I think as a girl I came to change the social evils that we have in this country. I would like to end the conflict, corruption, discrimination, and social norms [caste] in society. Youth are the pioneers of development of the country.
Dhankuta, 17, f, Nepal
The law should be the same for women and men, like a man can’t enter a mall in Saudi Arabia at night without a woman.
Mohammed, 19, m, Saudi Arabia
More information on the current status of women by country.[i] To help lift women and girls out of poverty, this endnote lists charitable organizations.[ii]
Contents: Traditional Sexism, Violence Against Women, Women in India–a Democracy and Future Super Power, Gender roles in a Socialist Country—China, Women in Development Programs, Women in Government, Activism for Gender Equality, Feminism, What Boys Think
I am caged in this corner
full of melancholy and sorrow …
my wings are closed and I cannot fly …
I am an Afghan woman and so must wail.
–Nadia Anjuman was a well-known poet and author, who some say was murdered by her husband–jealous of her success. (See recent photos of Afghan women.[iii])
Traditional Sexism
One person in eight on earth is a female age 10 to 24, but in many places young women can’t vote, inherit land, or go to school. They do the heavy, time-consuming, and unpaid work in rural areas like hauling firewood and water. In the 19th century, the moral challenge was slavery, in the 20th it was totalitarianism, and in this century it’s violence against women who suffer from sex trafficking[1] acid attacks on schoolgirls, bride burnings to collect more dowry and gang rape by soldiers and others.[iv]
The world’s greatest unused resource isn’t minerals, it’s uneducated girls and women, point outs out the NY Times reporters who wrote Half the Sky. Because boys are preferred In India and China, more than 1.5 million fewer girls are born each year than statistics would predict,[v] leading to millions of missing women—more than all the men killed in all the wars and genocides of the 20th century. A study found that 39,000 baby girls die in China because they don’t get the same medical care as their brothers. Even in the most advanced economies, two of three poor adults are women. Women make up 75% of the world’s poorest people. Only 1% of the world’s landowners are women. Over 500,000 women die each year in childbirth, 20% as a result of unsafe abortions. One woman dies in childbirth every minute due to lack of adequate health care. The status of women correlates with child well-being.[vi] Around 15 million adolescent girls give birth every year with higher infant mortality rates than older mothers.[vii] Most of the new HIV infections (6,000 young people every day) are girls in Sub-Saharan Africa and Asia, but teens in the US also lack information about sexual health.[viii]
The editor of the Chinese magazine Rural Women, Xie Lihua experienced bias first hand as the second girl born to her disappointed parents.[ix] Three of four Chinese women still live in the countryside, where traditional customs breed prejudice, domestic violence, and female suicide. “The rural thinking is that it’s a woman’s fault if she is beaten,” Xie said. “She’s not trying hard enough to please her master,” the term for husband. His family had to pay a dowry to buy the new couple household gifts, leading to a belief that a wife is a purchased possession. A saying is marrying a woman is like getting a horse you can ride and beat at will. Xie’s readers are country women who are given names such as Zhaodi (“looking for a little brother”) and Aidi (“loving a little brother.”) Xie says, “I encourage them to follow one simple rule: “You are yours. You are not anybody else’s.”
Traditional roles persist in developed nations too. In the US, leaders still criticize men they dislike for being weak like women. “Girlie men” is a term used throughout the years by California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger to disparage political opponents. He in turn was accused of being a sissy for not debating an opponent. General Stanley McChrystal who led the war in Afghanistan was quoted in Rolling Stone magazine as saying his “real enemy are the wimps in the White House.”[x] The double standard is found in every country. For example, in 2010, US Senator Jim DeMint (R-S.C.) said, “If someone is openly homosexual, they shouldn’t be teaching in the classroom nor should an unmarried woman who’s sleeping with her boyfriend.” [xi]He didn’t say anything about unmarried sexually active male teachers.
Some girls hold on to the Leave it to Beaver family model popularized in the 1950s.
I want to be a housewife and mother with a 50% job. Kate, 11, f, England
My mom is a lifesaver. Whenever I forget something, she’ll get it even if she is in a meeting. All I want is to have a good husband and good children and give them a good education like my mom has done for me. Elizabeth, 12, f, Belize
[Her future job] Nothing. I’ll marry a rich guy and live happily ever after.
Alex, 15, f, Sweden
I would like to change into a boy. I hate being a girl. Aisha, 17, f, Kenya
Excluded from Education
In a survey by The Global Fund for Women every aid group the organization funded emphasized that education is the engine of change to improve girls’ lives. Not just formal education, but learning how to empower girls economically, involving their mothers in educational programs, and increasing their self-worth. The girls themselves were well aware of systemic sexism; over two-thirds of the 149 girls surveyed said the most difficult thing about being female is cultural oppression against women. A girl said, “Being a female in my community, I feel really low. I have a low status because they see me as a girl who will soon get married.” Girls appreciated learning about their human rights. Once girl said, “I learned a lot about my body, society, that we women are capable and have rights.”[xii] Because of their participation in programs they saw themselves as leaders who can make social change. “Even my father asks why I want to make myself better with education. But our generation, the new generation, especially the female, we want to change the thinking.” Liza, Kabul University student, Afghanistan[xiii]
Because I’ve found a greater difference between urban and village life than urban dwellers in different countries, I wanted to hear from a rural girl. Here’s an interview with an illiterate village girl in northern Pakistan. Hassan interviewed her and translated using my questions. He explains, [1] Mashal is a person who comes to my friend’s house in Peshawar on weekly basis, cleans their home, wash dishes, wash clothes, and cleans up the house. She comes with her little sister. Her parents let her go because that way she earns a few rupees and that’s how they live off. Her father is a labor who works at a construction field, runs cement, stones, etc.
I am 18 and I belong to Tehkal [district]. I have eight siblings including seven sisters and one brother. Two of my sisters are married. We are very poor. My parents had no education. They didn’t go to school or anything, which they regret. My father earns Rs. 50 a day, which is 0.60$ a day and that is when he works from day to night. In my whole day, I am so busy in the household chores and activities that I don’t even get a single moment for me to spend free. If, by chance, I get any, I sit with my sisters and talk. Lie down in bed and do nothing.
