberalism and turmoil destroy stability.”[17]

Millennial Eric Fish went to Nanjing, China, to teach and study in 2007. He described his students as apolitical and submissive, part of the 250 million Millennials.[18] The People’s Liberation Army indoctrinates freshmen university students of both sexes in weeks of military drill and patriotism. However, he found brave young protesters an argued that activism is increasing with a disillusioned Millennial “Want Generation” no longer pacified by a growing economy and nationalistic education.[19] When a civil rights lawyer was arrested in 2014, a dozen students posted a photo of themselves on Sina Weibo (a hybrid of Twitter and Facebook) holding Pu Zhiqiang’s photo, with the caption, “We are the post-90s, you say we are immature, we are rebellious, we are wild. But we are definitely not brain-dead! In fact we are passionate, we are rising, we are ready to take on responsibility.”[20]

Helen Gao is a Beijing journalist who compares her generation born in the late 1980s and 90s with the more liberal youths growing up at the start of economic reform led by Hu Yaobang in the 1980s the hero of the liberals.[21] To prevent similar democracy rebellions like the Tiananmen Square in 1989, Gao said the government “kept politics out of our lives.” The goal was to acquire one the refrigerators that became available with the increase in electrical grids in the late 1980s and eat at a new Kentucky Fried Chicken restaurant. Gao said she and her peers studied hard and on weekends tried on jeans and sneakers in malls or sang Chinese and Western songs in karaoke parlors. They focused on memorizing information from texts for all-important two-day gaokao college entrance exam and then on finding a good job, not on social issues. They know what their textbooks tell them, although they mocked Marxist philosophy in private. They don’t know about Tiananmen, rebels like artists Ai Weiwei or “barefoot lawyer” Chen Guangcheng, repression of Tibetan Buddhists, or military crackdowns against Muslim Uighurs in the autonomous region of Xinjiang.

Gao also reported that Chinese people are reading fewer books than they used to, averaging 15 minutes a day on reading, compared to almost 100 minutes watching TV and 45 minutes on the Internet.[22] Gao’s dismal portrait of superficial Chinese youth makes me appreciate thinkers like SpeakOut respondent Yuan. He emailed about a friend who teaches middle school, “She said if I ever go to her school, which is a traditional Chinese school that crams students with exam answers day in and day out, I would freak out,” although he attended such schools as a boy in central China.

The percent of students from rural areas who made it to prestigious universities decreased although China experienced the largest rural to urban migration in history; about 300 million farmers moved to cities in the past two decades. Only 10% of students from the countryside attend prestigious Peking University, down from about 30% rural students in the 1990s. Rural schools often lack qualified teachers and modern buildings, and their poorly educated grandparents care for about 60 million “left-behind” children while their parents work in cities. Children who migrate with their parents don’t have the right to go to public schools because of the hukou system that links services to birthplace.

In late 2014 the government discussed gaokao reforms to raise quotas for student from poorer regions, spreading out the exams to three different times and considering “moral character” in university admission. It threatened to jail cheaters on the test for up to seven years. Expansion of universities to house more than 26 million students in 2015 is part of President Xi’s slogan the “China dream.” In 2016 the government planned to admit more students from poor regions (about 6% of spots in the best schools that lead to the best jobs) into the higher quality universities in prosperous urban areas, leading to demonstrations against the plan by parents in those cities.[23]

Elite urban high schools often require “voluntary donations” for admission and students pay for after-school tutoring. The typical undergraduate at Tshinghua University (China’s MIT) is urban, went to high school, watches US TV series like The Big Bang Theory and House of Cards and has parents who are civil servants and teachers.[24] Gao gives the example of a 16-year-old girl she knows who attends a private school costing around $24,000 a year. The girl’s mother prepared her to study in the US by playing her English tapes of Disney movies and hosting exchange students from the US. In 2014, more than 274,000 Chinese were studying at US universities, and less than half will return to China.[25] They like the freedom to dialogue in class and the emphasis on critical thinking, stating that Chinese teachers sound like they’re reading a book. A Stanford University study of computer science and engineering students found that Chinese university students lose their advantage in critical thinking skills over US and Russian students, although they start university two or three years ahead of their peers.[26]

By 2017, Chinese high school and college students were almost half of international students in the US, contributing over $11 billion to the US economy in 2015.[27] The “parachute kids’” parents want to save their offspring from the pressure of doing well on the college entrance exam and want them to have more creativity in the classroom. The benefits are mixed: One of the Chinese students was told “Cool kids never study,” and started lifting weights to build muscle to attract a girlfriend. At the same time, President Xi campaigns against foreign influences in China.

Recent Activism

Recent graduating classes belong to the much less political jiu ling hou or post-90s generation. Similar to their Western peers, their critics stereotype them as self-centered, naïve, spoiled, rebellious, lazy, promiscuous and confused. Their fans describe them as intelligent, innovative, curious and tech-savvy.[28] They’re the majority of the 632 million Chinese with online access and two-thirds (69%) of 18 to 29 year-olds have a smart phone.[29]

Youthful rebellion is minor in China now with feminists the most outspoken, described in my Brave: The Global Girls’ Revolution. Interviews with older feminist activists are available online.[30] Graduating university seniors celebrated by posting naked photos running or standing in front of their university with the sign “you f***ed my youth.”[31] The photos garnered much criticism but a young blogger posted, “This picture shows the spirit of fighting for freedom in this so-called ‘harmonious’ country.”

The Chinese government acknowledges “social conflict” associated with the growing gap between rich and poor and urban and rural areas and the need to fight corruption, as mentioned in the final address of President Hu Jintao to the National People’s Congress in 2012. While he was speaking, petitioners seeking justice where sent back to their hometowns, activists questioned, lawyers placed under illegal house arrest and thugs hired to harass protesters.[32] Thousands of petitioners travel to Beijing or provincial capitals to report injustices but are often harassed by officials. President Hu said that the CCP must “make people’s democracy more extensive” as they travel the path of socialism but, “We will never copy a Western political system.” The CCP warned in 2015 that Western values such as constitutionalism, judicial independence, respect for civil society and press freedom are a “ticket to hell” and warned against them infiltrating into university classrooms.[33]

After the Tunisian Jasmine revolution, small protests called “Jasmine Rallies” were planned in China in February 2011, advertised on www.Boxun.com and other sites. They demanded, “We want food, we want work, we want housing, we want fairness.” A blogger posted after Mubarak resigned in 2011, “Even though the people we are watching are Egyptians…our ears are ringing with the echoes of history. This is the sound of the German people tearing down the Berlin Wall, of the Indonesian students taking to the streets, of Gandhi leading the people down the road of justice.”[34] A group called “Organizers of China Jasmine Rallies” posted a message for people who “have a dream for China” to stroll at 2:00 PM on Sundays in specific locations in more than a dozen cities, such as McDonald’s in Beijing. This tactic of strolling was used by Poland’s Solidarity movement in 1980 instead of a demonstration in one place because how can police arrest you for strolling? Before the first Sunday stroll, dozens of activists and human rights lawyers were detained or put under house arrest.

The word jasmine was blocked on the Internet, flower stores were prohibited from selling the flower, and people referred to it as “that flower.”[35] The CCP is the most powerful political organization in the world, yet they were afraid of a flower symbol. Texters weren’t able to send to multiple recipients and Facebook remained blocked. An editorial in the Beijing Daily dismissed the Arab Spring protests as “a self-delusional ruckus,” but the government increased media censorship and excluded reporters from areas where gatherings might occur. Security forces detained hundreds of activists, harassed foreign journalists, and occupied protest sites to prevent a Jasmine Revolution in 2011. Activist Zhu Yufu was jailed for attempting to subvert the state with his poem called “It’s Time.” A translated excerpt is:

It’s time, Chinese People!

It’s time,

The square is ours,

The feet are ours,

It’s time to use our feet to go to the square and make a choice.

In 2011, cameras were installed on squares where demonstrators might gather; the government banned most foreign films and increased censorship of journalists, and jailed more dissidents. It routinely blocks Western social networking sites although some Internet users find a way to use proxy services to get around the blocks. Banned keywords blocked from display on search engines include “occupy” followed by the names of Chinese cities. Novelist and blogger against censorship, Murong Xuecun (born in 1974) reported, “I have seen China change. I have seen the Internet awaken its people.”[36] Yuan emailed this account of Chinese reaction to the Arab Spring:

They briefly reported the fact that there was protest and government change [in the Middle East] and not much details as 99% of the results focus on the economics aspect. Not much update after early February. There are one or two stories about the current Egypt, but no analysis. Of course the news of demonstrations in China are blocked. I can’t open the pages of the search results. I used proxy to read something.

China has the world’s most sophisticated techniques to censor the Internet from “hostile foreign forces,” according to Al Gore, as well as the most Internet users—more than 500 million people. China had the worst score for Internet censorship out of 65 nations according to a study called “Freedom of the Net 2015.” it blocks Google, Facebook, Twitter, and The New York Times and jails dissenters for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”[37] Researchers can’t reach academic sources such as Google Scholar. Historic photos of Mao’s generation are altered to leave out leaders who fell into disfavor; a Sina Weibo tweet went viral showing the before and after photos.[38] Chinese activists use their phones and social media to get around censorship, substituting images for censored words, and using walkie-talkies. Instead of searching June 4th, the anniversary of Tiananmen Square massacre and the most taboo topic, activists used Six Four or May 35, but those too are blocked. Censors try to disable software such as Astrill and other virtual private networks (VPNs) used to get around the Great Firewall. Thousands of “stability maintenance” offices are staffed by around 300,000 government employees who hire neighborhood informants to nip protests in the bud. Some of these problems are illustrated in the Chinese film A Touch of Sin (2013, English subtitles), including one man’s campaign against the village chief who got rich selling the village’s collective property.

A Chinese observer commented online about lack of activism:

As long as the government continues with its censorship of the Internet, it will be extremely difficult for a Jasmine Revolution to take root in China. Continued censorship has meant, sadly, that many ordinary Chinese have little interest in domestic or international affairs, and are only interested now in how to make money. With this in mind, it’s hardly surprising that so many foreign observers have argued that the biggest success for the Chinese government as a result of 30 years of economic reforms is that people are now simply chasing money, and have forgotten about chasing political ideals.[39]

The fires of Chinese youth rebellion burn low partly because it’s difficult to get past government censors and security forces; the 2012 security budget was $111 billion, more than spent on the military. Also, the employment rate is high, keeping discontent low. Youth unemployment was only 7.6% in 2012, compared to 25% in Europe’s “lost generation,” rising to 10.5% in 2014.[40] Only Southeast Asia has such low youth unemployment. Youth are busy working long hours and have hope they can be upwardly mobile, despite corruption and large gaps between the rich and the poor. A young Shanghai English teacher told CNN’s Anthony Bourdain that youth don’t have dreams other than to buy an apartment and a car. They’re so obsessed with their cellphones, it’s common to see a couple in a restaurant not talking to each other as they look at their phones—a global addiction. (He also said US TV shows are very popular, naming House of Cards, a show about politics.) Asian American novelist Kevin Kwan described “wealth porn” in his novels about newly rich Chinese young people who conspicuously consume in Crazy Rich Asians (2013) and China Rich Girlfriend (2016).

Citizen protests are common, usually about local officials’ corrupt actions and the environment. The government estimated that citizens initiated around 180,000 “mass incidents” of protests and demonstrations in 2011 to oppose pollution, corruption, unfair prison sentences, land thefts, and unsafe food, stimulating a bigger budget on international security than defense.[41] The largest protest since 1989 occurred in coastal Xiamen in 2007 against a proposed chemical plant. It succeeded in stopping the construction and sparked youth-led environmentalism such as a student-led demonstration against a copper plant in Sichuan. Many universities have environmental clubs and NGOs, coordinated by the China Youth Climate Action network.

A vehement protest by a fishing village called Wukan succeeded in their demands at the end of 2011, refusing to allow the sale of their farmland to developers—a frequent problem in rural areas with thousands of protests against rural land grabs.[42] What’s unusual is the villagers threw out their corrupt local government and police and built barricades around their town, temporarily establishing self-government. A 27-year-old villager, Zhang Jianxing posted photos of the protests online and explained that due to lack of response to their appeals from government departments, “We were forced to take action ourselves. When we started the whole thing, we knew we had to succeed.” However, the Wukan villagers posted a sign “We are not a revolt. We support the Communist Party. We love our country.”

An advisor to China’s State Council told a forum in 2011 that China averages 500 large-scale protests called “mass incidents” each day over issues like pollution, corruption and land grabs.[43] About half of the large 2013 protests centered on environmental problems.[44] Nearly one-fifth of China’s arable land and most of its rivers, underground water, and lakes are polluted due to industrial toxins, raising concerns about food safety.[45] Only three of 74 Chinese cities monitored by the government met minimum standards for air quality in 2013.  Businesses dump their waste at night and bribe law enforcement agencies. Environmental protests increased along the industrialized coast. Villagers in Baha, a village in the southwest, were so fed up with the polluting metalwork factory that they smashed its offices and equipment in 2014, leading to clashes with police. China is both the world’s foremost contributor to global warming and the largest investor in renewable energy. Wealthy people flee pollution by migrating to other countries. Despite poor air quality and indoor wood fires in rural areas, Chinese men smoke one-third of the world’s cigarettes, sold by the government monopoly.[46] Some areas report increases of teen girls who smoke.

President Xi promised to make renewable power 20% of energy production by 2030 and cap greenhouse gas emissions. China planted over 66 billion trees to stop the spread of the desert, using aerial seeding and cash payments to farmers.[47] The government announced a plan in 2013 to invest $16 billion over three years to reduce the capital’s pollution and required that coal be reduced to 65% of energy production by 2017.

Use of Social Media for Rights Campaigns

Protesters use Weibo to communicate with photos and words, with around 600 million Internet users. The censors tried to inhibit this communication tool in 2012 by requiring users to include their id number and real name. By 2014, Weibo lost popularity to WeChat, which is like Facebook in providing messaging among followers, a more private communication and therefore less censored. Also, comments are deleted after a few days. An impetus for the change was the government detained hundreds of popular commentators who had millions of followers on Weibo. An environmental activist, Hu Jia commented, “Weibo and WeChat are gifts from God [interesting word choice in an atheist country]. Despite all the government surveillance, the benefits we get are even greater for people trying to organize society.”[48]

 A common saying is if you post something the government doesn’t like you’ll be invited to have tea with the police and asked to remove sensitive material, as I heard in Shanghai. Censors moved to crack down on instant messaging on smartphones in 2014. Yuan says the CCP has eyes and ears everywhere. The government ordered videostreaming websites to shop showing four popular US shows (The Big Bang Theory, the Good Wife, NCIS, and The Practice) in 2014 preferring that views watch national TV. The US shows’ contents were deemed “inappropriate.” Yuan added, “Some news say that means 80% of US TV shows are about to be banned soon.” South Koran shows were also banned in 2017, but Chinese viewers see pirated copies. The most popular TV shows in 2017 were produced on the mainland.[49]

A daring newspaper called the Southern Weekly called for a strike in 2013 to protest censorship of its editorial advocating constitutional rights, sparking support from university students, celebrities and others who spoke out online in favor of free speech.[50] The newspaper reported that 1,034 of its articles were censored in 2012, leading to national discussion. Hundreds of people demonstrated outside the paper’s headquarters in Guangzhou carrying signs and flowers calling for less censorship. Author Eric Fish was “shocked by the fearlessness of the young protesters,” as police took photos of them. Actress Yao Chen (age 33) posted a quote from Russian dissident Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, “One word of truth outweighs the whole world” along with the Southern Weekly logo. She has the largest fan base with 32 million Sina Weibo followers. The following year, Yang Maodong, a well-known activist in the “rights defense” movement (Weiquan) was arrested, partly because he was one of the Southern Weekly demonstrators.

The government jailed an increasing number of human rights advocates in one of the harshest crackdowns since the Beijing Olympics in 2008, as reported by Amnesty International.[51] In August 2013, the government jailed some bloggers who have millions of followers. An official editorial on the Xinhua website warned that bloggers will be “dealt with like rats scurrying across the street that everyone wants to kill” (similar language was used by Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi). One of those netizens, Murong Xuecun, said the most infamous arrest was jailing a 16-year-old boy who posted “All officials shield one another.”[52] Xuecun and friends joke about who will be next on the government hit list. As part of the crackdown to insure “ideological purification” under President Xi Jinping, Peking University fired an economics professor in October 2013 for being “an extreme liberal” who advocated “freedom and democracy,” according to the government’s Global Times newspaper. The Youth League and its 87.5 million members were also brought under CCP control to reach out to young people more effectively, along with their media channels China Youth Network and Beijing Youth Weekly.