Q2: How is your generation different from your parents’?
Ans: Actually our thoughts don’t match. They always stop me and tell me to do a specific thing in a specific way, but I get annoyed and I try to make them understand that I know my work better and I can do it. My uncles (mother’s brothers) are very strict and they try to rule us. They don’t let us go out and try to make sure we stay at home. It’s a small village so for girls to go out very often is not appropriate. Small issues can lead to disasters.
Q3: What are the major problem facing humans today?
Ans: For me, the biggest problem that humans are facing today is poverty. Poor people have no money, no food, no happiness. They can do crimes for money. I’d like to give an example from my life here. Like my very own cousin also was involved in a house robbery that lead him to jail because he would look at his master’s kids who had everything! Cars, cell phones, money, new clothes, everything! This made my cousin do robbery despite the fact that he knew it’s wrong but he couldn’t control his personal desires and went on doing it. He’s in jail today and it’s been 3 years now. He’s young and strong and was the sole earner of the family. His family is having a very hard time living these days. It shouldn’t be this way. I think government should do enough things for the poor on yearly basis so that we don’t do such crimes.
Q4: What would you do to solve this problem if you had power?
Ans: If I had power, in the other words, if I had money, I will buy food, clothes, shoes and everything for my fellow poor. I will make sure the kids go to school and get good education. I wish Allah gives me enough money so that I help the poor in the whole world. I have seen very difficult times.
Q5: How would your life be different if you were born a boy and how you would like your future to be the same or different from her mother’s?
Ans: If I was a boy, that could have settled everything for me. I would have done everything. I would go out with friends, stay outside, spend time with my buddies, play cricket, have fun, make long distance travels, make phone calls with friends. It would have been awesome. I wouldn’t just stay home, do the household chores everyday, listen to my parents complain about food, work, money, etc. I would get the most attention in the house and people would love me. Being a boy is very cool.
I want my future to be exactly like my mother’s. I love her and respect her so much. She gave me good manners. Today, no one can say that I am a bad girl because of my mother. She brought me up well and that’s why I adore her. So I’d grow up to be like her and take care of our family and live happily.
Q5: What kind of media do you use (radio, TV, Internet, cell phone?)?
Ans: We don’t have a TV or computer in the house. We just have one cell phone in the whole house. I don’t even know how to use it. I just know how to pick up a call by pressing the green button and turn the cell off my pressing the red button. I cannot even send a message. We are not too much into media. We can’t afford too much electricity and that’s why we can’t use it.
Q6: How do you think life would be different if you grew up in a city like Peshawar?
Ans: If I ended up growing in Peshawar, I’d have all the facilities in the world. Life would have been much better. I could easily go out, go to school, have friends and enjoy with them. Won’t worry about doing too much work and listen to my parents complain about food and work. It really annoys me.
Q7: Tell us about the quality of your schooling.
Ans: I never went to school. I don’t know how to read or write. I didn’t even study Quran. Life is meaningless to me.
Q8: What would you like in a marriage partner? Will your parents arrange your marriage?
Ans: I would like my marriage partner to keep me happy, don’t scold me, agree with what I say, respect my thoughts, my mother-in-law to love me and take care of me. I just want both families to get along well and spend a happy life. I want to take some rest and don’t want more miseries in the world. I want him to be understanding and understand me, my emotions. That’s all!
Yes, my marriage is arranged. My engagement was done last year after Ramadan and Eid. I get married in the next 6 months. The name of my fiancé is Yousaf. I don’t even know how old he is. I just saw him once and that was when his family came to ask for me. I talked to him thrice on phone but never in person. That’s all the interaction I had with him. But my parents did ask me before saying yes and I had no other option than saying yes, so I am happy the way life is. Yousaf’s family wants gold and expensive clothes in the marriage. My parents make Rs. 50 a day. How can we even think of gold? Let’s hope Yousaf understands the situation and make his parents understand and compromise. [Her additional answers to the book questions are in the endnote.[xiv]]
After reading this interview, I asked if Mashall would like to learn to read. The answer was Yes, but her mother said No, but allows her younger children to come to Hassan’s literacy classes in his home (see photos on Flickr). Hassan explained, “I talked to Mashal’s mother. She said Mashal won’t be able to join the classes because her fiancé doesn’t like her to go out very much. But her sisters would join.” I asked how Mashal felt about this: “She said her mother is right and she can’t come to class, though she so much wants to come but her marriage is more important than learning to read and write.” Because of Mashal, we set up the Open Door Literacy Project with Hassan teaching and me fundraising to pay his salary which goes for his college tuition, for Urdu adult literacy workbooks, and rickshaws to bring students from their villages.[xv]
Here’s a report from teacher Hassan, age 18:
First class went awesome. They learned about 15 pages, writing skill. It was awesome. Mashal’s sister brought her cousin (male) with them as well. So altogether it’s 7 people now. I will do different practices with them so that their writing skills develop. Seems like they can talk in Urdu [in a Pashto speaking area] but don’t know how to write or read it, so my main focus would be that. You can’t even imagine how good it feels once they learn something. Today, I showed them how to write the date as well. It was great! (See photos on Flickr)
Girls are two-thirds of the children who don’t go to school. In Sub-Saharan Africa, for example, only 17% of girls are in secondary school. In The Way of the Elders about West African traditional customs, the authors explain that the sexes are somewhat segregated, with different initiation ceremonies.[xvi] Co-educational schools can be worrisome to parents of girls, especially if far from home, lacking toilet facilities, and expensive. Women and children usually eat from one bowl and women and children from another. When a woman carries a pot of food and passes a man, she is supposed to touch the pot to the ground. Men avoid menstrual blood. The relationship between woman and man is not as important as that between their families and with their children. The purpose of marriage is to carry on the family’s lineage through the children and the final decision about whether a couple is suitable for marriage rests with the elders. (Once a date is set, dancing parties may occur every night for a month). Some men have multiple wives, which is sometimes harmonious and sometimes difficult.