One of the activists jailed in 2013 was Yang Hui, a 16-year-old student in Gansu. He was arrested for “creating a disturbance” after he challenged police reports that a man had committed suicide when his family said police beat him to death. In response to public protests, Yang was released after a week. Other young activists were lawyers including an increasing number of women, who joined together to form “China Human Rights Lawyers Group.” The rights movement began in the early 2000s led by intellectuals and is the main focus of the Chinese democracy movement.[53] It works to increase rights through litigation, petitions, blogs and other Internet publicity. Rights lawyers are punished by the government, monitored, detained, and jailed.

President Xi decreed, ”Never allow singing to a tune contrary to the party center.”[54] His Document No. 30 warned in 2015 that Western ideas of free speech, “universal values,” and criticism of Mao threaten the CCP’s survival and should be cleansed from universities and other cultural institutions. In 2015, a 71-year old journalist was sentenced to seven years in prison for leaking Document Number 9, a government strategy paper calling for aggressive silencing of civil society, press freedom, and Western democracy. TV shows were censored further in 2016 with a long list of prohibitions including sex, overly sexual clothing, homosexuality, luxurious lifestyles, and feudal beliefs such as reincarnation, deviance, and vulgarity. Xiao Shu, a writer and visiting scholar at a Taiwan university said, “On the mainland, as long as you control the streets with enough soldiers and guns, you can kill a protest, because everywhere else is already controlled: the press, the Internet, the schools, every neighborhood and every community.”[55] A survey of Chinese young people studying in the US discovered that Chinese media has a negative impact on support for democracy, while foreign media consumption increased support as did social science education.[56]

The most popular blogger in China (some say in the world because of the large number of his readers) somehow gets away with critiquing government corruption, censorship, and exploitation of young workers, as well as poverty, pollution and the education system. Han Han, born in 1982, dropped out of middle school because, “The education system tries to create homogeneous personalities.” He said the education system is as absurd as taking a shower wearing a padded coat. “The problem with our education is that no one will go take a shower naked.” He wrote a best-selling novel about middle school when he was 18, titled the Triple Door, followed by other novels, along with being a racecar driver. “You can write whatever you want on the Internet,” he explained to an interviewer, “so long as you are not afraid.” He stays safe by supporting one-party rule, avoiding direct attacks on the party, and not trying to organize on the streets. Like racecar driving, if you push too hard you crash, he stated, adding that it’s a long process to arrive at democracy, but he believes that if the people change so will the CCP.[57] If the people really want something, they can get it in 20 years at the most, according to Hans.[58]

A hopeful 19-year-old who protested against building a polluting metals plant in the city of Shifang, Li Yonglin observes, “I see Chinese people’s civic consciousness building. Thanks to the spread of information, more people are aware of their rights. . . . The people will not continue believing what the government feeds them and simply follow it.”[59] An example of using media to protest is a vendor who stabbed two municipal officers to death because they arrested and beat him for not having a license—reminiscent of the angry Tunisian vender who set off the Arab Spring. To support him, the Internet was flooded with almost three million comments, similar to this one: “Hero Xia, rest in peace. Your anti-repression spirit will continue to inspire the repressed.”[60] After his execution, his wife and 12-year-old son continued to publicize the case. An exiled blind activist, Chen Guangcheng reported that he reads Internet chatter saying if Ukraine can overthrow their government overnight, it can happen in China.[61] He said the number of demonstrations is increasing along with the number of arrests. He was arrested for opposing forced abortions as a self-taught lawyer. China is “missing” about 24 million girls under age 20 due to selective abortion or infanticide of girls, according to UNPF.[62]

A large strike at the Yue Yuen Dongguan shoe factory was one of the largest strikes, one of 1,171 strikes and labor protests between June 2011 and the end of 2013.[63] In April 2014, workers at the shoe factory protested the company’s failure to pay their full social security and housing allowance and not being able to enroll their children in local public schools. Censors deleted media reporting of the protest. Because unions are controlled by the CCP, workers organize horizontally in their factories and join independent labor rights organizations. University students supported the 40,000 striking workers by posting pro-strike posters as repression of civil society groups increased.

The Beijing Yirenping Center worked for gender equality and fought discrimination against people with HIV and physical disabilities, but was shut down in March 2015. The catalyst was their support of five young feminists who were arrested for planning to demonstrate against sexual harassment on International Women’s Day, arrested for “picking quarrels and provoking troubles.” Maya Wang, a researcher at Human Rights Watch in Hong Kong, explained, ”Even though these organizations have tried to stay within the red lines of normally tolerated activism, the government still sees them as fomenting [foreign backed] color revolutions.”[64] That’s a problem for reformers because the majority of the around 2,00 to 3,000 social justice groups rely on foreign funding. Many of them register as private businesses rather than be sponsored by a state entity as a nonprofit group. By August of 2015 over 250 human rights activists and lawyers were arrested, including Wang Yu who defended the Feminist Five. Will young people find consumerism or freedom more appealing, keeping in mind the economy slowed down in 2015 and the stock market and currency was precarious? Like Russian youth, will nationalism and materialism prevail over democracy? (More on censorship on the book webpage.)[65]

Hong Kong

Hong Kong’s (HK) population of seven million includes more than 78,000 undergraduate students who suffer from increasing youth unemployment and difficulty being socially mobile. Many think of themselves as different from mainland Chinese, illustrated in Hong Kong is Not China Facebook book by an artists’ collective called Local Studio Hong Kong.[66] University education has been more westernized since the 1990s so that human rights and freedom of speech are not considered subversive.

Scholarism—The Alliance Against Moral & National Education was founded by a group of HK secondary school students in May 2011, with no political affiliations, to oppose Beijing’s efforts to control curriculum. Scholarism opposed new nationalistic school courses to generate patriotism by teaching about Chinese political system and history. With more autonomy than on the mainland, HK protesters carried signs in 2012 quoting the British rock band Pink Floyd, “We don’t need no thought control. Leave them kids alone,” shown online.[67] A group of young girls chanted, “We want the truth, we don’t want brainwashing.” Beijing’s proposed curriculum would teach how to respect political leaders, how to “speak cautiously,” be self-disciplined and get along well with others.  The international hacker group Anonymous leaked classified education documents in September 2012 when a HK university student emailed me,

In the introduction of patriotic education, there is a guidebook circulated among Primary and Secondary Schools called The China Model, published by Hong Kong Baptist University, funded by the Education Bureau. It described members in power in China as “selfless, progressive and in solidarity with Chinese people,” and US party politics as “a bad fight in which citizens suffers.” It provided a clear picture to media and people to know what it exactly is, though Education Bureau said it is only for reference.

Protests mushroomed to tens of thousands of HK’s chief executive Leung Chun-ying revoked a 2015 deadline for every school to start teaching the new subject. In September 2012, he suggested instead that school principals would be responsible for deciding whether to teach it, leaving them open to pressure from Beijing. Crowds of young people wearing black T-shirts continued to protest around government headquarters. Sam Chan, a 19-year-old college student, said, “We just want to cancel the whole subject…to protect our future and our sons’ futures.” Three days later more than 1,000 university students boycotted class to demand withdrawal of the curriculum. They occupied the park in front of government offices and conducted a hunger strike. I assumed that mainland press wouldn’t cover the news, but checked with Yuan who emailed disguising words from censors, “I did find something. Of course the word p ro te st is taken away, just something about they are delaying the m o r a l edu ca tion.” 

Sophie Ping-Ya Hsu emailed from her vantage point in Taiwan,

In previous discussions with some Hong Kong people, I got a sense that the majority was more concerned about stability, grow the economy even more capitalistic, and did not seem that having the right to vote was a top priority. As HK was handed over to China, the HK people started to feel more pressured into looking at themselves and realize that they were unhappy to be subjected to the system of government influenced by China. I didn’t like watching China making false promises to let the people of HK decide for their own leader, but didn’t deliver. I think the last straw for the HK people was when China tried to use its influence to change the school curriculum into a more Chinese-centric one. I feel regret though, that it had to be youth to carry on the responsibility of protecting the region’s interest instead of the entire HK people as a whole. It was regrettable to see police violence, the elder generation and the working-class react the way they did. I was appalled by seeing women being sexually harassed as a suppression tool for their beliefs. 

A poll conducted in December of 2013 found that 82% of people in their 20s were dissatisfied with how Beijing managed HK, compared to 52% of all residents surveyed.[68] A former government official explained that students “are more sensitive to this great division of wealth.” Another executive explained, “Hong Kong nowadays becomes corrupt, and becomes not performance-driven but relationship-driven.”

More than a fifth of the electorate, almost 800,000 HK citizens, voted mostly online in an unofficial referendum held in June 2014 in favor of choosing their own chief executive without Beijing’s approval of the candidates. They referred to the Basic Law that was supposed to stand at least until 2047, the principle of “one country, two systems” established after Britain turned control over to Beijing in 1997. The movement was called Occupy Central with Love and Peace, led by professors and students. Law professor Benny Tai asked the crucial question, “How can a government govern if the whole society refuses to cooperate with you?” Leaders called for 10,000 protesters to blockade the financial district if Beijing didn’t abide by the referendum and remove Beijing control of nominees. Student members of Scholarism encouraged a big turnout for the vote and marches, and helped formulate one of the three proposals on the ballot.

Joshua Wong, 17, a well-known co-founder of Scholarism along with two other high school boys, said on video that “us students hold the key to the future,” and are willing to risk legal consequences to push for democracy in civil disobedience.[69] He explained that to change society, they need to use activism rather than words to influence politicians. He was inspired by previous activism that he learned about on the Internet. Wong became an activist at age 14 when he founded Scholarism with secondary-school students opposed to Beijing’s attempt to impose political curriculum. He was raised in a middle-class Christian family. He described his parents as, “They are not helicopter parents and do not spoil me. . .. They have given me freedom, which has shaped Joshua Wong as he is now.”[70] He attends the least prestigious university because, “Teachers have always said my only strength is talking and that I talk very fast.”

Protesters used familiar slogans in 2014, “power to the people” from the 1960s and “the people want….” and “Democracy Now” heard in the Arab Spring. They chanted, “our own government, our own choice.” Wong said the people want “to fight for civil nomination,” where the voters decide their representatives, not Beijing. At age 18 Wong was portrayed as Batman on a banner hung from a bridge. He was featured in a documentary, Lessons in Dissent (2014)[71] and a TIME magazine cover titled “The Face of Protests.” The people are willing to dream with the students who have more time and energy, he said. He went on a hunger strike to force the government to talk with protesters about reforms, saying, “We will use our bodies to wake people up.” His generation wants a say in their future, believing that they have to do radical action because leaders do nothing: “I don’t want to follow the games of adults” and chit chat.[72]

Wong is an example of framing political issues with youthful identity and scholars’ observations that young HK activists tend to be more confrontational and rebellious than their elders, using new forms of protest in “transgressive contention.”[73] Of course Wong rejects being called the leader, because “If Hong Kong just relies on me, the movement will fail.”

The Chinese government withdrew a promise to allow free elections in 2017, resulting in protests in September 2014. After the referendum, the biggest march in a decade was held in the financial district, mostly young people, and was extended to an overnight sit-in. Organizers claimed 510,000 people participated. Police arrested 511 of them. The Hong Kong Federation of Students organized the sit-in, chanting, “Hope [or change] is with the people,” “Say No to Communist China,” and “We need to fight to make change.” The Federation posted their photos on Facebook.[74] Five members of the Civil Human Rights Front were arrested for blocking traffic, etc. I asked Yuan if he had heard about these protests: “Not hearing anyone talking about the H K pro tests.  I just got the news from you. Google is totally gone now. It was blocked but now, gone.”

Protests continued on September 22 with over 80,000 demonstrators, again mainly students, on the streets and in front of government buildings and around the city. They boycotted classes for over a week. Leading organizations were the Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism. The crowd was young and angry about growing inequality and increasing cost of living. One of them told BBC TV, “We won’t go home until we’re free at last,” in the spirit of Martin Luther King, Jr. The president of his university student union said, “University students must shoulder the responsibilities of these times” and a member of the legislature, age 62, said, “Now the younger people have taken control and used their advantage of surprise.”[75] The larger coalition called Occupy Central with Love and Peace supported the student-led protest.

 Police responded with tear gas, pepper spray, long-barreled guns and arrested hundreds of demonstrators, displaying banners saying “Disperse or We Shoot.” Innovative students wore raincoats and swim goggles and carried umbrellas to protect against tear gas. My HK student contact emailed,

The dramatic effect of tear gas has to be contextualized into Hong Kong protest history, that it is about the reminiscence of June 4 incident in Beijing, which is in commemoration every year in Hong Kong. The first time tear gas was used against locals was after 1984 protesting against the spike in first registration tax of taxis. The last time police used tear gas is during the 2005 WTO conference.

The demonstrations were called the #UmbrellaRevolution, the term coined by Adam Cotton in New York on Twitter, with hashtags like “Umbrella is Everywhere.” They also used #OccupyCentral. Although more than 200,000 demonstrators protested on the streets of HK on the peak day of September 29 with over 2,000 tents, most of the US media ignored the 75-day occupation. Protesters photoshopped a photo of President Xi Jinping holding an umbrella at various protest sites, portrayed on TIME magazine’s October 19 cover and widely reposted. It survived for more than 24 hours on WeChat, China’s most popular messaging app without being censored, but more than a dozen netizens in Hong Kong were arrested and charged with using a computer with “criminal or dishonest intent.” Some of them were accused of assisting Anonymous Asia’s call for attacks on HK government websites. The international hacker group Anonymous warned on October 1 they would attack the HK government’s websites if protesters were harmed or harassed.

Protesters waved cell phone lights to create a visual effect at night, wore black T-shirts with yellow ribbons to symbolize hope, and held up their arms in the “don’t shoot” gesture that spread around the world from Ferguson, Missouri, after police shooting of teenager Michael Brown in August. Another international reference, a yellow banner quoted John Lennon’s song, “You may say I’m a dreamer. But I’m not the only one.” New songs were created such as “Raise the Umbrella.” They picked up their trash and recycled it and handed out bags of snacks and water.

Beijing said the protesters were “a gang of people whose hearts belong to colonial rule and who are besotted with ‘Western democracy,’” influenced by the UK and the US and by activists in Taiwan.[76] The government heavily censored any reference to the youth uprising on the mainland by removing key words from sites like Weibo and blocking Instagram. To prevent mobile phone networks from being disabled by the government after a malware attack, students used FireChat, an app that relays messages from phone to phone, a flashpoint mesh network transferred from node to node. The app was also used in Taiwan and Iran earlier in 2014.

Protesters feared the Chinese army would be sent in a repeat of Tiananmen Square: A sign read “A good day to die in Hong Kong.” Senior officials refused to meet with the Hong Kong Federation of Students and chief executive C. Y. Leung refused to obey demands that he resign for being under the thumb of Beijing. During the 2015 New Year celebrations of the Year of the Sheep, he asked that people be “more mild and gentle” like sheep. Protesters displayed posters of Leung with fangs like a devil and decided not to meet with officials on October 3 in order to protest clashes with protesters and opponents where some students were beaten or sexually molested while police stood by. Hi opponents refer to Leung as 689 because that’s the few number of votes he received from the selection committee to be Chief Executive in 2012. After several months of occupation, in early December the older leaders of Occupy Central with Love and Peace asked the students to take their tents and leave the streets, not wanting to alienate residents and risk violent clashes with police. My informant emailed after reading this section:

            As you reported, till 3 October, from participants’ point of view, the scale of movement is in fact far larger than what Occupy Central with Love and Peace expected. Hong Kong Federation of Students, which united universities in Hong Kong territory, worked as the representative and central coordinator throughout the movement, among pacifists and radicals.

A survey of 1,562 demonstrators in October 2014 found that over three-quarters were between 18 and 39; over a half had university educations, a third were under age 25 and 26% were students.[77] Umbrella Square at the Admiralty site was mainly students. What motivated them was the right to elect their own representatives, they felt ignored by the government and they were angry with police, in that order.