“Becky,” a Chinese college student, reports that although China has a legacy of teaching from Chairman Mao that “women hold up half the sky;”
Though the government said boy and girl are equal, there still exist a phenomenon that people like boy and don’t like girl, such as in rural area, parents don’t allow girls to learn more education because they think it’s useless for girls who have high education, they make girls to do work and make boys continue to study.
Indira Ghale is one of the few college-educated Dalit (outcaste) Nepali women. Dalit women’s literacy rate is only 12%.[xvii] She answered my questions in response to issues raised in Nepali student responses she collected for me. She explained,
Not only my dad, but most of the parents in Nepal, have the belief that educating the girl child is like pouring the water into the sand. I was highly encouraged by my mum and she was my energy to go to the university, as she wants my life not to be like her. Her belief is that only the education will make the change of the people’s mind and the attitude.
In Nepal, girl children are treated as a second child in the patriarchal society. Because of the traditional culture and values, the people think girls or the women are nothing for them. In Nepal we have the saying that girls do not have to laugh, do not educate the girl, as they have to go with the man one day. According to a UNICEF report, about 5,000-7,000 Nepali girls were sold to India for brothels every year. If girls die nothing happens. But local organizations such as SAHAYATRI NEPAL are working for women’s rights.
Work
Globally women work longer hours, get lower pay, and own less property than men. The rate of women’s paid employment outside of farming increases slowly and reached 41% in 2008.[xviii] But in Southern Asia, Northern Africa and Western Asia, only 20% of those employed outside agriculture are women. In Sub-Saharan Africa it’s one third. Highly paid jobs are still dominated by men: Globally, only one in four senior officials or managers are women.[xix] Some women and girls in developing nations spend hours a day just fetching water for their families. For example, a woman who lives in a slum in the capital city of Bangladesh reports,
We spend lots of time bringing water from a hand pump about 20 minutes’ walk away.[xx] You have to queue for at least two hours to get the water. I earn between 500-1000 taka per month and I have to spend about 100 taka on water. At least we are surviving. Our biggest fear is that we get evicted from the slum by the government. Many people get very ill here and I think it all stems from the open latrines. Smell the stench, it’s disgusting. We get fevers, coughs and terrible diarrhea and there are no healthcare facilities that we can use.
Poverty often leads to cruelty.[xxi] For example, in northwest Thailand parents may sell their 12-year-old daughters into sexual slavery so they can pay for their sons’ school. Worldwide, including the US, girls are sometimes sold into slavery as servants or prostitutes without pay. (A similar practice in Haiti refers to the child servants as restaveks.) A California woman, Olga Murray, set up the Nepalese Youth Opportunity Foundation to change this practice of selling girls. It has given over 3,000 families a pig or goat if they promise not to sell their daughters to be servants, called kamlari.[xxii] The foundation also helps pay for girls’ school fees and provides families with a kerosene lamp. You can read about some of the rescued girls on her website.[xxiii] One of the girls whose father sold her at age six escaped at age 18 with the help of her brother, and a year later, Urmilla Chaudhary became the leader of the largest kamlari resistance movement. She talks on radio programs and goes door to door in villages to talk parents out of selling their daughters. She’s in fifth grade in school now and would like to become a journalist.
Violence Against Women
People feel that a girl is meant to be used—either as a doormat, a maid, a birth-giving machine or as a source of physical pleasure. Something CONCRETE seriously needs to be done to change the current scenario because now a girl does not feel safe even in her own house, let alone the streets.[xxiv] ?, 16, f, India
Normally around 105 boys are born for every 100 girl babies. In India, where millions of baby girls are aborted every year, the result is a ratio of 933 women per 1,000 men. In China, six boy babies are born for every five girls. Parents with money use ultrasound technology to learn gender of the fetus and then abort girls. Poorer parents resort to letting the girl baby’s umbilical cord get infected so she dies or abandoning her—the Indian government set up safe drop spots for these girls as you can see in photos.[xxv] Millions more girls who aren’t aborted don’t get the education and health care given to their brothers.[xxvi] This bias is found in wealthy areas as well as poor ones, such as South Korea, Taiwan, and the nations of the Caucasus such as Armenia. Sons are needed for religious rituals for their ancestors, to inherit land, and to care for their elderly parents as the daughter goes to live with the husband’s family.
The United Nations reports that at least one out of every three women around the world has been beaten, raped, or otherwise abused in her lifetime, usually by someone she knows.[xxvii] Violence is a major cause of death and disability for women aged 15 to 44 years, higher than deaths caused by motor vehicle accidents, cancer, and malaria. One in 4 women will experience domestic violence.[xxviii]
Trafficking of girls from my country to India bothers me (Megharaj, 19, m, Nepal). Slavery still occurs today with trafficked women and children kidnapped or sold by poor families to be used in prostitution and domestic labor.[xxix] The International Labor Organization believes that between 700,000 and two million women and children are trafficked across international borders every year, feeding an industry with profits estimated at somewhere between $12 billion and $17 billion per year.[xxx] How many slaves are there in the modern world? Over 12 million people are in forced labor, according to a UN agency, the International Labour Organization, including about 1 million children in Asia. The total number of prostituted children could be as high as 10 million, states the Lancet medical journal.[xxxi] A young Cambodian woman, who was sold into sexual slavery at age 16, escaped and founded an organization called Somaly Mam Foundation—her name.[xxxii] She has saved over 6,000 girls.
Zack Hunter was only 12 when he started a US-based organization called “Loose Change to Loosen Chains.” He wants to end slavery in the world. By age 15 he had written three books for youth activists: Be The Change, Generation Change, and Lose Your Cool. In the third book he asks,
Do you want to be passionate? Do you want to find a reason to get out of bed in the morning? Do you wish you were so excited about a project or a purpose that you had a hard time getting to sleep at night? We might look at Hitler’s story or the Rwandan genocide and be outraged that our grandparents and parents could have allowed these horrors to take place. But we need to stand up and take responsibility for what’s happening today – both in our individual lives and in the world. You can see him on YouTube.[xxxiii]
When the young Taliban men took over in Afghanistan (1996 to 2001), they ruled that girls and women couldn’t be educated, employed, or walk on the street without a male family member walking with them–leaving widows in a real bind. Violence against women by their husbands wasn’t punished. They also required men to grow a beard. See the movie Osama about an Afghan widow and her daughter living under the Taliban. They disguise her as a boy so they can go out of the house. In his book A Thousand Splendid Suns Haled Hosseini describes the hardships women endured under the Taliban. His book The Kite Runner tells the story from boys’ experience, as portrayed in the movie of the same name. This movie shows prejudice against the Hazara ethnic group by the ruling Pashtuns (the Taliban are Pashtun).