The authorities got court injunctions to clear the streets of tents, art, and a classroom in December 2014, after cleaning the Admiralty camp on November 18 and the Mong Kok camp on November 26. Authorities cleared the third site at Canton Road on December 11 after 75 days of occupation and thousands of tents, peaking on November 1, as seen in photos.[78] Students chanted, “We’ll be back,” “I want true democracy,” and “It’s just a beginning.” They left sticky notes on the Lennon Wall, a side of the government building facing the camp that was covered with notes. Police said 209 people were arrested for unlawful assembly and obstructing police officers. Despite the end of the three occupation sites, the students and their allies organized the biggest challenge to Beijing in decades. Student leader Nathan Law, 21, said although they didn’t achieve their goal of free elections, they awakened consciousness that “will help us fight in the future.”[79]

They marched again carrying yellow umbrellas on February 1, 2015, demanding democratic representation in “general elections.” By 2015 over half of undergraduate students favored independence from Beijing.[80] People called them children, “but they were the only ones who showed any leadership,” said political commentator Frank Ching.[81] Authorities again blamed hostile outside influences that were part of the “color revolutions,” similar to Turkey’s and Russia’s leaders’ tactics.    

Wong, age 18, and two other democracy leaders, Alex Chow and Nathan Law of the Federation of Students, were arrested in August 2015 and faced prison sentences for leading 79 days of sit-ins. They were charged with inciting unlawful assembly. Wong’s comment was, “I believe we will have another Umbrella Movement. What matters is that we better prepare ourselves for the next one.” Derek Lam, a member of Scholarism, was charged with assault for breaking into a square. Earlier Wong was barred from entering Malaysia in May to speak about the Umbrella Movement, as the government feared his influence on restive young people. (Three months later, students in yellow T-shirts turned out for protests in Kuala Lumpur to demand that Prime Minister Najib Razak resign due to corruption scandals. A primarily Muslim nation, Razak said the protests were harem, forbidden.) Some activists in the Umbrella Movement ran for district council elections in 2015, which at that time had pro-Beijing majorities. One of the candidates, Steve Ng said, “It felt like once the Umbrella Movement was over, we didn’t know which way to go from there. I wanted to see if I had the ability to continue to push the democratic movement.” [82]

The first major demonstration in 2016 involved thousands demonstrating against the disappearance of the fifth bookseller who sells literature banned on the mainland. Protesters marched through central HK and stopped in front of government buildings, sure that Beijing had kidnapped the men. Agnes Chow’s Facebook video to protest disappearance of the booksellers went viral.

 Chow and Wong, both age 19, organized a new political party called Hong Kong Demositsto in 2016 to push for self-determination for HK with one vote per one person, raising money for Demosisto at gatherings like the  observance of the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. Tens of thousands marched on the annual anniversary of Tiananmen, demanding that the CCP change its condemnation of the demonstration as a “counterrevolutionary riot.” In Victoria Park they were accompanied by the Goddess of Democracy facing Chairman Mao’s portrait. Co-founder Agnes Cow is shown in a poster seen on this book cover holding a bow and arrow like Katniss Everdeen, the hero of The Hunger Games. The title of the poster is “The Younger Games.” The four characters in old Mandarin that mean “the people will surround the city.” The first two words can mean “people” or “people’s determination/will.” Other young activists formed the Hong Kong National Party to achieve independence from the mainland, meaning the pro-democracy advocates lack unity.

Wong was convicted of “illegal assembly” in July 2016, along with Alex Chow and Nathan Law, sentenced the following month to public service for unlawful assembly, which he appealed. Nathan Law (age 23) successfully ran on the Demosisto party in September 2016 elections, advocating “self-determination” for HK. Law said, “Young people have a sense of urgency when it comes to the future,” and want change. At age 19, Wong was too young to run. The pro-democracy or “localists” advocates won 30 out of 70 seats in the legislature: Only 40 seats are elected by the public while special-interest groups like businesses elect 30 legislators. Thousands of protesters protested Beijing’s November 2016 ruling to prevent two pro-independence legislators from taking their seats. They revived the use of yellow umbrellas. Some who were frustrated with lack of results from previous protests threw bricks.

Another young woman leader was elected to the legislature: Yau Wai-ching became an activist in the Umbrella demonstrations when she saw high school students demonstrating in in the streets. At 22 she was working in an office job. She explained, “I thought I had to fight, to have a war with the government,” rejecting the “festival” atmosphere of the demonstrations by the main government buildings. Her colleague Baggio Leung reported she changed from a “quiet nerd” when she first started demonstrating into an outspoken leader.[83] She joined Youngspiration, a group formed after the Umbrella Revolution. The group sponsored nine candidates for the 2015 District Council elections, including Yau. She lost by only 300 votes and won in September 2016, at 25 the youngest woman ever elected to the council.

Yau and her fellow Youngspiration candidate, Baggio Leung (age 30) caused a firestorm when they demonstrated their desire for independence from Beijing by changing the oath of office, more typical of young activists than older ones. Yau mispronounced “People’s Republic of China” as “people’s re-fucking of Cheena,” a derogatory pronunciation used by the Japanese during their conquest during World War II. The two would-be legislators also carried flags that stated “Hong Kong is not China.” Beijing refused to recognize the two young people as legislators, judging their oath illegal. The government’s anger was compounded by the two democracy advocates’ visit to Taiwan the previous month to meet with pro-independence students. Yau considers Taiwan a better custodian of Chinese traditions and Confucian values than the CCP. The People’s Daily called the two “pustules” that had to be removed and they were called fascist traitors. To protest this interference, more than 2,000 lawyers and activists marched in silence dressed in funereal black. Some protesters shouted “Hong Kong independence.” Updates are available on the Facebook page Hong Kong Democracy Now.[84]

Taiwan

Taiwan is not a former communist country and Hong Kong is shaped by British rule from 1841 to 1997, but I included them in this chapter because of their Chinese populations. A student protest occurred in Taiwan from March 18 to April 10, 2014, in Taipei. A predecessor was the Wild Lily student movement, a six-day demonstration for democracy in 1990, with the lily as their symbol. In 2014, they opposed a trade agreement that students feared would lead to closer ties to China, and would favor large corporations, undermine their democracy and jeopardize their future job prospects. They opposed the Kuomintang Party for adopting the deal without bipartisan discussion. Sophie Hsu from Tapei, explained after reading this chapter, “It is important to note that this revolution was not anti-Chinese, but a growing generation in Taiwan that strongly supports democracy and stands against any type of government action undermining it.” She emailed,

                        The Sunflower Movement in 2014 was a result of the government’s policy failure, especially its economic ones. The general public, especially youth, seeing their employment opportunities lessened with lowering wages and rising housing prices, became extremely disappointed by the government throughout the years, especially from the end of 2012. The government spent too much emphasizing the benefits for opening trade, mostly with China, but did not resolve the issues of unemployment, rising food costs, skyrocketing housing prices and lowering wages.

In addition, out of fear that the public would oppose strongly against the trade deal with China, they passed it in the legislature with a lack of care for democratic procedure. Therefore, the people reacted mostly to let the government know that Taiwan has struggled and fought hard for democracy, the government must not forget that this is the system that the people wanted for Taiwan.

The media called it the “Sunflower Revolution” because students carried the flowers as a symbol of hope and shining light on secret negotiations. They marched with banners stating: “If we don’t rise up today, we won’t be able to rise up tomorrow,” “Save democracy,” “Free Taiwan,” and “We will let the world know you suck [President Ma Ying-jeou]” (see their signs and mod clothes[85]). Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators marched. Punk bands played at rallies and several hundred students occupied the parliament building for 23 days. A number of student groups worked together in the Sunflower Revolution, including the Black Island Youth group.

When police surrounded the building to prevent food and water getting to the occupiers, a large crowd kettled the police, chanting, “If the police don’t move, we won’t move.” Supplies were lifted up through a second story window. Many were injured as police extracted the demonstrators and student union groups from major universities called for a national strike. Students cleaned the building when they left on April 10, then formed a new organization called Taiwan March. The speaker of parliament promised to introduce a law to monitor agreements with China. The pro-Beijing Nationalist Party did poorly in November 2014 elections and President Ma said he would make changes.

One of the leaders of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests was a Peking University student named Wang Dan, age 20. He organized a group to demand democracy using sit-ins, boycotts and hunger strikes. He was sent to prison at the top of the list of “black hand” organizers, then went into exile to the US where he earned a Ph.D. at Harvard. He became a professor in Taiwan where in 2014 he said that Chinese “democratization is still far off.”[86] Wang feels the most important contribution he can make is to ensure that the “ideals and passion of youth” are kept alive. Some of his students were active in the Sunflower Movement in Taiwan, which he said demonstrated the force of “people power” for democracy. Wang observed, “Following the student movement, Taiwan has seen a new generation of youth who are concerned about public affairs and are no longer indifferent.”

The issue of economic ties with China and sovereignty played out in the 2016 presidential elections, between two women candidates, along with the state of the economy. The new president, Tsai Ing-wen, emphasized Taiwan’s democracy and independence, supported by enthusiastic young people. Her opposition party became the majority party for the first time. Voters rejected the Beijing-friendly party that led for the previous eight years. As well as being the first woman president of Taiwan, she’s also the first of Hakka of aboriginal descent and the first unmarried president. She promised young people that she would address their economic insecurity with a new model of economic development. In addition, a new youth-oriented party developed out of the Sunflower movement when death metal band star Freddy Lim started the New Power Party (he also directed Amnesty International in Taiwan). He was elected to the legislature in 2016 despite his opponents criticizing his long hair and advocacy of lowering the voting age from 20 to 18. He wants Taiwan to stay independent from the mainland, to avoid having freedoms eroded as is occurring in Hong Kong.

Chun Yi, a 22-year-old young woman wrote on the Goodreads feminist book club in 2016, “I got to know feminism after the Sun-Flower Movement on March 18, 2014, which inspired and encouraged me. I met new people who showed me lots of new things including international relations, sociology and, most important of all, feminism. Feminism attracts me not only because I’m female but also it gives reasons and solutions to many social issues including decreasing birth rate and increasing crime rate. One can’t make her life better without knowledge of feminism.”

                                    Japan and South Korea

In Japan, the Fukushima nuclear plant disaster of 2011 generated protests against the government. Japanese young people protested Prime Minister Abe’s 2014 plan to permit the country’s military to engage in offensive action in violation of the constitution. The main groups, Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy (SEALDs) and Teens Stand Up to Oppose War Law, aim to protect democracy with street demonstrations, livestream broadcasts, humor and slogans written in English. They use horizontal organizing like other global youth activists.

SEALDs called for unifying opposition parties “who share liberal values such as constitutionalism, social security and peace diplomacy. This unity will create a new political culture which encourages citizen’s political participation and revitalizes representational democracy.” Secondary school students joined university students in the protests, but couldn’t prevent passage of Abe’s law. Youth also protested a tax raise that went into effect in 2017

In South Korea, an online letter posted at the prestigious Korea University in 2013 protested the lack of youth representation in government and neglect of their concerns about job prospects. They coined the phrase “Hell Joseon” about the lack of social mobility, a reference to a dynasty known for inequality and the current need to have family connections to advance. Another new term is “Sampo Generation,” meaning they have to give up marriage and parenting because of economic problems. Youth also protested restrictions of freedom of speech under the banner of the National Security Law. President Park Geun-hye’s conservative party suffered a surprise defeat in April 2016 elections because of the large turnout of voters in their 20s and 30s. Youth groups organized frustrated young voters to go to the polls. They turned out to protest presidential corruption in what was called South Korea’s Umbrella Revolution, a reference to Hong Kong democracy movement led by youth. The first female president was impeached in 2017.

Russia’s teens weren’t afraid to protest government corruption in 2017, looked at as a new generation. Will Chinese teens follow in their footsteps and rebel against pollution and corruption?

Discussion Questions and Activities

  1. Russia and China have replaced Communist ideology and social supports with nationalism and consumerism. Agree or disagree? Which country would you rather live in? Why?
  2. Why hasn’t China had large youth-led uprisings when masses of people are unhappy about pollution and environmental destruction and growing numbers of college graduates can’t find jobs?

Activities

 Read Yuan’s emails and compare and contrast his issues with young people you know.[87]

Films

Analyze the Urban/Rural Divide in these films

  1. Balzac and the Little Chinese Seamstress.  During the Cultural Revolution, two intellectual city boys are sent to the countryside. We see the impact of the country on them, and visa versa, especially the young seamstress who falls in love with reading the forbidden books they secretly brought with them. 2005
  2. Mao’s Last Dancer: An Australian film about a peasant boy—the sixth son in his family—who was raised during the Chinese Cultural Revolution, trained in Beijing to be a ballet dancer. The film is based on his autobiography, with flash backs from his rural boyhood to dancing in Texas. 2009
  3. Owl and the Sparrow. A 10-year-old orphan girl lives on the streets of Saigon. American director. 2006

Endnotes


[1] Paul Park, Maeve Whelan-Wuest and Katharine Moon, “Youth and Politics in East Asia,” Brookings Institution, June 30, 2016.

http://www.brookings.edu/research/opinions/2016/06/30-youth-politics-east-asia-moon

[2] KK Miller, “A Surprising Number of Japanese Youth Get Most of their Income from their Parents,” Rocket News 24, November 6, 2014.

http://en.rocketnews24.com/2014/11/06/a-surprising-number-of-japanese-youth-get-most-of-their-income-from-their-parents/

[3] Thomas Friedman, “The Square People,” New York Times, May 13, 2014.

[4] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=21xBOJeW4mw

[5] Roger Cohen, “Little Genius, Vietnamese Style,” New York Times, May 5, 2014.

[6] Nick Jepson, “The End of the Long Twentieth Century? The Rise of China and the Possibilities of a New Global Fordism,” Global-E: A Global Studies Journal, July 7, 2014.

http://global-ejournal.org/2014/07/11/vol8iss5/

William Dobson. The Dictator’s Learning Curve. Doubleday, 2012, p. 256.

[7] Murong Xuecun, “I, Too, Will Stand UP for Tiananmen,” New York Times, May 22, 2014.

[8] Andrew Ross Sorkin, “A Warning on China Seems Prescient,” New York Times, August 24, 2015.

[9] Eduardo Porter, “Political Risks May Foil Economic Reform in China,” New York Times, August 25, 2015.

[10] “Chinese Market Trends for 2014,” ICEF Monitor, March 12, 2014.

Looking at Chinese market trends for 2014

[11] Terence Tse and Mark Esposito, “Youth Unemployment in China: a Crisis in the Making,” CNBC, February 20, 2014.

http://www.cnbc.com/id/101433696

[12] Jin Cang, “Why Does Communist Party Still Appeal to Youth After 90 Years?” People’s Daily Online, July 4, 20

http://english.people.com.cn/90001/90780/7428433.html

[13] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2GIRLmYQsYAhttps://www.youtube.com/user/TheGlobalyouth/videos?view=0&flow=list&live_view=500&sort=dd

[14] http://wp.me/p47Q76-J

[15] Karen Wells. Childhood in a Global Perspective. Polity Press, 2015, p. 142.

[16] Nicholas Kristof, “Tears of a Rickshaw Driver,” New York Times, May 17, 2014.

[17] William Dobson, pp., 261-262

[18] Eric Fish. China’s Millennials: The Want Generation. Roman and Littlefield, 2015, p. ix.

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid., pp. 2014-215.

[21] Helen Gao, “Tiananmen, Forgotten,” New York Times, June 3, 2014.

[22] Helen Gao, “Why Aren’t Chinese People Reading Books Anymore?” The Atlantic, August 15, 2013.

http://www.theatlantic.com/china/archive/2013/08/why-arent-chinese-people-reading-books-anymore/278729/

[23] Javier Hernandez, “China Tries to Redistribute Education to the Poor, Igniting Class Conflict,” New York Times, June 11, 2016.

[24] Helen Gao, “China’s Education Gap,” New York Times, September 4, 2014.

[25] Adam Minter,“Clearing Skies,” Sierra, April 2015.

http://www.sierraclub.org/sierra/2015-2-march-april/feature/clearing-skies

[26] Javier Hernandez, “Study Finds Chinese Students Excel in Critical Thinking. Until College,” New York Times, July 30, 2016.

[27] Brook Larmer, “The Parachute Generation,” New York Times, February 2, 2017.