Even after the Taliban were overthrown in 2001, they’re still bombing girls’ schools and throwing acid at girls who attend school. Under President Hamid Karzai, legislation in 2009 allows a Shiite Muslim husband to withhold financial support if she doesn’t “submit to her husband’s reasonable sexual enjoyment.” Most women still aren’t educated and depend on their husbands.
Girls are victims of genital cutting,[xxxiv] early marriage (1 in 7 girls in developing countries is married before age 15), early motherhood, and sexual violence and trafficking that also leads to AIDS.[xxxv] In India a bride burning takes place every two hours, and thousands of girls are kidnapped and trafficked into brothels—Asia alone has about one million children working in the sex trade and kept captive like slaves.[xxxvi] According to a 2007 Indian government survey, more than 53% of children in India are subjected to sexual abuse, but most do not report the assaults to anyone. Some Indian lawyers researched crimes against women, suggesting that the total number of such killings are increasing and could be well over 1,000 every year in India,[xxxvii] and even higher in Pakistan. Men and women are organizing to prevent violence against women.[xxxviii].
Each year an estimated 2 million girls undergo some form of genital mutilation where parts of their labia or clitoris are removed. Female genital cutting is practiced in 28 African countries and parts of the Middle East and Asia. An estimated 135 million girls and women have suffered from cutting, according to CARE.[xxxix] “Honor killings” by other family members murder thousands of women in Middle Eastern and South Asian countries who are judged to have violated sexual norms. In the Middle East sexual honor leads to violence–including rape as a way to punish a girl’s family by dishonoring them and honor killings–over 5,000 a year, estimates the UN Population Fund.[xl] Honor killings happen in the US too. An Iraqi immigrant in Arizona ran over his daughter with his car because he felt she’d become too Westernized (October 20, 2009). To escape draconian punishment, Middle Eastern girls who engage in premarital sex and can afford it may have an operation to replace the hymen.
The leading cause of death of teenage girls in developing countries is complications of pregnancy and childbirth. Maternal health is one of the widest gaps between rich and poor countries. The leading causes of maternal mortality in developing nations are hypertension and hemorrhage.[xli] Only one in three rural women in developing regions receive the recommended care during pregnancy and use of contraceptives is very low in Sub-Saharan African and Oceania.
Melinda Gates stated in 2010, “Policymakers in both rich and poor countries have treated women and children, quite frankly, as if they matter less than men. They have squandered opportunities to improve the health of women and babies.”[xlii] To save the 350,000 mothers and 3 million newborns who die every year, the Gates Foundation invested $1.5 billion through 2014. The goal is to bring the problem to the forefront, as the foundation did with malaria and AIDS. Ms. Gates praised UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-Moon for designing a global action plan for maternal and child health to help achieve Millennium Development Goals 4 and 5. He commented, “We are seeing a global movement for an end to the silent scandal of women dying in childbirth.”
Old customs die slowly: A Russian proverb says, “A beating man is a loving man,” and this practice of wife beating continues. In Afghanistan and some Middle Eastern countries, it’s OK to punish girls and women who supposedly dishonor their families with acid attacks, honor killings, and executions. The Turkish movie Bliss tells the story of a teenage girl who is raped but escapes the honor killing decreed for her.
In India, where uneducated women are expected to obey their fathers then their husbands, some are rebelling against violence and injustice. When Sampat Pal was a little girl in India, her parents wouldn’t let her go to school, so she wrote the alphabet on village walls and floors. They finally did send her to school, but removed her when she was 12 to marry a man 13 years older. A year later she had the first of her five children. At 18, she started meeting with local organizations to work on women’s health issues and fight against child marriage, dowry abuse, and domestic violence. Her husband didn’t like her speaking with men but “He supports me now,” she said. She added, “There used to be a pervasive feeling of helplessness, a collective belief that fighting back is just not possible, but that is slowly changing.”[xliii]
She organized the Gulabi (Pink) Gang in 2006 to help victims of domestic violence. She told her group of women, “To face down men in this part of the world, you have to use force. We function in a man’s world where men make all the rules. Our fight is against injustice.” The group started with a few women and spread to villages throughout the northern state of Uttar Pradesh. The women use clubs and bamboo batons to influence wife beaters, rapists, and corrupt government officials to change. One of the members whose husband used to beat her reported he stopped when she joined the gang; “I learned that the more you suffer silently, the more your oppressor will oppress you.”
When a landlord raped a teenage girl, he paid the police not to investigate. The Pink Gang called the police chief and he got on the case. In 2008 the group discovered that a government shop that was supposed to give free grain to the poor was in fact selling it. The pink-clad women stopped the trucks carrying grain to the illegal market by deflating the tires and taking the drivers’ keys. They pressured government officials to get the grain to the poor. Ms. Pal also teaches women job skills such as weaving plates from leaves and sewing. (See endnote for other youth activists in the news. [xliv])
In another pink protest, when Hindu activists criticized a movie star for living with a man without being married and filed criminal suits against her for leading young people astray, the incident outraged thousands of Indian women, who responded in 2010 by collecting as many pairs of pink panties as possible and sending them to the organization behind the attack.
Model programs to reduce violence are found globally. The Guy-to-Guy Project by Instituto Promundo in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, organizes young men who live in poor areas to do outreach to other guys with a play about reducing violence against women, provide educational materials, etc. A similar group in Mumbai, India, called Men Against Violence and Abuse teaches young men through street plays, essay and poster competitions, wall newspapers, radio plays, and discussion groups.
Women in India, a Democracy and Future Super Power
Reeni, a 17-year old female student from India stated, “I want my country to ensure greater safety for women in India. Women should be able to travel and work on their own without worrying about their security. They should get respect and be treated as equals at their workplaces or even while walking on the road or sitting in a bus.[xlv]” An Indian male student, Deepak, 18, said he’d like to do away with “self-immolation,” which still is sometimes performed by young brides and widows and he also mentions the problem of slavery.
A high school girl reports,
Women’s liberation is a myth, considering the worsened condition of the fairer sex in the social setup. Though women have increased their contact with the outer world, have reached the pinnacle of success and are now at par with men in all fields, inside the homes, it is the same old story. It is women who carry out all the household. Men are not bothered at all about the extra load that women carry. Moreover, crimes against women refuse to subside. Rape, harassment, dowry, infanticide–the females have to bear it all. To add to this, the society still feels that ladies are inferior to men; it is still male-dominated society.
Since India is a BRIC nation, one of the rising economic superpowers, we need to understand if it will continue in the conservative patriarchal direction practiced by the 80% who live in villages. Or will India pick up on the dedication to equality of some of the educated elite who lives in urban areas—considered decadent and westernized by traditionalists. The three catastrophic issues facing India in this century are population explosion, the AIDS epidemic (over 2.5 million people with HIV) and female genocide—all are sex related.[xlvi] Yet sexuality is a taboo subject, despite the fact that India may overtake China as the most populous nation before 2030. Over half of Indians are under 22, childbearing age.
In Sex and Power, Rita Banerji analyzes this important question in terms of the horrifying treatment of women, which she proves fits the definition of genocide: abortion of girls, female infanticide, child brides (about 65% of girls marry before the legal age of 18), dowry murders (an estimated 15,000 to 25,000 yearly[xlvii]), polyandry where a girl is married to brothers—catching on in areas with a shortage of girls, gang rapes, honor killings, and neglect of girls’ health and education. As a proverb says, raising a daughter is like watering a plant in your neighbor’s yard. A girl is an outsider in her family of origin and her husband’s family. These cruel practices resulted in the elimination of around 50 million women. She adds that, “thousands of women who live in horribly abusive violent marriages in India would get out. Divorce, just like marriage, is a family/community decision–not an individual choice. If they got out, they would face excommunication.”
Ms. Banerji reviews the “yo-yo” history of religion in India from celebrating sexuality to abhorring it to find a precedent for gender equality and a healthy acknowledgement of human sexuality. She found a model in Tantric philosophy, based on equality and balance between female and male, Shakti and Shiva. But in modern times, sex is not discussed; even kissing in movies is unusual and very chaste.
Production of the film Water (2005), about child widows in the 1930s, was shut down in Varanasi by Hindu fundamentalist groups and the state government.[xlviii] Four years later woman director Deepa Mehta completed the film in Shi Lanka and the DVD is available in the West. Poor widow houses still exist. Girls and boys are not supposed to interact, due to the religiosity of conservative people. (Yet at the same time it’s become acceptable for girls to show flesh in beauty pageants, films, and modeling.) She concludes, “Female genocide in India is the psychopathic fallout of the socialized dichotomy of men and women and sex and the sacred, and the inability of Indian society to overcome this schizophrenic vision.”[xlix] The future is bleak because of widespread illiteracy and politicians cater to the majority religious conservatives to get their votes.
Her campaign to bring female genocide to public outrage is explained at www.50millionmissing.in, including a petition to sign. The website includes distressing comments from readers like this one[l]:
I have lost my 24-year, well-educated daughter Anshu Singh, in North East Delhi. She faced dowry death on January 2010 just after 45 days of her marriage. I have great concerns about my rest two daughters. I am in fear how to save them from this cruel world of making crimes on girls. My family is in great trauma since two months. The police are not taking pain to catch the culprits.
Ms. Banerji informed me in an email in 2010 that “young India refuses to challenge the old ideologies and traditions that have reduced women to the status of trash in this country.”
,
Within India more than 60% are unaware of the degree of female genocide in India (they know its a lot but they don’t know how many). But when they are informed of the scale they don’t doubt it. They hear about feticides, infanticides and dowry murders on regular enough basis on the news and people talking, so they don’t question the scale of it. But what is worrying is that we don’t see the reactions that we think are necessary to gear a public condemnation or rejection of the practices. So for instance outside India our survey shows responses like horror, shock, anger, etc. But within India we are not seeing these responses. And we feel that we are now dealing with is a widespread and deeply rooted psychosis.
Here is an interesting article on why women characters must be traditional on TV–taking hardship and abuse subserviently. [li] It says, “The makers of these serials say TV gives as good as it gets–women are usually appreciated by audiences as subservient, overtly loyal and moralistic or evil, conniving and home-breaking characters. Television cannot be about superwomen. It has to be about the average Indian women; otherwise it will lack identification,’ Ekta Kapoor, the creator of India’s most wanted ‘bahus’ [young daughter-in-laws are a popular soap opera story] Tulsi and Parvati, told IANS.
So yes they respect the older generations–and so customs like dowry, dowry related murders, female feticide and female infanticide perpetuate. And it gets worse every year. Old India is based on the idea of the patriarchy, which is absolute in its control, and submission of women. The old sayings are “May you be the mother of a hundred sons.” “Having a daughter is like spitting in your neighbor’s yard.” “A girl leaves her parents house in her wedding palanquin. It is only her bier that can return.” And so young India refuses to challenge the old ideologies and traditions that have reduced women to the status of trash in this country.
For example, one dowry related case that we dealt with in the 50MM campaign involved the murder of a young, highly educated woman who was working for multinational company. When her in-laws and husband continued to press for more and more money even after the marriage, she began to take out large loans through her company to give them that money. She was killed 45 days after the wedding. The same thing with female feticide. Another case we had–where this young woman doctor, whose husband was also a doctor, was being harassed by her husband and in-laws to abort her twin girls. She was not only a professional but came from a wealthy, upper class, well-educated family. She did get out, but last year she was trying to return to her husband and in-laws house because she told me, “The children must have a father.” When her baby was six-months-old the mother-in-law tried to kill her by kicking her down the stairs. She was saved because she was strapped to her cradle. So I asked the mother–how can you think of something like this? She was financially able and the children were safe and happy. She basically told me, “In our society the children must have a father and we must learn to forgive.” You may want to read the “Democratic” or modern section that I cover in my book Sex and Power: Defining History, Shaping Societies.