[28] Jaime FlorCruz, “School’s Out: Chinese Graduates Fight to Be Heard,” CNN, June 12, 2012.

www.cnn.com/2012/06/12/world/asia/china-college-graduates-florcruz/index.html

[29] “Emerging Nations Embrace Internet, Mobile Technology,” Pew Research Global Attitudes Project, February 13, 2014.

http://www.pewglobal.org/2014/02/13/emerging-nations-embrace-internet-mobile-technology/

[30] “Global Feminisms: Comparative Case Studies of Women’s Activism and Scholarship,” University of Michigan in Ann Arbor.

http://www.umich.ed/~glblfem/

[31] Jaime A. FlorCruz, “School’s Out: Chinese Graduates Fight to be Heard,” CNN, June 12, 2012.

http://www.cnn.com/2012/06/12/world/asia/china-college-graduates-florcruz/index.html

[32] Gillian Wong, “China Hauls Away Activists in Congress Crackdown,” Associated Press, November 6, 2012.

http://news.yahoo.com/china-hauls-away-activists-congress-crackdown-104519219.html

[33] Christopher Bodeen, “China State Media Seen Stepping-Up Anti-Western Rhetoric, Thai Visa Forum, March 3, 2015.

http://www.thaivisa.com/forum/topic/805238-china-state-media-seen-stepping-up-anti-western-rhetoric/

[34] William Dobson, p. 287.

[35] Ibid., pp. 255-256.

[36] Murong Xuecun, “I, Too, Will Stand Up for Tiananmen,” New York Times, May 22, 2014.

[37] https://freedomhouse.org/report-types/freedom-net

[38] Oiwan Lam, “Two Versions of Mao’s China,” Global Voices, January 13, 2013.

http://globalvoicesonline.org/2013/01/30/two-versions-of-maos-china-history-retouched-as-propaganda/

[39] Mu Chunshan, “How Jasmine Looks to Chinese,” The Diplomat Blogs, March 2, 2011.

http://the-diplomat.com/china-power/2011/03/02/how-jasmine-looks-to-chinese/

[40] http://skills.oecd.org/informationbycountry/chinapeoplesrepublicof.html

[41] Joel Brinkley, “Shredding China’s Gag on Dissent,” San Francisco Chronicle, April 8, 2012.

http://www.pressdisplay.com/pressdisplay/viewer.aspx

[42] Tania Branigan, “Chinese Villagers Clash with Police in Land-Grab Protests, The Guardian, April 3, 2012. http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2012/apr/03/chinese-police-land-grab-protests

[43] Economist Niu Wenyuan, cited in Austin Ramzy, “Simmering Discontent: The Biggest Challenge to Social Harmony, “ TIME World, June 7, 2012.

http://world.time.com/2012/06/07/chinas-simmering-discontent-the-biggest-challenge-to-social-harmony/

[44] James Smart, “A New Wave of Environmental Protest Rocks China,” ROAR Magazine, April 18, 2014.

http://roarmag.org/2014/04/china-maoming-px-protest/

[45] Jennifer Duggan, “China’s Choice,” The Guardian, April 18, 2014.

http://www.theguardian.com/environment/chinas-choice/2014/apr/18/china-one-fifth-farmland-soil-pollution

[46] Sophia Yan, “One Chinese Company Makes One-Third of the World’s Cigarettes,” CNN Money, November 26, 2014.

http://money.cnn.com/2014/11/26/news/china-tobacco-cigarettes/index.html

[47] http://www.trueactivist.com/china-is-combating-desertification-by-planting-a-great-green-wall-of-trees/

[48] Ian Johnson, “An Online Shift in China Muffles an Open Forum,” New York Times, July 4, 2014.

[49] http://www.whatsonweibo.com/overview-chinas-2017-top-tv-dramas/

[50] David Pierson, “China Newspaper Dispute Sparks Protest, Tests New Leaders,” Los Angles Times, January 7, 2013. http://www.latimes.com/news/world/worldnow/la-fg-wn-china-southern-weekly-protest-20130107,0,4086092.story

Video: http://globalvoicesonline.org/specialcoverage/chinas-press-censorship-protests/

[51] “A Nightmarish Year Under Xi Jinping’s ‘Chinese Dream’,” Amnesty International UK report, March 2014.

http://www.amnesty.org.uk/blogs/countdown-china/nightmarish-year-under-xi-jinping%E2%80%99s-%E2%80%9Cchinese-dream%E2%80%9D-2013-annual-report

[52] Murong Xuecun, “Busting China’s Bloggers,” The New York Times, October 15, 2013.

[53] Feng Chongyi, “The Rights Defense Movement, Rights Defense Lawyers and Prospects for Constitutional Democracy in China,” a research paper, 2009.

Click to access feng_chongyi_brief.pdf

[54] Chris Buckley and Andrew Jacobs, “Maoists in China, Given New Life, Attack Dissent,” New York Times, January 4, 2015.

[55] Edward Wong and Chris Buckley, “For China, Limited Tools to Quell Unrest in Hong Kong,” New York Times, September 29, 2014.

[56] Donglin Han and Dingding Chen, “Who Supports Democracy?,” Democratization Journal, June 4, 2015.

DOI: 10.1080/13510347.2015.1017566

[57] Eric Abrahamsen, “Han Han’s U-Turn,” International Herald Tribune, January 26, 2012.

http://latitude.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/01/26/blogger-han-han-controversy-on-democracy-in-china

[58] David Pilling, “Lunch with the FT: Han Han,” Financial Times, April 21, 2012.

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/2/3be0e84e-8896-11e1-a727-00144feab49a.html#axzz20f7m0eeI

[59] Clarissa Sebag-Montefiore, “Protests Rising Within China, Inter Press Service, July 11, 2012.

Protests Rising Within China

[60] Barbara Demick, “China’s Execution of Street Vendor Sets Off Outrage,” Los Angeles Times, September 25, 2013.

http://articles.latimes.com/2013/sep/25/world/la-fg-china-execution-20130926

[61] Nina Larson, “Activist: Ukraine-Like Revolution could Happen in China at ‘Any Time’,” Business Insider, February 26, 2014.

http://www.businessinsider.com/china-revolution-ukraine-2014-2

[62] John Poole, “Where the Girls Are (And Aren’t): #15Girls. National Public Radio, October 20, 2015.

http://www.npr.org/sections/goatsandsoda/2015/10/20/448407788/where-the-girls-are-and-aren-t-15girls

[63] Michael Caster, “A Striking Pose: Labor Resistance in China,” “Circumnavigations Ruminations” blog, May 4, 2014.

http://michaelcaster.com/

[64] Andrew Jacobs, “China Raids Offices of Rights Group as Crackdown on Activism Continues,” New York Times, March 26, 2015.

[65] http://wp.me/p47Q76-wd

[66] https://www.facebook.com/localstudiohongkong/posts/911512712220379

[67] http://www.danwei.com/photos-of-hong-kongs-anti-national-education-protest/

[68] Chris Buckley and Michael Forsythe, “Hong Kong’s Democracy Supporters Chafe at Inequality and Beijing’s Sway,” New York Times, June 27, 2014.

[69] http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/02/world/asia/hong-kong-china-democracy-march.html?emc=edit_th_20140702&nl=todaysheadlines&nlid=68143430&_r=0

[70] “Joshua Wong: The Teenager who is the Public Face of the Hong Kong Protests,” The Guardian, October 1, 2014.

http://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/oct/01/joshua-wong-teenager-public-face-hong-kong-protests

[71] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=e-Y8R57eg7Y

[72] Emily Rauhala and Hannah Beech, “The Voice of a Generation,” TIME Magazine, October 8, 2014.

http://time.com/3482556/hong-kong-protest-teenagers/

[73] Nick Hin Kin and Calvin Hiu Ming, “The Rise of Transgressive Contention by Young Activists: Recent Cases In Hong Kong,” Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1, January 2014, pp. 57-74.

http://yrc.hkfyg.org.hk/page.aspx?i=7167&locale=en-US

[74] https://www.facebook.com/search/134831859884416/photos-of

[75] Chris Buckley and Alan Wong, “Pro-Democracy Group Shifts to Collaborate With Student Protesters in Hong Kong,” New York Times, September 27, 2014.

[76] Wong and Buckley, New York Times, September 29, 2014.

[77] “Umbrella Movement,” Wikipedia

[78] http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-30390820

[79] David Pilling, “Hong Kong Protesters Seek Solace After Defeat,” Financial Times, December 12, 2014.

http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/28dbdd08-81ea-11e4-b9d0-00144feabdc0.html#slide0

[80] Suzanne Pepper, “An Independent Hong Kong,” “China Elections and Governance” blogs, March 3, 2015.

http://chinaelectionsblog.net/hkfocus/?cat=3&paged=2

[81] David Pilling, op.cit.

[82] “Hong Kong Holds First Elections Since ‘Umbrella’ Protests,” TeleSUR, November 22, 2015.

http://www.telesurtv.net/english/news/Hong-Kong-Holds-First-Elections-Since-Umbrella-Protests-20151122-0002.html

[83] Michael Frosythe and Alan Wong, “From Hong Kong Pencil Pusher to Political Firebrand,” New York Times, November 4, 2016.

[84] https://www.facebook.com/HKDemoNow

[85] https://medium.com/taiwan-now/ca727991203b

http://qz.com/191285/to-mainland-china-taiwans-student-protests-prove-that-democracy-doesnt-work/

[86] Wen Chun-hua, “Tiananmen Reflections: Interview,” Taipei Times, June 3, 2014.

http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2014/06/03/2003591899/2

[87] http://wp.me/p47Q76-J

Who Are Global Youth Activists of 2010 to 2018?

Chapter 1 Who are the Global Youth Activists?

College students in Cairo’s Tahir Square, 2011. Our interview is on YouTube.[1]

If youth meet from 10 different countries with different religions and backgrounds, they will have ideas in common, now that globalization is common and cultural boundaries are reducing. The habits include image consciousness, being tech savvy, living life for today, ignoring consequences of their actions, and being reactive. I feel most of them have complaints about restrictions on them or have problems with how their parents don’t get them right. I certainly do believe that there is a global youth [as do others].[2] Some of all youth have the same voice that is to be spread around the world so all the youth can stand together and fight against the differences. Maham, 13, f, Pakistan

Just because I’m young doesn’t mean I’m incapable.

You should take us more seriously. We want to help make decisions.

Middle school students in my 2016 changemaker workshop in California

Contents: Global Youth Activism, Creating a New Human Being, Globally Connected by Media, Generational Differences, Characteristics that lead to Activism, Educated Middle-Class Changemakers

                                                Global Youth Activism

Because of the youth revolutions in the Middle East and the Occupy movements they inspired globally, the public is becoming more aware of the new generation’s power. Forces reshaping the 21st century are youth and entrepreneurship, as Rob Salkowitz points out in Young World Rising.[3] Youth are technological innovators. Think of the young American men who started global Internet businesses like Facebook, Digg, Mozilla, Tumblr and YouTube. A much tattooed American Christian metal band called P.O.D. advocates on YouTube that their listeners “Change the World” by breaking the cycle and speaking up.[4]

Key words that characterize goals of contemporary youth activism are dignity, equality, consensus, direct democracy vs. representative democracy, fearlessness, fun, and opposition to neoliberal economics. Today’s youth tend to be particularly fearless compared to older generations even about their own lives, like Malala Yousafzai who survived a Taliban assassination attempt when she was 14 but continues her campaign for children’s education, albeit from England. Extreme examples are young Tibetan monks who self-immolate to protest Chinese rule or extremist Muslim suicide bombers.

An activist generation, they often achieve revolutionary success; for example, like-minded young people who experienced the fall of the USSR went on to lead the  “color revolutions” in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine that in turn inspired recent revolts from 2010 to the present that led Vladimir Putin to repress opposition voices. Youth may organize as the unsullied moral guardians needed to clean up older generations’ corruption and immorality like China’s Red Guards, Iran’s Basiji Revolutionary Guards (and earlier, Hitler youth). Their efforts to clean up society can lead to “spectacular excess and a politics of terror” like the Red Guards, so it’s not accurate to stereotype all youth uprisings as progressive.[5] Revolutionary governments in China, Cuba, Iran and Ethiopia mobilized youth to shake up traditions such as obedience to parents by sending them away from home to the countryside. My comprehensive list of uprisings with major youth leadership that precedes this chapter includes over 40 events since 2000.

Youth power surged globally when 26-year-old Tunisian Mohammed Bouazizi started off the democracy movement in the Middle East in December 2010.[6] The only job he could find was selling fruit and vegetables from a cart, but police hassled him about that, wanting bribes worth more than what he earned. Like other young adults in the region, he struggled with poverty, lack of opportunity, and government corruption. In frustration and desperation, he set himself on fire in front of a government building and sparked a revolution. His later death in a hospital set protests in motion that ousted the Tunisian dictator and led to a new government. Police violence is a common thread in global uprisings, serving to galvanize broader support for the protesters.

Sixty percent of Africans are under age 25, so it’s no surprise that the uprisings spread quickly to Egypt, where a peaceful revolution led by youth toppled a powerful dictator in only 18 days. The Egyptian protesters were disciplined and committed to peace, a good example for youth movements in other countries. Rather than attacking authorities with guns, they yelled profanities, shook their shoes at President Hosni Mubarak in a sign of disrespect (as happened to President George Bush in Iraq), and threw stones as defense against attacking police. However, sexual harassment of women on the street is a chronic problem in Egypt, similar to India where it is called Eve teasing, so youth can’t be put on a pedestal as paradigms of virtue.

The young revolutionaries’ success sparked demonstrations throughout the Middle East, heightened by anger over rising food prices and high youth unemployment, and youth-led uprisings spread globally. BBC reporter Paul Mason observed, “At the centre of all the protest movements is a new sociological type: the graduate with no future,” due to the global recession beginning in 2008, the public costs of looking after the elderly, and the costs of climate change.[7] The recession of 2008 motivated the uprisings because of dashed expectations built up during globalization and the spread of social media that permitted individual expression and the possibility of freedom learned from the Tunisians. Economic and political frustration plus hope, confidence, and the ability to communicate equals revolution.

Enabled by their use of technology and free social media (over half of them add online content every week), Millennial author David Burstein points out his generation has already made significant global change. “We’ve toppled dictators, helped elect a president [Obama], created social networks that have connected the world, forced businesses to adopt a social agenda broader than profit—and all before most of us have turned thirty.”[8] Burstein told me in a phone interview that Millennials have a “passion for making a difference” by building large online activist organizations such as Facebook’s Causes (the largest online activist platform with over 100 million users), Mobilize.org, Ourtime.org, and DoSomething.org. The latter claims to be the largest US nonprofit for young people and social change, with 1,425,974 million members who “kick ass on causes they care about” such as bullying or homelessness.

Michele Obama told South African youth that, “young people are leading the way,” through serving in the military, teaching in disadvantaged schools, and volunteering in their communities. Her viewpoint is backed up by a Viacom survey of 15,000 young people in 24 countries: Most (84%) believe that their age group has the potential to change the world for the better.[9] At no time in history have more youth lived under some form of democracy and has the proportion of youth been so great, increasingly the likelihood of movement away from dictators like Ben Ali in Tunisia who youth told to “get lost.”

Most academics I’ve encountered think youth leadership is widely covered simply because the role of youth in the front lines is widely known. An anonymous academic who reviewed this book attempted to list such books, but all were written before the recent uprisings or don’t actually include youth, as discussed in the introduction. It’s time to write “history from below” and include the voices of movement participants, as recognized by the editors of Understanding European Movements.[10] Some academics disdain truly global studies, preferring anthologies of in-depth local ethnographies. For example, a global studies professor who reviewed this manuscript suggested, “Focus in on one area, perhaps on your literacy work in Pakistan,” which of course escapes the theme of global youth culture among educated youth.

Generations Y and Z are unique in their global connectedness through electronic networking, which makes them more tolerant of diversity than their elders. More educated than their parents, by 2011 global college enrollment increased to 31% of young women and 29% of young men, according to UNESCO (up from 19% for both sexes in 2000). In an era when women are the majority of university students except in Africa, youth are increasingly comfortable with gender equality and ethnic differences. They will be half of the world’s workforce by 2025, defined by their passion to do good.[11] Former President Barack Obama observed, “Our young people are more educated and more tolerant, and more inclusive and diverse, and more creative than our generation, more empathetic and compassionate towards their fellow human beings than previous generations.”[12]

A global marketing study of 15,000 young people from 24 countries found what defines them is a sense of global community, tolerance, and desire to share and connect—an indication of how they’ll shape our future.[13] Shaped in their childhoods by the Great Recession of 2008, they became aware of human suffering. Their generation is also marked by fear of terrorism after the World Trade Tower bombings on 9/11/2001, the threat of mass shootings by young men, and ongoing wars. These events seen on TV lead to awareness of human suffering and the desire to alleviate it.