Nisha Singhania, senior director of Grey Worldwide India, reports a decade ago, most young women saw themselves as housewives.[lii] Later, most said they wanted to be teachers or doctors. “If they had a profession at all, it had to be a noble cause,” Singhania says. “Now, it is about glamour, money, and fame.” In the past, “As a girl, you never spoke to your parents. They spoke to you.” But today 67% of these young urban women say they plan to take care of their parents into their old age. Many plan to marry when they’re ready, not when their parents want, and 65% believe dating is a necessary preliminary to marriage. “The relationship with the husband used to be one of awe,” Singhania says. “Now, women want a partner and a relationship of equals.” Female role models in Indian culture used to convey perfection, Singhania says. Now, 62% of girls say it’s O.K. if they have faults and that people see them. Watch a short video interview with Indian women business leaders, some of whom inherited their leadership from their fathers.[liii] A business professor explains on the video that the reason for the changes is technology enables more flexible work arrangements and leads to a more gender-neutral business world. Also, the increase of smaller families encourages fathers to pass their businesses to daughters.
Women in Muslim Nations
Pakistan
Today in a lot of countries like India, Iraq, Afghanistan, and Indonesia and even in my own country, girls are given less importance than guys or considered a burden sometimes. Even in really developed areas of those countries girls are less trusted by parents. Part of it is because they are considered the honor of the family, and their respect is considered a respect of the family. And part of it is because parents in these countries give a lot more importance to what society says. Today in these countries, if a girl is raped and loses her respect, the parents who still love her as their child, force her to commit suicide for the fear of what society will say. But society never says anything to that guy who committed rape. If a family has limited resources than their son’s wishes are usually priority.
When we were young we realized in our house we sisters were given more love and rights than our brothers, which was really unusual. But I think my father was born with that kind of heart and when he saw how people hate their daughters or consider them less loveable than sons, mostly because girls increase the burden on poor parents. Their marriage requires a lot more money. And than there is a very wrong tradition of giving money and property to a daughter when she is being married. All these things forced parents to consider their daughter a burden. My father wants for a girl to not to feel herself less capable than boys and less important than boys.
Here our environment is really different. I shouldn’t go out without my dad or my elder brother with me. Society won’t think it right. And society matters a lot here, especially in a small city where I live, it matters a lot more for a girl to go out alone and I don’t want anyone to talk bad about my dad. I have been very depressed about my college plans since I’m not getting very many opportunities to go out and search, being a girl coming in the way.
Sahar, 17, f, Pakistan
I asked Hassan to film villages near his home in Peshawar. I told him I was surprised that the people on the street, the children playing, were all male except I saw two women in purdah walking down the street. Hassan explained,
I was new to the village. They saw me for the first time with the camera. The women outside quickly went to their homes because they are scared of their men and they know that they are supposed to be inside at such times. We are talking about people who are absolutely confined to their own homes and not go out a lot. I live in Peshawar and we do have some exposure to girls. For example, we have co-education here. Women go out of their homes to markets, interact in schools, colleges, universities, cafes, etc. Villages have different lives than cities.
Saudi Arabia
A college student told me about gender roles in his country:
In Saudi Arabia, the only time girls and boys interact is in pre-school. If you go to friends’ homes, boys don’t eat with girls or play together. Girls might make cookies together, make crafts, or play clapping games, and boys play sports like soccer. Girls cover their hair with hijab—headscarf. When it’s time to get married, my mother or aunt will look for a wife for me. I’d like a tall woman, not fat, from my town, who will be a good mother. My mother quit teaching high school when she had her first son. [Based on my interview] Mohsen, 19, m, Saudi Arabia
An American journalist who taught young journalists in Saudi Arabia reported on gender relations in his HBO special, My Trip to al-Qaeda.[liv] Lawrence Wright said the men are “nearly incapacitated by longing.” Some young men refer to the burka-clad women as BMO, “black moving objects.” He was “constantly flabbergasted by the lack of understanding between the sexes. I had thought Saudi women would be a force for change, but this was not really true.” There’s no civil society, nothing for young people to do but shop. He said as kind of a joke what civilizes young men is wanting to please girlfriends, but in reality it’s true segregating the sexes leads to deviant behavior and subordination of women.
Afghanistan
Women live in fear in Afghanistan. “I get threatening calls almost every day asking why I think I am important enough to work in an office,” said Fouzia Ahmed, 25, a government secretary in Kabul. “The truth is, no women feel safe here. We are always threatened. That’s why we need the eyes of the world.” When the young Taliban men took over in Afghanistan (1996 to 2001), they ruled that girls and women couldn’t be educated, employed, or walk on the street without a male family member walking with them–leaving widows in a real bind. Violence against women by their husbands wasn’t punished. They also required men to grow a beard.
Traditional Muslim practices keep women subordinate as films illustrate.[lv] Afghan men can’t talk to an unrelated woman unless engaged to her. Segregating the sexes, however, leads to perverted sexuality and pedophilia, as in the Afghan Pashtun practice of bacha baz, young boys kept as lovers by older men. “How can you fall in love if you can’t see her face? We can see the boys, so we can tell which are beautiful,” explained a 29-year-old man.[lvi] A common expression is, “Women are for children, boys are for pleasure.” Some Muslim feminists point to progressive steps taken by the Prophet on women’s behalf and look to his youngest wife, Ayisaha, whose writings or ahadith are quoted in shar’ia Islamic teachings.
See the movie Osama about an Afghan widow and her daughter living under the Taliban. They disguise her as a boy so they can go out of the house. In his book A Thousand Splendid Suns Haled Hosseini describes the hardships women endured under the Taliban. His book The Kite Runner tells the story from boys’ experience, as portrayed in the movie of the same name. This movie shows prejudice against the Hazara ethnic group by the ruling Pashtuns (the Taliban are Pashtun).
Even after the Taliban were overthrown in 2001, they’re still bombing girls’ schools and throwing acid at girls who attend school. Under President Hamid Karzai, legislation in 2009 allows a Shiite Muslim husband to withhold financial support if she doesn’t “submit to her husband’s reasonable sexual enjoyment.” Most women still aren’t educated and depend on their husbands. An Afghan woman is shown on a Time magazine cover, her ears and nose chopped off by her husband’s family because she tried to run away from domestic abuse.[lvii] The local judge, a Taliban commander, allowed it. How can we negotiate with a group who believes women don’t have rights and shouldn’t go to school? (The 18-year-old is currently being sheltered in New York City after having reconstructive surgery on her face.)
An innovative model program to train slum women to earn money was set up as part of an Indian billion-dollar aid program for Afghanistan. The training takes place in a guarded Kabul park where men are not allowed. Women and girls can take off their burqas, play on the swings, and learn organic farming, sewing, and literacy. A 19-year-old girl commented, “This is the one place that’s ours. For us, home is so boring. Our streets and shops are not for women.”[lviii] Half of all girls are married before age 16. By 2009 law, a Shia minority husband can refuse to provide food for his wife if she refuses to have sex with him, a woman must have her husband’s permission to work, and only men have legal custody of their children, as in the 19th century in the West.[lix]
Over 300 Muslim women protested in the capital of Afghanistan, April, 2009, while being called “Whores,” by some of the men who supported religious restrictions on women’s rights. The women delivered a petition to Parliament to repeal the 2009 law that permits Shiite Muslim husbands to rape their wives, requires a husband’s permission for a woman to go to school or work outside the home, and requires that if a husband wants his wife to dress up or “make herself up” she must obey. President Karzai said these requirements would be repealed after some world leaders criticized the legislation, including Angela Merkel, head of Germany.
Iran
Some fundamentalist Islamic leaders see women as the source of all kinds of trouble, even earthquakes. In 2010, for example, an Iranian cleric who leads prayers in Tehran blamed potential earthquakes on women: Hojatoleslam Kazem Sedighi explained, “Many women who do not dress modestly lead young men astray, corrupt their chastity and spread adultery in society which increases earthquakes.”[lx] A global campaign tried to prevent Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani, a 43-year-old widow and mother of two, convicted of adultery in Iran, from being stoned to death. In one day alone, 500,000 responded to an Internet call for save her.
A tourist in Iran in 2010, Sheila Collins reported to me about segregation of the sexes,
What surprised me is there is a very close bond of friendship between the boys starting at a young age. You see them everywhere–high school, college–with arms around each other, sometimes holding hands, greeting each other with real warmth and affection. According to our Iranian guide these friendships are so strong they last through adulthood. Perhaps it is because they are segregated from girls from the beginning in school, etc. I was so glad to see young people – boys and girls – sitting on the grass, on benches acting pretty much the way we did when that age. There were no duennas around to keep an eye on them. Cities were less conservative and the young women often made fashion statements out of their Jaballah’s and headscarfs. I hear rumors that things are tightening up because the ayatollahs see creeping western influence. Religion is there, that’s for sure, but many young people seem to be very much making up their own minds.
Since women led some of the Green Revolution protests, this female activism is called “the lipstick revolution.”[lxi] Women’s rights groups also organized the One Million Signatures Campaign in 2006 to change discriminatory laws against women, such as only husbands have the right to initiate divorce and have custody of their children. Men can be polygamous and have “temporary” marriages to have sex.[lxii] Dozens of women involved in the effort have been harassed, jailed or executed by the government.[lxiii] When Neda Aga-Saltan was killed by a sniper on the street while demonstrating the unfair elections of June, 2009, she became a worldwide symbol of resistance. The video of her death went viral. Other women wore Neda masks and carried signs saying “I am Neda,” as shown in a documentary about her.[lxiv] The regime made a DVD of their version of her death to try to counter its power.
Islamic extremists continue their restrictions on women. In Iran, since the Islamic revolution in 1979, the law mandates that women cover their hair and wear long coats in public. Patrols search the streets of Tehran looking for “loose morality,” meaning signs of modernism like loose-fitting veils, short coats, or being too suntanned. The interior minister developed a “chastity plan” to promote the proper covering from kindergarten on up. An expatriated Iranian writes graphic novels about growing up under the extremists: You can view some of her drawings on YouTube.[lxv] I asked Hassan why don’t men have to cover up to avoid igniting fires of passion in women? Hassan, replied, “HA HA I agree with you. This is stupid to say that men can’t control their emotions!”
Somalia
Somali writer Ayaan Hirsi Ali described in her evolution away from her Muslim beliefs in her book Infidel.[lxvi] She tells us Mohammad consummated his marriage with his young wife Ayisha when she was only nine and playing with dolls, although some Muslims say she was older.[lxvii] Ayaan was raised in her early childhood in tribal society in Somalia where her illiterate grandmother was a nomad, married against her will at age 13. The family would pack their mats onto camels and move to another place every month or so to find more water and pasture. They believed not only in Allah, but also the influence of Djinns (spirits) and ancestors. Loyalty to one’s clan was all-important. (Later, in Kenya, she observed increasing reliance on tribal affiliation and religious tradition as the government fell apart due to corruption.)
Her grandmother insisted she and her sister suffer genital cutting and the resulting pain of their future husbands breaking through the scar tissue on the wedding night without foreplay or any sex education from parents. Otherwise girls would be considered dirty, not pure and unmarriageable. A woman is supposed to be baarri, a pious slave who submits to her father, then her husband. Submission is the message girls and women get. They can’t go outside without their father’s permission and are taken from school and married off when they’re girls. Her father was a political leader who moved the family to Saudi Arabia where Ms. Ali saw her first toy at age eight. She heard the word haram—forbidden–every day. Boys and girls playing together was haram, as was taking a bus with men, or having a headscarf fall off even with no males around. The Saudi boys were in charge at home, telling their mothers and sisters what to do.
(To update haram, in 2010, religious police tried to punish three young people who appeared on an MTV show for “openly declaring sin.” On the show, one of the youths said, “We are not free to live as we like.” The episode showed how Aziz tries to meet his girlfriend for a date, unacceptable in the kingdom. “I feel great solace when I talk to her,” he said in his declaration of sin. In the same year, four women and 11 men were sentenced to flogging and prison terms for mingling at a party in the northern town of Ha’il.)