Tech journalist Ryan McCready countered the common criticisms of self-centered Millennials in the US in an article titled, “Millennials Don’t Suck, You’re Just Old and Hate Change.” [14] He pointed out that he and his generation innovated new ways to “live, love, and work.” He characterizes his generation as “entrepreneurial, resilient, accepting and charitable,” and able to change quickly to match the rapidly changing world around them. They have to deal with the recession and high unemployment rate double that of older people over, resulting in 20% of youth living in poverty. Oxfam reported in early 2017 only eight men (six Americans and one Spaniard and one Mexican) had as much wealth as 3.6 billion people.[15] Director Winnie Byanyima said, “Across the world, people are being left behind. Their wages are stagnating yet corporate bosses take home million dollar bonuses; their health and education services are cut while corporations and the super-rich dodge their taxes; their voices are ignored as governments sing to the tune of big business and a wealthy elite.” Pushed to be entrepreneurial by growing economic inequality, two-thirds want to start their own business rather than rise up the ranks of an established business. They create companies at twice the rate of Gen Xers and Boomers did when they were young adults. In a 2015 Gallop poll of students in grades 5 to 12, 25% reported they planned to start their own business.[16]

They’re not lazy, according to McCready. Technology keeps them always checking on work emails, but they like flexible work hours so they can balance work and life. They’re more likely to have a college degree than older generations, almost half of the graduates studied in the STEM fields, and many are burdened by large student debts. All these influences delay traditional adult actions such as moving out from their parents’ home, getting married, having children, and buying homes. They also stay home longer because many consider their parents best friends and talk daily. McCready thinks relationships are their priority, but not necessarily marriage partly because many of their parents divorced. They care more about being good parents. His statements are in fact corroborated in many of the studies cited in my global youth book series.

When young people were asked by the youth NGO TakingITGlobal about the roles they play in society, young people in all regions selected the student role as the most important, but the  “activist” role was second in Asia, the Middle East, and Africa–followed in Africa by the “victim” role in third place. Some of the ways young activists exert influence are to start projects and organizations, act as lobbyists and campaigners, promote awareness of social and environmental issues through their own media, tutor other students, and serve as volunteers and entrepreneurs.

Activista is an example of an organization with thousands of youth volunteers in more than 25 countries.[17] A global organization of young professionals called Restless Development trains young people to volunteer in their communities to reduce poverty, “improving their civic participation, livelihoods and sexual health.”[18] Many charities were founded by North American youth to help children internationally as well.[19]

In his book How to Run the World, Parag Khanna (named a Global Young Leader), predicted Generation Y will “own mega-diplomacy” because they make up the majority of the world’s population, understand faster communication, and believe in “postmaterial values such as equality and ecology.”[20] Khanna reported that 40% of college graduates say they want to “go out and change the world,” up from only 18% two decades ago. An example, Kevin (18, m) from Trinidad and Tobago would like his government to, “Enact legislation for gender equality, sexual orientation rights, harsher punishments for white-collar crimes and focus on the equitable distribution of resources.” Realistically, he asks, “Only in a fantasy world, right?”

SpeakOut respondent Roohi explains the connection between globalization and youth activism. She’s a 17-year-old from Singapore, of South Indian background:

Youth are the future of every nation. The future is in the hands of today’s youth and being firm in their beliefs is the only way a change can happen. With regards to youth and activism, globalization and the explosion in Internet users, social network users and such, it’s become incredibly easy to spread ideals, views and information to people throughout the world. Physical distance just isn’t as important anymore, what with the advent of online petitions which people around the world can sign and pledge to. Videos and photos involve youth emotionally and everyone wants to do something to save the earth or help those in need. What people don’t realize is that you can’t just sit there and do nothing. Simply caring about a cause you believe in is not enough. At the very least, spreading awareness is something everyone can do.

 The problem is, many feel that they can’t do anything if they aren’t in a position of power, or that activism and all is fine as long as your career doesn’t get affected or your chances of getting into a college. Because ultimately everyone needs to have a stable home with a paying job. Youth simply need to find the right balance and should not compromise their beliefs or what they stand for. This includes all kinds of activism, from environmental to social to political.

Being an activist can become an identity that motivates political action. Cultural studies recognize the importance of identity formation and emotions such as the common theme of anger about lack of dignity that motivated recent uprisings. Youth identities are signified by clothes, slang, symbols, and action. For example, the culture of the US peace movement by hippies in the 1960s is well-known: Photos of the famous Woodstock, New York, music festival in 1969 illustrate these styles.[21] Recent youth activists signal their identity with T-shirts with slogans or the image of Che Guevara’s face (the most popular revolutionary image), and a rubber bracelet signifying a particular cause. They flash the old V-for-Victory sign with two fingers or the new three finger rebel salute from The Hunger Game films, listen to hip-hop music, text meeting plans on their cell phones, post videos of demonstrations and police violence on YouTube, and chant “Enough.” Many protesters around the world carry their national flag, wear masks, set up tent cities in city squares, and carry vinegar or lemons to counteract police tear gas in a global culture of activism.

Youth have always been in the forefront of rebellions, partly because evolution encourages youth to band together to leave their parents and risk going out on their own. Nature needs baby birds to leave the nest. Some find group identity in their social activism with like-minded friends, particularly in universities where students can easily communicate, congregate and mobilize. “Educated youth have been in the vanguard of rebellions against authority certainly since the French Revolution and in some cases even earlier,” pointed out sociologist Jack Goldstone.[22] Human brains aren’t fully mature until around 25 so youth can be more impulsive and emotional than their supposedly more reflective elders. Not having spouses and children frees them to take risks. Seema Patel, a global development consultant who participated in a USAID Internet discussion, acknowledged their risk-taking inclinations:

Youth have power. Around the world there are reverberations of the youth fighting for democracy, political and civil rights; organizing for peace and environmental causes, leading community change. Why is it that the young are able show this kind of power over and over again? Is it because they measure risk differently than adults, is it a natural desire to grow and improve, is it because they can find their natural peer communities, is it because rebellion comes more easily?

Creating a New Human Being

BBC journalist Paul Mason believes that young rebels are a new kind of human being with new values and new technologies, different from their parents’ generation. He observes that in the youth revolutions of 2011, “We’ve begun to see the human archetypes that will shape the 21st century. They effortlessly multitask, they are ironic, androgynous sometimes, seemingly engrossed in their bubble of music—but they are sometimes prepared to sacrifice their lives and freedom for the future.”[23] Marxism taught that when the material conditions are right, a New Man and New Woman will evolve, as attempted in Cuba. Under Fidel Castro the government tried to create a socially responsible person by putting babies in group playpens and rewarding students with cleaning up after lunch and doing other acts of service. Individualism was discouraged.

Emilio, a 17-year-old activist in Argentina, explained, “So, today we’re constructing something different. And, in the process, a whole new language and new forms of expression come into being. Horizontalidad, direct democracy, sharing and . . . organizing in networks. . . .”[24] Key practices in the 12 years of direct democracy in Argentinian communes include: horizontal rather than hierarchical organizing, dignity of self-governance, importance of process, equality of women, and supportive and loving relationships. They create a new empowered person. As Greek occupiers of Syntagma Square said, “We are searching for a new kind of world through forms of struggle that we will invent ourselves.” Indignados of the Spanish 15-M uprising of 2011 advocated, “The squares should be spaces without money, without leaders and merchants, they are the seeds of a new world and the only power that they recognize is that of the assembly of your neighborhood or town.”

European countries have different descriptors for what the US calls Millennials and the UK and Australia calls Gen Y: Sweden’s Generation Curling (named for parents clearing all obstacles for their pampered children leaving them unable to cope with difficulty), Norway’s Generation Serious (fearful of terrorism), Poland’s Generation John Paul II (upset by the Polish pope’s death in 2005), Germany’s Generation Maybe (well-educated, globally connected, but unable to commit faced by many options), Greece’s Generation of 500 euros (the government salary paid to young workers) and Spain’s Generation Ni-Ni or Mileuristas (who neither work or study or learn low salaries).

Chinese call them ken lao zu, “the generation that eats the old” for living off their parents, and Japanese call them nagara-zoku, “the people who are always doing two things at once” or the Relaxed Generation who live with their parents. An Indian SpeakOut youth reported he hears his peers called Generation Next in reference to their entrepreneurship. Others call them Generation Terror because they grew up after 9/11and the war on terror, Echo Boomers because they have some of the same values and large size of the Baby Boomers, or Generation Debt ($1.3 billion student debt) in the US and Generation [high] Rent in the UK and Australia where young adults fear they won’t be able to buy a house and have to pay high rents. Millennials in the US are referred to as the Ben Franklin Generation because they’re cautious investors rather than big spenders.[25]

                                     Globally Connected by Media

Most of the 25,000 World Youths surveyed in 2010 expressed satisfaction with “the age in which I live,” especially Indian young people.[26] People ages 16 to 29 have a “new consciousness” that they sometimes refer to as the “hive mind,” brought about by globalization’s electronic communication that creates a “global flow of emotions.” Resonance and viral infection are words used to describe how culture and the style of uprisings spread around the globe. Describing what shapes their identity, youth reported that their global humanity (81%) is more influential than their nationality (70%), ethnic group (53%), or their religion (43%). Education and profession are most important influences shaping an individual’s personal identity, especially in emerging countries.

New issues brought by globalization that impact young people are a global economy that quickly responds to an event like a fall in the Chinese stock market, the hidden economies of trafficking in drugs and people, environmental pollution, global media and ICT, the declining power of the nation state and the increase in transnational ideologies such as Islamic fundamentalism or the horizontal direct democracy youth movement.

The editors of the journal New Global Studies explain their purpose and indirectly mine in writing this series about global youth who are ignored by scholars:

Only comparatively recently has human global self-awareness broken through the confines of scholarly specialization, and begun to enter the everyday popular life, action, psyche, imagination and consciousness on a mass, global scale….These efforts tend to be piecemeal and specialized, staying within particular disciplinary boundaries. This journal exists to address the process going on around us as a whole, and developing over time. It addresses globalization with a holistic perspective.[27]

International leaders of AIESCE, the largest global university student organization, advocate democratic regional organizing by youth because, “Youth have a role in developing innovative new solutions that will change the global landscape and focus on more globally relevant solutions.”[28] AIESCE points out that of the world’s seven billion people, only about 10% live in the West. This fact is highly relevant to increasing youth concern with global issues due to the rise in the cost of food, and scarcity of water and climate disruption. These scarcities cause discontent in developing countries, similar to causes of the European revolutions of 1848. The youth-led uprisings of the 19th century shared information with their new media–newspapers. AIESCE advocates that youth must come to the forefront with their new media because: “These future leaders have immense potential to mobilize the masses, and be the major stakeholders and policy makers of the future, and cross generational divides.”      

As an example of this leadership, tracing the transnational production and selling of t-shirts in a global economy, international finance professor Pietra Rivoli’s Travels of a T-Shirt in the Global Economy (2006) explored how college student activists have pushed manufacturers to embrace environmental responsibility, such as by making shirts with organic cotton and using wind-powered spinning mills. Thus globalization and youth activism can be a positive force for change or destroy local traditions.

Globalization leads to blended cultures and new youth identities. Youth use music and clothing styles to form subcultural identities, sometime in opposition to dominant culture, like punks or bikers. This global youth culture movement is called “liquid modernity” by Polish scholar Zygmunt Bauman in his book with that title (2000). The documentary Nalini by Day, Nancy by Night (2005) explorescall centers where Indian telemarketers attempt to come across as American, showing the hybrid effects of globalization, as does Remote Sensing (2001), a video about women sex workers who are trafficked across the globe. Other examples of globalization, the Chicago Bulls basketball team is popular in Brazilian slums and in African villages. Hip-hop music is sung in local languages around the world in opposition to some Muslim clerics who teach that modern music is sinful, and consumption of American fast food is popular with local variations. I’ve seen McDonalds and KFC in most countries I’ve visited.

A large survey of “World Youth” reported that in most countries, a majority of youth believe that what happens in the world has an impact on their lives, with the exception of young people in Finland, Romania, Morocco, Israel, and India.[29] Another sign of their international outlook, youth are more likely than their elders to trust the UN and other international organizations. Mandred Steger refers to this consciousness of belonging to a global community as the “global imaginary.” The visual symbols of this international perspective are explored in his Visual Archive Project of the Global Imaginary.[30] Founded in 2009, it “explores the interplay between visual culture and globalization.”

The editor of the World Youths study predicted that youth’s global consciousness will replace class and national consciousness, perhaps leading to a Western-influenced humanist “cosmopolicy.”  However, case studies contradict his conclusion, such as a study of middle-class young Jat men in India found they were ambivalent about being part of a global middle class, as they identified with the qualities of their caste and lineage as farmers.[31] They contrasted their pragmatism and masculine strength with Westernized urban upper classes they referred to as “silver spoons” who they didn’t wish to emulate. This male pride in being macho limited Jat young women’s ability to be involved in student politics.

Zbigniew Brzezinski, former National Security Advisor to President Jimmy Carter, pointed out in 2010 that for the first time in human history mankind is politically informed and aware of global inequalities and lack of equal respect for other humans. People yearn for human dignity in what he called a “global political awakening” sparked by American imperialism and global mass communication.[32] Dignity was in fact a frequently used word in youth uprisings after 2010. Brzezinski warned that youth in the Third World are especially restless, impatient and resentful, concluding that the youth bulge is a political time bomb threatening the global hierarchy headed by the US. Students clustered near colleges in developing nations and connected via the Internet are enabled to foment change. Brzezinski accurately predicted, “Typically originating from the socially insecure lower middle-class and inflamed by a sense of social outrage, these millions of students are revolutionaries-in-waiting.” He added that their “physical energy and emotional frustration is just waiting to be triggered by a cause, or a faith, or a hatred,” which did occur in the Arab Spring that began in Tunisia in 2010.

Brzezinski pointed out that the global political leadership has become much more diversified with the rise of Asian powers and the decline of the European powers, and thus more complex without control by one superpower like the US. The Global Trends 2030 report by the US National Intelligence Council predicted that Asia will become the world’s superpower with China being the top economic power, with India also in ascendency.[33] Thus we need to listen to and learn about Chinese and Indian youth in particular.

 Parag Khanna predicts that the future will be led by a coalition of efficient public and private partnerships of governments, NGOs, international agencies, and corporations engaged in regional diplomacy. He points out that companies are half of the 100 largest economic entities in the world, and eight of the ten largest currency reserve holders are based in Asian countries, shifting power away from western governments. Examples of the new non-governmental diplomats are the World Economic Forum, the World Social Forum and the Clinton Global Initiative.

A proliferation of media sources makes youth aware of the lies and moral failings of political, religious, and business leaders. Accused of being moral relativists and narcissists, Millennials see that opposing claims of moral truths can’t be trusted so they do tend to look at values as an individual choice. For the same reason, they don’t trust large institutions such as government or religious groups, although they want their governments to take action to improve education and alleviate poverty. Instead, they trust and value individual relationships with family and friends. They can be called the Egalitarian Relationship Generation, as elaborated by Sneha (16, f. India), “Our generation mostly values friends higher than family, which has both positive and negative sides. We also know how to live and not just merely survive. But in that process we have lost all the worth we had for health and wealth. We also don’t know what real love is.”

The Pew Research Center surveyed over 1,000 tech experts about what the effect of “hyperconnected” young people will be by 2020. Over half of the experts (55%) think young people’s brains are wired differently, able to “supertask” and access Internet information to answer “deep questions.” The other experts think the ICT effect reduces ability to do deep thinking and relate to people face-to-face, creating a generation impatient and wanting to be entertained by instant gratification.[34] However, almost 4.4 billion people don’t have access to the Internet, most of them in developing countries.[35] Also at least 1.8 billion Web users live in countries that censor the Internet.

The Pew Research Center reported that Millennials have fewer attachments to religious and political organizations, but connect with friends and affinity groups through social media.[36] Half of them describe themselves as political independents, 29% are not members of a religious group and they’re generally less trusting of others by much higher percentages than in older age groups. Although less economically advantaged than previous generations at the same age and less likely to be married, they’re optimistic about their futures. When asked to describe their generation, the most frequent responses were hard-working, idealistic, compassionate and self-reliant.[37] They’re more self-critical than other generations, more likely to say they’re self-absorbed, wasteful and greedy.

Global media enables young people to be inspired by innovators in various countries. Lainey (14, f, Maryland) said, “I’m influenced by global media by seeing people supporting things they care about, and that’s what I want to do. I want to stand up for what I believe in.” Kamakshi, a young Indian law student (17, f) told me, “Global media is the only means to stay aware of what is going on 100 miles from us. It is the lifeline in today’s world. Being an Indian, I’m still excited about the presidential elections in the US. Global media is the best way of staying connected.” Our interview is on The Global Youth channel on YouTube.[38]

From Pakistan, youth leader Hassan (18, m) observes,

I think the society today is getting vibrant. The media has come in play which is helping a lot in spreading awareness about global issues such as women’s empowerment, less violence, political awareness, etc. People have access to each other; due to technology we get to know about the whereabouts of each other. People want to see a change in the country. For that change, the youth is the key. When I meet new young people, I see a hope in them. They’re so thoughtful, full of energy and abilities.

Youth spend much of their time with peers in school now rather than with family and elders, while ICT also spreads new ideas. Anna (18, f, Ukraine) observed, “My generation is more technologically addicted and less determined by the future. We live in the world where anything can happen and the opportunities are unlimited, the information is spread in a finger snap. The previous generation takes more time to adjust and make a decision, therefore it makes them less flexible.” Globalism spreads media almost everywhere in a “space-time compression” enabled by ICT.  Yuan, a Chinese SpeakOut student, grew up watching US media. As a graduate student in Finland, he observed,

“Finland is very Americanized. So many TV shows they know like Grey’s Anatomy, America’s Next Top Model, CSI, South Park, and Once Upon a Time.

With globalization and migration, narrow categories like class and developmental stage are modified, as global media creates more fluid and mixed influences on youth combined with local culture. This dialogue between global and local traditions is what scholars call hybrid, creole, bricolage, transnational, and hyphenated cultural influences on youth identity.[39] The “glocal” approach looks at local influences interacting with the message of global culture–be a consumer. Youth are often innovators, bringing global popular culture to their local networks. They adopt and initiate new global trends in their localities, such as hip-hop music that originated in African American neighborhoods in New York City sung in their local language.[40]

SpeakOut student Kaoutar (28, f, Morocco) observes generational differences in globalization:

My generation is more open-minded with an international vision basing on national thinking. In contrast, my parents’ generation were nationalists limited to their family and to the interests of their native country. Today, we are living in an era of globalization, a world where everything is in a constant changing and everything is possible. Thus, we are in the obligation to adapt our lives, present and future, to interact with the whole world and all generations by respecting them but also by expressing our own ideas without any fears.

                        We are in a period of time where everything is going fast, our lifestyle, education and also communication. Our generation is powered by new technologies, used to be connected instantly without any barriers. We are enjoying easier and more comfortable lives and appreciating our parents’ moral and financial support. Thus, my parents’ generation had harder lives impacted by wars and crisis.

Some scholars focus on intersectionality of influences on youth identity and culture, drawing from feminist intersectional methodology and its recognition that identities are shaped not only by gender, but also by race, nationality, sexual preference, age, religion, and so on. Australian scholar Rob White points out that recent sociology of youth recognizes that youth identity is complex, malleable, multiple and hybrid.[41] Hybrid is the word most frequently used to describe youth subcultures. My photograph of a graduate student in Upper Egypt illustrates hybrid influences: she’s wearing four layers of hajib, makeup, and a shirt that reads “A Sexy Dress: Spiral Girl Products.”[42] A short video also illustrates this point showing western and Indian influences on fashion choices in New Delhi.[43]

While global influences affect the lifestyles of youth everywhere via ICT and the expansion of the middle class and its aspirations, local environments color these trends. Regional differences are influential such as the power of clans and militias in Libya, the economic power of the military in Egypt, organizational strength of labor unions in Tunisia, anarchist history in Spain, Greek debt crisis, and privatization of education in Chile. The West defines adulthood as being independent from one’s parents, while in more traditional cultures the married couple lives with the husband’s family and individualism is discouraged. German professors Ulrich Beck and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim argue for a “cosmopolitan sociology” instead of a universalistic general one, to analyze “a multiplicity of global generations that appear as a set of intertwined transnational generational constellations.”[44] Generational differences, a comparison of Gen Z and Y, very young activists and a large and poor generation are discussed on the book website.[45]

Another cause of global hybridization is the number of young migrants: In 2013 28.2 international migrants were ages 15 to 24.[46] UNDP reported that 32% of all international migrants are under age 30. Some flee war- or gang-ravaged countries in the Middle East, Africa and Central America in the largest refugee crisis since World War II. Amnesty International reported that over 65 million people were forcibly displaced by fall 2016 and most are housed in developing countries. Some young migrants are part of the brain drain from countries with high youth unemployment, such as in southern Europe. Many other young people attend schools and universities in other countries, especially numerous are Chinese and Indian students. Youth are around 20% of international tourists. Migration can be liberating for girls (46% of migrants ages 15 to 24) who are able to escape early marriage and other constraints.[47] Migrants usually remain close ties with their country of origin and convey information back and forth. Some scholars see migration as “ a kind of social movement that contests nation states, national boundaries, identities, and inherited privileges.”[48] Migrant squatters, like those in many European cities, represent a “new kind of cosmopolitan disobedience.”

Characteristics that Lead to Activism

Impatient

 As Atharva, 13, m, India, observed, his generation is “more fast-paced and can understand problems and situations quickly.” “Young people are increasingly driven and empowered change agents, working to make positive noise,” stated Ronan Farrow, the first director of the Global Youth Issues Office in the US State Department. He characterized young people today as impatient, unfocused, risk-takers, brash and disobedient—the traits that lead to change: “Sometimes we act like the rules that don’t apply to us.”[49] A young Bulgarian protester, Pencho Dobrev agreed youth are impatient, “We have to stand up because our parents were sleeping. . .  They were just happy they could listen to the Beatles without going to jail. We are not as patient as our parents….We want change now, not tomorrow.”[50] Egyptian activists told me the same thing about their parents sleeping. The question is can they not only overthrow dictators but organize lasting egalitarian societies?

Three years after the Egyptian revolution, discussion of a generation divide emerged, with elders wanting stability and tradition in the person of General el-Sisi, elected president. Some view their peers as seduced by their love of speed to act irresponsibly, as Marwan (17, m, Egypt) said, “The generation of my parents is used to doing things the hard way and having a sense of responsibility, but my generation wants the fast, easy way to get what we want, and few of us have a sense of responsibility.”

Reactionary old politicians called youth hooligans and terrorists while appreciative elders called them the miracle generation that toppled Egypt’s President Hosni Mubarak in only 18 days. He referred to them as “noble youth” in his last speech to the nation. A teacher held up a sign in Spain’s Plaza del Sol demonstration in 2011 that read: “The young took to the streets and suddenly all the political parties got old.” Brazil’s president Dilma Rousseff, a former Marxist guerilla, said Brazil had a “historic opportunity” to harness the energy from the youth-led protests in 2013 and that it was her duty to “listen to the voice of the streets.” Some disrespectful youth responded with a Twitter hashtag “Shut up Dilma.”

Young people want to be heard and they want progress to happen quickly, being used to quick results on the Internet. Comfortable with the fast pace of change, they fault adults for their lack of adaptability, as Vishwa (17, m, India) said: “The changes in the world are much faster right now than ever before. I wish that adults accepted them faster without so much hesitation and get accustomed to the newer ways of life faster.” Millennials are scornful of slow-moving bureaucratic hierarchies. There’s no General or Command Center on the web and group consensus or peer recommendations are often valued over credentialed experts.

Some of these characteristics of defying authority and impatience with slow-moving bureaucracies may be true of any generation of young people; some of the free speech and anti-war activists of the 1960s no doubt settled into staid and conformist lives as they got older. However, this generation’s access to electronic communication is unlike that of any previous generation and gives them a broader worldview. They expect open discussion of social issues. Indian revolutionary Gandhi explained that dictators require fear and tacit consent in order to rule, while Millennials are often brave and willing to defy authority as they do in uprisings, graffiti, music and blogs. Taiwanese students carried signs telling the president “You suck” and Egyptian graffiti and tweets said “Fuck Mubarak,” followed by the same insult to Presidents Morsi and el-Sisi. Even one-party China faces daily uprisings and protests as people use proxy servers to bypass censors and access the Internet to discuss problems like corruption, pollution and rural land grabs.

Egalitarian

Representing the most egalitarian generation, a panel of young Global Shapers at the World Economic Forum in 2012 emphasized the need for equity, seen on a video.[51] Khue (16, f, Viet Nam) stated, “We tend to pay too much attention to difference in religion, nation, race, etc., but I think basically we are all the same with similar needs and desires.” Surbhi (17, f, India,) wants to work for “women and the working class because people treat them like animals and not humans.” Frank, a California college student, says his generation will do better than past generations; “We’re connecting multicultural networks of diversity in working together to progress into a more tolerant, knowledgeable and informed society.”

A Romanian youth leader, Maya Saud, tells us youth can bring peace and tolerance:

Young people are eager to make right what has gone wrong with previous generations. Everywhere you look, youth from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds come together in harmony and friendship. They shatter the taboos that older generations have instilled in so many of our minds and form bonds that are truly unbreakable. What is missing, however, is the necessary investment in young people and the political will to make this happen.

… we do not spark wars and conflicts… we do not create contempt between the ‘haves and ‘have nots… we do not increase economic inequality, suffering, and devastation. We are the resource that does the very opposite. Utilize the youth for the sake of our collective future. Allow us to create a global environment where dialogue and mutual understanding are preferred over the destructiveness and terror of conflict.[52]

In the 1960s the slogan was don’t trust anyone over 30, while young people today are not ageist and like the elders they know personally. A TIME magazine cover article about US “Generation Me Me Me” made an interesting connection: “Because Millennials don’t respect authority, they also don’t resent it. That’s why they’re the first teens who aren’t rebelling. They’re nice and not even sullen.” As media star Tavi Gevinson (she’s the popular teen editor of Rookie, an Internet girls’ magazine) said, “There’s not this us-vs-them thing now. Maybe that’s why Millennials don’t rebel” in the US. However, Millennials are less trusting of people in general and of their managers at work–only 32% said people can be trusted and they report being less happy in a survey of over 25,000 young professionals in 22 countries.[53] They grew up in a risky world with financial insecurity, terrorism, and media scrutiny of leaders’ foibles.

Sarah Jameel, also 11, started her youth activism in Sri Lanka to help organize after the tsunami. At age 15 she started a community service project to meet the UN Millennium Goals to end poverty and a year later she initiated the first anti-smoking campaign based on fashion and social media. Jameel listed 17 other global teen activists who are part of We are Family Foundation’s Global Teen Leaders.[54] She countered the argument that Millennials are narcissists, saying her generation is “open-minded, liberal, self-expressive, upbeat, and overtly passionate about equality.” She views their special traits as skill in multi-tasking, being tech-savvy, wanting recognition and instant gratification, and team-players who want transparency and to know their opinions are valued. Based on her activism, she advised teens not to be afraid to question leaders, to be okay with being different, volunteer, work with local politicians to make change happen on the ground, and be humble even if fame follows.

Playfulness is another characteristic of the Millennials. An irreverent humor follows from not being impressed by authority and hierarchy, which also manifests in much swearing in informal speech. US Second Wave and Third Wave feminists conflict over this frequent use of profanity (more in my book Brave). However, the Yippies (Youth International Party) of the 1960s also used guerrilla theater, public pranks, and absurd manifestos about how to put LSD in the water supply or levitate the Pentagon. At the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago they nominated a pig for president. As Chelsea Clinton observed of Millennials, digital natives believe that can and should try to change the world; they’re more likely to take risks than their elders and be egalitarian. “They are also determined to have fun, and I think that makes the work more sustainable for them and more infectious for others.” Clinton added, “Everyone I know is a feminist.”[55]

Some question if youth are any different from 1960s rebels and whether they are in fact creating a new political process. Pew Research Center’s many studies of US generations that do find major differences. Take Pew’s “How Millennial Are You?” quiz to see some differences.[56] I scored low because I don’t have a tattoo or piercing other than my ears, I read newspapers, my parents stayed married, and I’ve recently contacted a politician.

Spanish Professor Raimundo Viojo compared the anti-globalization movement of the 1990s to contemporary uprisings: “Back then our model was to attack the system like a pack of wolves. There was an alpha male, a wolf who led the pack and those who followed behind. Now the model has evolved. Today we are one big swarm of people.” [57] “Hive” is another frequently used word.

One of many generational differences is the more equal role of women in current activism, especially prominent in the Black Lives Matter movement started by queer black women activists. Professor Michael Kimmel told National Public Radio that most of his students have a friend of the opposite sex, in contrast to 25 years ago when only about 10% of his students had such a friend. Radical student groups in the 1960s were infamous for relegating young women to clerical work and the bedroom. When Stokely Carmichael was asked in 1964 about the position of women in SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) he infamously answered “prone.” A few alpha males ran the show, while today leaderlessness is valued. The Free Speech Movement was associated with Mario Savio in Berkeley and Tom Hayden led SDS (Students for a Democratic Society). Now feminist media stars rarely represent organizations like the National Organization for Women, but have popular blogs (Tavi Gevinson) or TV shows (Lena Dunham) that bring fame. An exception is actor Emma Watson, a spokeswoman for UN Women, who is very influential with young people, as stated by many members of her feminist book club on Goodreads. Within a month of launch in 2016 Our Shared Shelf attracted 100,000 members.

Millennials are creating a new paradigm of decision-making. Brazilian environmentalist and politician Marina Silva told a Bioneers Conference in 2012 that youth are creating a new activism Their belief in equality helped elect the first African American president in 2008 and 2012, as well as progressive senators like Elizabeth Warren, and helped pass state legislation legalizing same-sex marriage and marijuana with multi-centered leadership, frequently passed from one person to another. Millennials in the US are not engaging in traditional politics, more interested in direct connection locally, according to a survey of over 1,000 college students called “Government By and For Millennial America.”[58] The students value expansion of participatory democracy by including citizen input into budgeting and public financing of campaigns to reduce the influence of lobbyists on elections. The focus on local organizing is typical of current activism that aims to find cracks in the capitalist system rather than aiming to overthrow the vast economic structure.

When he was 24, David Burstein finished writing Fast Future about Americans born from 1980 to 1994. He spent six years informally interviewing hundreds of his peers in the US. He got started in activism as a producer of the video Generation 18 used to motivate young people to register to vote in 2008. He found that Millennials are pragmatic idealists and activists. Unlike the Boomers, they’re not ideologues, revolutionaries, or anti-authority. He believes, “This generation has an entirely different approach to leadership, marked by openness, collaboration, pragmatism, a healthy distrust of ideology, and idealism.” He told me in a phone interview that their activism is less visible, with fewer public marches. He traces his generation’s patient practicality to realism learned from growing up in an era when rapid change is the only constant, when institutions and authority are collapsing and disaster follows disaster, both environmental and social. Kevin (27, m, California), a college student who critiqued this book, disagrees with Burstein; “What I’ve consistently seen in my generation is that they ARE extreme ideologues, who, being privy to such incredible ICT and thus being better able to understand what is wrong and how they are being duped, are LESS, not more, willing to accept anything less than their idea of a perfect world.”

Adam Smiley Poswolsky, another Millennial author, wrote The Quarter-Life Breakthrough (2014), saying his generation isn’t motivated by money, but rather by the desire to make the world more “compassionate, innovative, and sustainable.” Because of their Internet activity, educated youth know about global problems and care about human poverty and suffering. It takes confidence to stand up to authority so their training in self-esteem by their parents and teachers gives them courage to rebel.

Many of these educated youth believe their generation will do a better job than their passive or materialistic parents in an era when 21,000 children die each day because of lack of food and poverty-caused illnesses.[59] Comparing generations, Rahul (15, f, India) observed, “Our thoughts are totally different; our thoughts are wider and very much advanced. Adults’ thoughts are becoming worse and worse; until we can change their thoughts, the country can’t develop. But, some people think that we’re greedy for money and leaving our families behind to go away for jobs and money” in the world’s largest diaspora at 16 million people, mostly young.[60] (The UN estimates the world’s total of people who live in a country where they weren’t born is 224 million.)

Altruistic

Although Millennials are criticized as entitled and self-centered, Khue (17, f, Vietnam) observes that her generation extends its altruism globally because of the Internet: “I actually see more and more people about my age being so committed to helping others and saving the Earth. This is the difference that the Internet and globalization has brought to my generation. We spread our concerns to other places that might be unrelated to us.” Generational expert Neil Howe observed about Post-Millennials or Gen Z that their Gen X parents emphasize developing “emotional intelligence and being very sensitive to the needs of others.”[61] A 2015 survey of nearly 7,700 Millennials from 29 countries confirmed that they “make doing good part of their lifestyle.”[62]

Michael (16, m) attends a Catholic boys’ school in Ethiopia. He plans to be a cardiologist because his grandmother died of heart disease. In an example of global communication, he quotes African-American comedian Eddie Griffin who he paraphrased in the following:

Some people say Jesus is the messenger and some say it is Mohammed. I say, who gives a concern who the messenger is; did you get the message? The message is not to do onto others what we don’t want them to do on us, and for us to choose our own path, but to never intervene in others. The law of nature supports it, for every action there is a reaction. Thus, I wish to roll over the positive road and see the outcomes.

AIESEC, the largest association of global university students, surveyed 160,292 global youth, 55% female, most ages 16 to 24, which they summarized in a 2016 YouthSpeak report.[63] The large survey backs up my conclusion that youth today are altruistic and that educated young people share similar attitudes globally. A majority of the respondents volunteer (56%), except in Asia (46%) and Western Europe and North America (45%). The highest volunteer rates are in MENA and Latin America (68%). If they were paid to anything, three of the four responses are altruistic: teach, help, build, and travel. Ten percent plan to work for an NGO in ten years (especially for peace and justice causes and that’s the cause they’d most like to work for as a volunteer abroad). However, only 5% predict they will be working for a “social start up” in ten years.

Asked what motivates them most in life, the AIESEC students answered in this order: family, purpose, love, friends, and financial success– spiritual values were in 13th place. Asians put achievement in fifth place, Africans put it in fourth place behind financial success and MENA put it in third place; while Western Europeans and North Americans put purpose in fourth place, and Latin Americans put sense of contribution in fourth place—the most likely to help others. As to their most trusted sources of information, parents and relatives were close behind professors, followed by friends. (Pragmatic, their main reason for going to college is to gain useful knowledge and skills to prepare them for a career.)

Young people are globally minded. When asked what is most important to in the five years after graduation from college, global opportunities was number one followed by opportunities to learn. Some regional differences showed up: Asians most wanted challenging work and Latin Americans and Western Europeans and North Americans wanted constant learning. They’re much most likely to predict they’ll be working for a multi-national corporation in ten years (26%) than a national corporation. In order to grow personally and professionally, they would most like to be part of an exchange in another area followed by the altruistic selection of volunteering in second place (Asia was the exception with study tours in second place and volunteering coming in third). However, over half didn’t know about the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. The exception was African where 60% knew about them.

Their most important UN goals are to insure quality education and reduce poverty, typical responses for global youth. Western Europeans and North Americans put protect the planet in second place rather than poverty and Africans put poverty as number one goal as usual Their two top sources of information are global—Facebook and Google. TV and Internet news were in third and fourth place, followed by friends. Africa was different in that TV and Facebook were the top sources of information and in Western Europe and North America Internet news was in second place rather than Google. Only 5% don’t have a smartphone and only 1% don’t have a mobile phone. The regions that most often report they “live on my smartphone” are Western Europe and North America and Central and Eastern Europe, but 20% thinks this practice is harmful.

In the AIESCE survey young people are optimistic as 68% think their society will be better in 15 years. The most optimistic are Africans and Eastern and Central Europeans, perhaps because they have farther to go, and the least hopeful are Western Europeans and North Americans. Their biggest fears about the future of the world are lack of humanity, war, climate change, lack of resources and corruption. Although youth are usually accused of being apolitical, in response to a question about who has the strongest ability to influence society, government is the top response (36%), followed by youth-led organization (21%) and individuals (17%). MENA respondents have most faith in youth organizations (32%), while Latin Americans and Western European and North Americans selected businesses in second place. AIESEC advocates that leadership is the fundamental solution to world problems, encouraging young people to “ drive positive societal change.” Asked about their role-models for leadership, the most popular eight men and two women are in this order: Nelson Mandala, Barack Obama, Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Steve Jobs, Malala Yousafzai, Vladimir Putin, Angela Merkel, Pope Francis and Bill Gates. Respondents believe a great leader has passion, responsibility, confidence, determination, courage, vision, empathy, and care.

A survey of more than 25,000 Millennials in 22 countries confirmed that they are altruistic, like to learn, and don’t separate work and life.[64] We can be hopeful about the young generation and our future, according to SpeakOut responses. Although they’re accused of being narcissistic (see my summary of the research[65]), overly confident and materialistic, youth want to be known for doing good. Accused of being co-opted by consumer propaganda that equates happiness with buying things and experiences, my surveys and interviews reveal that to the contrary, many young people are inspired to volunteer and help others. Few regard making a lot of money as a top goal, a finding duplicated in many studies. Their exposure to global media makes them care about global issues, as Gunveen, 13, states in India, “Global media makes us look to the world as a global village wherein all of us know the conditions and the difficult and different ways in which people live.” Also Shreya (13, f, India) gives specific examples: “Due to the help of global media lots of awareness get created like of TB, female infanticide and corruption.”

Youth altruism is the most compelling finding in the quantitative summary of the 12 open-ended SpeakOut questions. When asked about their life purpose, the top responses are altruistic, in this order: do good works and make the world better; worship God (more often mentioned by Muslim youth); help family; followed by a tie between help my country and be happy. Boys are slightly more likely to mention their personal happiness and to not to know their life purpose and girls are more likely to mention personal growth. 

Although SpeakOut kids (age 12 and younger) also value doing good as their main purpose, they are less altruistic than teens, more focused on their own well-being. They aim for work success, happiness, and to grow as a person. In contrast, teens didn’t mention their own successes in their top responses except for happiness as a tie for third and fourth place. It’s no surprise that as children get older they are able to think more abstractly about religious concepts and the well-being of others.

SpeakOut students from developed nations rarely mentioned helping their country, unlike students from developing and emerging countries. Few from developed countries mentioned helping their parents, perhaps because they don’t think they will need help, as elders are better off economically than youth in developed countries. More of the youth from developed countries didn’t know their purpose and mentioned their own happiness as a goal. Youth from emerging nations were more likely to mention their career success but youth from all three types of countries put good works as their main purpose.

In regards to SpeakOut students’ career choices, three out of four of the most popular jobs are altruistic, in this order: medical, business, teaching, social work and other helping professions. These were the most popular choices for girls with business in fourth place, while business is on the top of the list for boys who were more likely to mention technical and blue-collar jobs like engineering or being a soldier or an athlete. Girls are more interested in careers in the humanities, such as being a writer, artist, or entertainer. Of the 600 teens surveyed for a 2013 HealthFocus International study, 60% believe that it’s up to their generation to save the planet. As a SpeakOut girl said, “I would change the system that is running Bangladesh. I would give more priority to the new and the youth of today so that they are actively involved in changing the country. They are today’s change makers and it is WITH them I would like to change my country” (Tamanna, 17, f, Bangladesh). Because of their altruistic impulses and communication skills, as well as their large numbers, youth need to be included in policy decisions and trained to be a force for good.

When MTV asked over 1,000 13 and 14-year-olds in the US what they would name Generation Z, they picked the Founder Generation.[66] The endnote includes a video of a panel of teens discussing the topic. Runner-up terms were in the same vein: bridge, builder, regenerator, and navigator generation. The teens said that while Millennials were disruptive “of the existing framework of race, gender and sexuality equality” 90% of the Founders want to “build a better world” and 91% are optimistic they can achieve this goal. Diversity will be valued in the new world as they’ve learned from the Internet to understand and care about people from different backgrounds and since 2011 a majority of the Founders have been people of color. They said their generation doesn’t feel “pressure to stick to a mold of who they should be” (79%). MTV researcher Jane Gould reported they have “a stunningly intuitive sense of the changing times they’ve been born into and the huge opportunity to make new history.”

High school student Bernabe Carmacho wrote on Medium.com that stereotypes that adolescents are lazy, dumb, selfish, apathetic and disengaged from politics aren’t true and serve as an excuse not to make progressive change and to continue to suppress young people.[67] Carmacho pointed out that teens volunteer in organizations for social justice, the environment, and technological innovation and use social media to spread awareness about civil rights for immigrants, children, women and LGBT people. He mentioned the revival of the 1960s group Students for a Democratic Society in 2006 when two high school students contacted a Baby Boomer member and formed chapters at high schools and colleges.[68] The 2015 Millennial Impact Report surveyed over 1,500 young employees (born from 1980 to 2000), reporting that only 30% didn’t volunteer and 31% volunteered over 10 hours a week.[69] Team-oriented, 65% were more likely to volunteer if their coworkers participated.

University of California Professor and former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich said in 2015 that in his 40 years of teaching he’s never seen as galvanized a group of students, concerned about public service although cynical about politics. I heard many scornful remarks from SpeakOut students in various countries that they don’t respect do-nothing rich celebrities like Paris Hilton. Polls by The Harvard Institute of Politics found youth voting surged, many are volunteers, and “they want to make the world a better place.”[70] Harvard focus groups indicated, “They want to do more than just vote. They want to be part of a campaign. Sanders was the first one since Obama to tap into that.” Harvard pollster John Della Volpe reported, “Conversation is how you build a relationship with these young people. You empower them, ask them to volunteer, then you can ask them to vote.”

Young people have altruistic aspirations, as these two English young people with different immigrant parents (from Sri Lanka and India) told me: “I know I will do something great one day, something to help humanity, at least I hope so” (Kalwane, 20, m). Rhea (11, f) says, “I think my purpose is to be worthy and prove to be different than some of the people before us, such as writing a book or making an inspirational speech or movement and generally being a person that people of all ages know the name of and look up to.” Her desire to be famous for her contributions is typical of her generation that grew up in a celebrity culture that reports endlessly on famous stars, but they want to be famous for doing good.

Their altruism shapes their career goals. US pollster John Zogby reported 85% of Gen Y (he calls them First Globals) want work that makes a difference and 71% want to work for an employer that supports social responsibility, much higher percentages than other age groups.[71] The Global Shapers survey of over 1,000 members in 2015 garnered responses from 125 countries, with the most from Latin America and the least from China. Their mean age was 28 and 60% of the respondents were male. When asked what are the most important things they look for in a job, they altruistically said the opportunity to make a difference (65%), opportunities to learn (51%), with career advancement (40%) in third place.[72] Surveys and interviews with over 25,000 Millennials from 22 countries published in What Millennials Want From Work (2016) by Deal and Levenson indicated that most (97%) believe it’s important to work for an employer that shares their values and only 29% they report that their pay rate is important, partly because of concerns about debt (especially in Singapore, the US, UK, Russia and Italy). They want work to be interesting and altruistic. Most (92%) say that making the world a better place is at least somewhat important to them and 88% value involvement in community work.[73] A majority believes their employer is a good community citizen. Millennials from the 22 countries want to learn about the global situation so they can help, more focused on international issues than older generations. Many expressed they would like to travel to and work in another country.

Deal and Levenson explained that Millennials are viewed as entitled because they believe they should be able to voice their needs and suggestions even as entry-level employees who want to improve their team performance and they want work-life balance. However, they feel employers often contact them after work, one-third work more than 10 hours a day, and almost one- third observe they would be viewed as less dedicated if they take advantage of a work-life program. The Millennials aren’t different from older generations surveyed in thinking they deserve the best, but they are less happy and more irritable, and less trusting of people.[74] Only 39% predict their quality of life will be higher than their parents’ live; the most optimistic young workers live in Russia, South Africa, Singapore and Mexico.[75]

Kevin (18, m, Trinidad) is an example of a thoughtful and caring teen. He is taking a gap year trying to find an affordable university abroad because the local college is poor quality (our discussion is on YouTube.[76]) He’s an independent thinker because he got practice standing up to authority being an agnostic in a Catholic secondary school. He lives in a third world country, he says, with development lagging due to not emphasizing infrastructure, health care and education in development plans. He thinks that the governments of Barbados and the Cayman Islands do better with less poverty. Kevin was able to observe what policies work and what does not through his various travels by the age of 17. He attended the Global Young Leaders Conference in Austria, Czech Republic and Hungary in 2012 where he represented his nation discussing key issues such as water conservation, social development and diversification of key industries. He traveled across England and France for several weeks to further his multicultural skills.

Kevin believes it’s not wrong to have ambition and want to be successful as long as it’s accompanied by other goals. If money is your aim, so be it, but have another goal to actively make things better. You’re not a monster because you want to be wealthy, but that alone is not going to take you through life. Success is a multi-faceted achievement. He’s done community work for the past five years. His Catholic high school had a mandate that students should get involved by their junior year, not just because a blank would look bad on university applications, but because of the lesson of giving without receiving anything in return. Encouraged by his mother, he’s worked with the mentally challenged youth, animals, and on environmental conservation. Kevin said the biggest take-away is the enhanced perspective that occurs when placing your feet in someone else’s shoes, something that you can’t simply get from the news. Through his various volunteer positions he realized physical interaction and human touch makes a world of difference. So while it can be helpful to sign an online petition, it’s more important to use your own two hands to bring about results. Simply “liking” or “sharing” a story on social media does not instantaneously result in physical improvement of an individual’s life, whereas face-to-face communication can make a big difference.

Kevin thinks the world has probably never been worse off in terms of the ratio between how much we are aware of environmental issues and how little remedial action we take. Further he thinks that despite the continued widespread notion that people’s actions don’t have consequences on the environment, hope remains because, “If you don’t remain hopeful, you’re screwed.” He thinks that over several generations there will be a chance, albeit a small one, that we will be able to clear up global problems if we learn from past mistakes. He points to positive models, such as Scandinavian economic equality, US free speech, and London’s blend of different races and nationalities cohabiting.

Educated Middle-Class Changemakers

The uprisings are motivated by middle-class youth’s dissatisfaction with their employment opportunities and the rising cost of living, along with dissatisfaction with corrupt governments. When prices rise, riots often occur. A study of social protests from 2006 to 2013 reported that the majority of protests occurred in high-income countries with a coalition of youth, older people, and the middle-class, unlike previous protests led by unions and working-class activists.[77] Most young protesters are middle class and well-educated, according to Australian youth studies researcher Andy Furlong.[78] Globally, 31% of females and 28% of males are enrolled in higher education,[79] (while about 8% of boys and 13% of girls are illiterate.[80] Illiteracy is highest in poor developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and South and West Asia.) Middle-class young people, called the urban precariat or netizens, are the ones who most often have the opportunity to get an education and access the Internet, either at home or in Internet cafes. The coping techniques of low-income youth who live in urban slums are explored in Lost Youth in the Global City (2014).[81]

It’s important to emphasize that 87% of youth live in developing countries. To begin to correct the “data gap” about global youth caused by too “narrow a line of inquiry,” three organizations sponsored a 2014 report on The Global Youth Wellbeing Index in 2014.  Researchers drew from data representing almost 70% of global youth that revealed a large majority of youth aged 10 to 24 experience low levels of wellbeing. They reported that current data on youth is “often incomplete, inconsistent, and uncoordinated across sectors, institutions, countries, and regions.”[82] The report acknowledges some data is compiled by the World Bank, WHO, UNESCO, and the Institute for Health Metrics and Evaluation, etc., but there’s a “lack of sufficient age-disaggregated data or coverage.” Sample sizes are often small and narrow, only asking about a topic like consumer behavior or political opinion. The report recommends deeper-dive case studies to add to knowledge about youth development from a systems’ viewpoint.

Estimates are that by 2025 the numbers of people with a daily income of $10 per day or more will grow by two billion, with 70% of the growth coming from the global South.[83] The emerging middle class will look for the least expensive purchase rather than brands and quality that influence more “mature” markets in the North. China is well situated to supply the demand for cheap consumer goods, such as manufacturing the motorcycles used by youth in Cameroon to be taxi drivers or couriers.

Youth activists are generally older teenagers and in their early 20s who tend to mobilize at their schools or universities, as occurred in Iran after the overthrow of the Shah, Apartheid South Africa’s Student’s Movement, in Quebec’s Maple Spring and in Chile since the Penguin Revolution of 2006. Although scholars of international relations often view children and youth as apolitical due to their low voter turnout, and lack of interest in established political parties,[84] young people are often in the vanguard of political campaigns such as Latin American uprisings against dictators in the 1930s through the 1950s, US Civil Rights and anti-war movements from the 1950s to mid-1960s, and Mexican student uprisings in 1968.

Milja Jovanovic, the only woman in the inner circle of Otpor, the rebel group that ousted their Serbian dictator in 2000, reported, “We were middle class, we had enough money to sustain ourselves, or our families supported us. We didn’t need to go out to work to buy food or pay for electricity. I think that was really important because otherwise we couldn’t have committed to Otpor 24 hours a day like we did.”[85] This educated class of young activists includes Muslim jihadists who come from the new middle class or wealthy families like Osama Bin Laden’s and the English-speaking Saudi terrorists who attacked the World Trade Towers in 2011.[86] They feel humiliation and loss of dignity due to Western incursions such as fighting wars and funding Israel in the Middle East, and are able to utilize ICT to recruit other jihadists.

The 2017 Deloitte Millennial Survey of almost 8,000 full-time employees in mostly large companies, likely well-educated, from 30 developed and emerging countries asked about their top concerns.[87] Overall, the top issue is political conflict and tension (56%), while in emerging markets they are more likely to worry about crime/corruption (58%) and hunger, health, and inequality (50%). Overall, the second concern is about terrorism (29%), followed by unemployment at 25%. They realize that automation will bring major changes to their workplaces and a majority (51%) think they will need retraining. All these concerns revolve around feeling insecure. They have most hope about making change locally in advocacy groups and local companies; 88% say business has a positive impact on the world around it, with the highest agreement in emerging markets. Most (65%) rejected the “new agenda” of divisive radical political leaders in favor of gradual change and “straight-talking.”

The majority of middle-class youth live in urban areas where traditions are shaken up by the confluence of new ways of living. Many of the uprisings took place in urban squares and parks, part of the “right to the city” movement. Henry Lefebvre coined the term in his 1968 book of the same name, Le Droit à la Ville. Marxist geographer David Harvey says the concept refers not only to accessing urban resources but the collective right to change the “processes of urbanization.” Reformers look to digital technology to bring more citizen participation in “smart cities.” The mayor of Calgary in Alberta, Naheed Nenshi (born in 1972) includes technology to create a “culture of constant citizen-focused improvement,” drawing ideas from the Global Agenda Council on the Future of Cities report on the Top 10 Emerging Urban Innovations.[88]

Middle-class kids around the world grew up in small families being taught to have self-esteem, and to view themselves as special. In a survey of global 20-year-olds by the International Youth Foundation, one of the top concerns was not being heard. “The leaders don’t listen to us,” wrote Mainuddin in Delhi, India. Pooja, also in Delhi, said, “I wish my parents would try to understand and listen to me better.”[89] SpeakOut respondents I interviewed made similar comments.                        The current generation of young people is uniquely situated to be effective changemakers. The largest and best educated generation is able to share support and information globally because of easy access to the Internet for educated youth. The current wave of youth-led uprisings started in the Middle East, the focus of the next chapter.

Chapter 1 Discussion Questions

1. Define globalization. Make a pie chart showing how much of what influences your beliefs and lifestyle identity is influenced by local, national or global influences. You could include religion, music, style, media including the Internet, advertisements, ethnicity, class, race, gender, age, urban or rural, region and sexual preference. If an anthropologist looked at you without hearing you speak, could she tell where you live? Do you agree or disagree with Yara’s attitudes about a connected global youth generation? What is meant by hybrid culture and modernity?

2. Do you think a New Woman and Man can be created as youth establish direct horizontal democracies? Do you see evidence of a “new global dynamic emerging” or not? Look at themes in online images of the “global Imaginary” which the curator says are one of the most powerful agents of social change.[90]

3. Do you observe that young people you know are more likely to be Generation Me or We? (More about this topic in Ageism in Youth Studies.) Or do you think there aren’t significant generational differences?

4. Youth today are described as brave and their parents as asleep. Do you think generational differences are unique because of historical circumstances, or do you think development stages to adulthood is a more accurate way of describing Generation Y and Z? What commonalities and what differences do you see in youth activists?

Activities

  1. Since Millennials are accused by Professor Jean Twenge of being more narcissistic than previous generations (not born out by other studies) take the NPI narcissism test.[91]
  2. Also take Pew “How Millennial are You?” Inventory[92]

Films

1. See Mongolian films about rural beliefs and lifestyle.

Mongolian Ping Pong. Boys find a ping-pong ball in a creek and think it has magical special powers. 2005

The Cave of the Yellow Dog. A girl finds a puppy but her father won’t let her keep it. 2005

The Story of the Weeping Camel. A family of nomadic shepherds raises a white camel calf. 2004

  • Watch In America: an Irish immigrant family comes to live in a tenement in New York City, told from the point of view of the little girls. Compare with life in a slum in a developing nation. 2003
  • Read India in a Time of Globalization: A Photo Essay by Indian Youth, edited by Barbara Cervone, Next Generation Press, 2008. Bangalore and Delhi high school students took thousands of photos and did 50 interviews to explore how India is changing.

4. See the Norwegian hit web and TV series, Skam, about teens in Oslo. They cope with anxiety, coming out, sex, school, drinking, religion, etc.


[1] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VB9FJhSsHYs

[2] A survey of American youth also found that they feel more in common with members of their generation in other countries than with older Americans. Eric Greenberg. Generation We. Pachatusan, 2008.

[3] Rob Salkowitz. Young World Rising: How Youth Technology and Entrepreneurship are Changing the World from the Bottom Up. Wilely, 2010. Salkowitz describes case studies of young entrepreneurs, including developing nations.

[4] www.youtube.com/watch?v=CHNi2F-qBZMThe

http://www.payableondeath.com/murderedlove/pod/

[5] Wells, p. 157.

[6] ALcinda Honwana. Youth and Revolution in Tunisia. Zed Books, 2013.

[7] Paul Mason. Why It’s Still Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions. Verso, 2013, p. 66.

[8] David Burstein. Fast Future: How the Millennial Generation is Shaping Our World. Beacon Press, 2013, p. xviii.

[9] “The Next Normal,” Viacom Media Networks, 2012. This market study claims to be the “broadest single study of Millennials to date” and the first “truly global portrait.” Analyzed 15,000 youth ages 9 to 30 in 24 countries.

http://www.viacom.com/news/Pages/newstext.aspx?RID=721468

[10] Christina Fominaya and Laurence Cox, eds. European Social Movements. Routledge, 2013.

[11] Jean Case, “The Business of Doing Good,” Forbes Leadership, June 18, 2014.

http://www.forbes.com/sites/jeancase/2014/06/18/millennials2014/

[12] “How World Leaders Brought Youth to the 71st UN General Assembly,” un.org, office of the Secretary-General’s Envoy on Youth, October 2016.

http://www.un.org/youthenvoy/2016/10/world-leaders-brought-youth-71st-un-general-assembly/

[13] “The Next Normal,” Viacom Media Networks, 2012. Surveyed 15,000 young people ages 9 to 30 in 24 countries.

http://www.viacom.com/news/Pages/newstext.aspx?RID=721468

[14] Ryan McCready, “Millennials Don’t Suck, You’re Just Old and Hate Change,” Venngage, May 17, 2016.

[15] “Just 8 Men Own Same Wealth as Half the World,” Oxfam, January 16, 2017.

[16] http://www.gallup.com/services/189926/student-poll-2015-results.aspx

[17] http://www.actionaid.org/activista/who-we-are

[18] http://www.restlessdevelopment.org/globalstrategy

The organization has offices in India, Nepal, Sierra Leone, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, UK, US, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.

[19] http://wp.me/p47Q76-4B

[20] Parag Khanna. How to Run the World: Charting a Course to the Next Renaissance. Random House, 2011.

[21] http://time.com/3506707/peace-love-music-and-mud-life-at-woodstock/

[22] Jack Goldstone, “Youth Bulges and the Social Conditions of Rebellion,” World Politics Review, November 20, 2012.

http://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/12507/youth-bulges-and-the-social-conditions-of-rebellion

[23] Paul Mason. Why It’s Still Kicking Off Everywhere: The New Global Revolutions. Verso, 2013, p. 152.

[24] Marina Sitrin, ed. Horizontalism: Voices of Popular Power in Argentina. AK Press, 2006.

[25] Adam Hanft, “The Stunning Evolution of Millennials: They’ve Become the Ben Franklin Generation,” Huffington Post, August 11, 2015.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/adam-hanft/the-stunning-evolution-of_b_6108412.html

[26] Dominique Reynié, ed., “World Youths,” Fondation Pour L’Innovation Politique,” 2011.

http://expeng.anr.msu.edu/uploads/files/83/2010%20Youth%20leadership%20in%20a%20Globalized%20World%20Survey.pdf

[27] Nayan Chandra, Akira Iriye, Bruce Mazlish and Saskia Sassen, eds. New Global Studies. www.degruyter.com/view/j/ngs

[28] Terence Edward Paupp, The Future of Global Relations, Palgrave-Macmillan, 2009. He concluded that regional organizing will shape the future, as US power declines:

Regional economic organizations (such as ASEAN), regional security organizations (such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization), hybrid regional formations (such as the European Union), and regional powers such as China, India, and Brazil have all challenged Washington’s preeminence alliance against the U.S. Global Empire.

http://www.fpif.org/articles/review_the_future_of_global_relations

[29] Dominique Reynié, ed., “World Youths,” Fondation Pour L’Innovation Politique,” 2011. Electronic survey in 2010 by TNS Opinion of 25,000 youth born between 1981 and 1994 in 25 countries, plus 7,714 respondents aged 30 to 50

.http://expeng.anr.msu.edu/uploads/files/83/2010%20Youth%20leadership%20in%20a%20Globalized%20World%20Survey.pdf

[30] the-visual-archive-project-of-the-global-imaginary.com/visual-global-imaginary/

[31] Craig Jeffrey. Timepass: Youth, Class and the Politics of Waiting in India. Stanford University Press, 2010, pp. 174-175.

[32] Speech to the Council on Foreign Relations, Montreal, May 2010.

Author of Strategic Vision: America and the Crisis of Global Power (2012).

[33] Global Trends 2030, Center for the Study of Intelligence, 2012.

http://www.dni.gov/index.php/about/organization/national-intelligence-council-global-trends

[34] Janna Anderson and Lee Ranie, “Millennials will Benefit and Supper Due to their Hyperconnected Lives,” Pew Research Center, February 29, 2012.

[35] “The Web and Rising Global Inequality,” Web Index, December 2014.

http://thewebindex.org/report/#1._executive_summary:_the_web_and_growing_global_inequality

[36] Bruce Drake, “6 New Findings About Millennials,” Pew Research Center, March 7, 2014.

http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2014/03/07/6-new-findings-about-millennials/

[37] “Generation Gaps,” Pew Research Center, September 2, 2015.

http://www.people-press.org/2015/09/03/most-millennials-resist-the-millennial-label/9-2-2015_02/

[38] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gElZoNG7ph0

[39] Mary Bucholtz and Elena Skapoulli, “Youth Language at the Intersection: From Migration to Globalization,” Pragmatics, Vol. 19, No. 1, 2009, pp. 1-4.

[40] Mary Bucholtz and Elena Skapoulli, pp. 1-16.

[41] Rob White, “Climate Change, Uncertain Futures and the Sociology of Youth. Youth Studies Australia. Vol. 30, No. 3, 2011.

[42] https://www.facebook.com/160382763986923/photos/a.297709890254209.81594.160382763986923/297906770234521/?type=3&theater

[43] http://www.nytimes.com/video/fashion/100000002722846/paris-fashion-16th-arrondissement.html?playlistId=100000001775830

[44] Ulrich Beck and Elizabeth Beck-Gernsheim, “Global Generations and the Trap of Methodological Nationalism For a Cosmopolitan Turn in the Sociology of Youth and Generation,” European Sociological Review, Vol. 25, No 1, 2009, pp. 25-36.

[45] http://wp.me/p47Q76-wu

[46] “Youth Migration: Facts and Figures,” Global Migration Group, 2014.

Click to access 4._Chapter_1.pdf

[47] #YouthStats: Globalization and Migration,” Office of the UN Secretary-General’s Envoy on Youth”

http://www.un.org/youthenvoy/globalization-migration/

[48] Pierpaolo Mudu and Sutapa Chattopadhyay, eds. Migrations, Squatting and Radical Autonomy. Routledge, 2016.

[49] Leah Garchik, “Ronan Farrow Making Mark as Diplomat at Young Age,” San Francisco Chronicle, May 16, 2012.

http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2012/05/16/DD6N1OHRE6.DTL

http://blogs.state.gov/index.php/site/entry/empowering_youth_change_agents

[50] Diego Cupolo, “Sofia Protesters Reorganize,” Occupy.com, August 15, 2013.

[51] http://www.weforum.org/videos/future-across-generations-annual-meeting-2012

[52] Maya Saoud, a member of the UN advocacy team of Pax Romana and a student at Fordham University, August, 2010.

http://icmyo.wordpress.com/2010/08/15/the-international-year-of-youth-dialogue-and-mutual-understanding/

[53] Jennifer J. Deal and Alec Levenson. What Millennials Want from Work: How to Maximize Engagement in Today’s Workforce, McGraw-Hill Education, 2016, p. 63.

[54] Sarah Jameel, “Being an Inconvenient Youth,” Medium.com, May 8, 2014.

[55] Lynn Sherr, “Chelsea Clinton Leans In,” Parade Magazine, April 6, 2013.

http://www.parade.com/2340/lynnsherr/chelsea-clinton-leans-in/

[56] http://www.pewresearch.org/quiz/how-millennial-are-you/

[57] Tito Drago, “Spain: ‘Indignant’ Demonstrators Marching to Brussels,” Global Issues, July 30, 2011.

http://www.globalissues.org/news/2011/07/30/10689

[58] http://www.scribd.com/doc/124297537/Government-by-and-for-Millennial-America

[59] “Today, Around 21,000 Children Died Around the World,” Global Issues, September 24, 2011.

http://www.globalissues.org/article/715/today-21000-children-died-around-the-world

[60] Somini Senguptal, “Indian Diaspora is World’s Largest at 16m: UN,” The Times of India, January 14, 2016.

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/world/us/Indian-diaspora-is-worlds-largest-at-16m-UN/articleshow/50569762.cms

[61] Conor Dougherity, “App Makers Reach Out to the Teenager on Mobile,” New York Times, January 1, 2016.

[62] “The Deloitte Millennial Survey 2016”

http://www.bing.com/videos/search?q=emma+watson+speech+to+un&view=detail&mid=783E1EFD5D764FA6C7E6783E1EFD5D764FA6C7E6&FORM=VIRE2

[63] http://youthspeak.aiesec.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/05/YouthSpeak-Preliminary-Findings-final.pdf

[64] Jennifer J. Deal and Alec Levenson. What Millennials Want from Work: How to Maximize Engagement in Today’s Workforce, McGraw-Hill Education, 2016.

[65] http://wp.me/p47Q76-5z

[66] “Meet the Founders,” @MTVinsights,

http://mtvinsights.com/

Diana Bradley, “The New Influencers,” PR Week, February 2016.

http://www.prweek.com/article/1379310/new-influencers

[67] Bernabe Camacho, “What is Stopping the Youth?” Medium.com, August 30, 2015.

[68] http://www.newsds.org/p/test-page.html

[69] “The Millennial Impact Report 2015”

http://www.themillennialimpact.com/research/

[70] “Young Voters, Motivated Again,” Editorial Board New York Times, February 21, 2016.

http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/22/opinion/young-voters-motivated-again.htm

[71] John Zogby, “Understanding Millennials, the Future of America,” Tulsa World, September 8, 2014.

http://www.tulsaworld.com/opinion/readersforum/john-zogby-understanding-millennials-the-future-of-america/article_c8c7d964-1b5f-5bc7-a76b-98724c577eed.html

[72] http://www3.weforum.org/docs/Media/GSC/GSC_AnnualSurvey15.pdf

[73] Deal and Levenson, p. 31, p. 74

[74] Deal and Levenson, p. 56

[75] Deal and Levenson, p. 87

[76] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CznSTb4ed94

[77] Isabel Ortiz, et al., “World Protests 2006-2013,” Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, September 2013.

Click to access World_Protests_2006-2013-Executive_Summary.pdf

[78] Andy Furlong. Youth Studies. Routledge, 2012, p. 222.

[79] http://www.prb.org/pdf13/youth-data-sheet-2013.pdf

Population Reference Bureau, “The World’s Youth 2013 Data Steet.”

[80] Adult and Youth Literacy, UNESCO, 2013. http://www.uis.unesco.org/literacy/Documents/fs26-2013-literacy-en.pdf

[81] Jo-Anne Dillabough and Jacqueline Kennelly. Lost Youth in the Global City. Russell House Publishing, 2014.

[82] Ibid., p. 10.

[83] Nick Jepson, “The End of the Long Twentieth Century? The Rise of China and the Possibilities of a New Global Fordism,” Global-E: A Global Studies Journal, July 7, 2014.

http://global-ejournal.org/2014/07/11/vol8iss5/

[84] Helen Brocklehurst. Who’s Afraid of Children?: Children, Conflict and International Relations. Ashgate Publishing, 2006.

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[92] http://www.pewresearch.org/quiz/how-millennial-are-you/