Ms. Ali’s family moved to Nairobi in 1980. In her Muslim Girls’ School, which followed British system with O level exams at the end of year 11 and A levels in year 13, some of the teachers hit the students when they made mistakes. A devout teacher warned them to beware of Western decadence: “the corrupt, licentious, perverted, idolatrous, money-grubbing, soulless countries of Europe.” However, once she learned to read English she started reading western novels she got from the library, where girls and boys were equal, like Harlequin romance novels, European fairy tales, Nancy Drew the girl detective, the adventures of Enid Blighton, the Secret Seven, and the Famous Five. In literature class they read novels like 1984, Huckleberry Finn, The Thirty-Nine Steps, and Cry, the Beloved Country.
The novels countered the traditional belief that love and sex were lowly and that love marriages were a stupid mistake that forfeited your clan’s protection if your husband left you. Without a clan protector, a girl could be raped and left to die without honor. Another example of western culture was her brother listened to “devil music” tapes of Michael Jackson that his mother threw out the window. When they visited family back in Mogadishu, Somalia, they watched Indian movies and Arab soap operas on TV.
After Nairobi, she ended up in living in the Netherlands. Her father agreed to marry her to a Canadian Somali without consulting her, just as he took another wife without telling her mother. When her plane landed in Frankfort she decided not to continue her flight to Canada to join her new fiancé. She took the train to the Netherlands and applied for refugee status. She worked as a translator, got into an excellent university to study political science, and was elected to parliament. She was critical of funding Muslim schools where children weren’t encouraged to ask questions and told not to be friends with unbelievers. Although she considers herself Dutch, she and her guards are now in the US because of extremist Muslim immigrants’ threats to her life due to her criticism of the Islamic treatment of women and children. Her partner in a film about this topic, Submission, was killed by an extremist so Dutch authorities took threats to kill her seriously. (As an update, in the Dutch election of 2010, the anti-Islam party called the Freedom Party did its best finish with 24 seats out of 150 parliamentary seats. The winning VVD party continued a European shift to the political right by advocating cuts in government spending and limiting immigration.)
In the US in 2007, Ms. Ali set up the AHA foundation to help protect and defend the rights of women in the West against militant Islam.[lxviii] She warns against excusing crimes in the name of tolerance of cultural differences:[lxix]
Feminists need to be wary of the celebration of “cultural diversity” unless they want to inadvertently celebrate polygamy, child-marriage, marital rape, honor killings, wife beating, selective abortion of female fetuses and other traditions that are now legitimized in the name of culture. . . Westerners run many aid programs in non-Western nations. Most of these programs are value-neutral, and pose no challenge to the cultures of recipient nations. That must change.
A hopeful note is a 2004 film, The Syrian Bride, about the complexities of life on the border between Israel and Syria. The sister of the bride is an Arab woman who lives in a traditional Druze village in the Golan Heights occupied by Israel. She had raised her children and wants to go to university to be a social worker. Her husband doesn’t want her to go, telling her the villagers will say, “Your wife wears the pants. You’ll shame me, people will say I can’t control my wife.” At the end of the film she walks away from a family gathering for the wedding, on her own, implying that she will attend university.
In Lemon Tree, 2008, the same actress, Hiam Abbass, played a Palestinian widow who refuses to allow the Israeli government to cut down her lemon grove when the Defense Minister moves next to her. The actress grew up in a village and reported that her own father doesn’t think acting is an acceptable profession, but she does it anyway. Some Muslim nations are changing: A Jordanian young woman with a master’s degree, Nebaal Mhade emailed me: “The old imperative that the girls stay at home, this thing was old, in the meantime, the girls compete with men in all areas of work and just the opposite, it is now becoming the pride of her family.”
In another part of the world, China is the only country with a tradition of independent female mosques, with their own ahong, or imams, to lead prayers and teach the Quran to women.[lxx] A young Algerian activist also brings home for the winds of change:
I have been involved in political work since my adolescence -then an elected municipal councilor and member and spokesperson in several international bodies and committees. I am currently working for International NGOs in Maghreb Region, willing to see some progress made for women and within their daily lives.
These past experiences and my day-to-day work as a political official and leader in Algeria have taught me numerous important lessons: As a woman in a male-dominated society I have to live under a double standard, constantly being forced to do better work than the other(s) (men) in order to defend my position, while being constantly discriminated against for what I think, say or do because I am a woman. This painful experience nevertheless has provided me with the necessary self-esteem and self-assertiveness that is crucial to possess in order to make a difference in society. Algeria must abandon its discriminatory Family Code, adopted in 1984, even though amended in 2004, which has relegated women to the status of legal minors. Kahina, ?, f, Algeria[lxxi]
Gender roles in a Socialist Country–China
I want to become more docile and cute. Dong Mei, 14, f, rural China
I want to be a boy, as they can walk in strides, speak loudly or laugh loudly. All in all, they are free to do everything. Red Apple, 16, f, rural China
“Chinese woman hold up half the sky” comes from Mao, but the leading star of the feminism movement was his wife Jiang Qin, a very ambitious woman. She caused a stir in China, a main character of the Cultural Revolution. After the Revolution the feminism movements still went on and were very effective. Some say all Chinese women should thank her.
But the thing is not about law or any organization. It’s about mind, about perception. The feudal ideas die hard. Some of women don’t know they are treated unequally, they think it’s natural as the way it is. They follow the feudal moral principles. They think they are property of their husband and the family; their duty is to serve the whole family. At this point, women even have sexism themselves. But more and more women appear in political affairs. More and more women make effort. Yuan, 19, m, China
I asked other Chinese college students to share their thoughts about the status of women, asking them, “Chairman Mao taught that women hold up half the sky. Are women still discriminated against?” They give themselves western names. “Yes,” said 6 young men and 63 young women. “No” said 11 males and 25 females. “Equality is stepping into people’s minds. It is an international issue, it needs the efforts of every country,” Cole points out. The majority who thought sexism still exists explained that women are often not considered for jobs and are not in top management in companies or the government [as is true in the US]. “It’s a common phenomenon in any country,” Sophie accurately points out. Anlin said, “Bosses think women should stay at home to do housework and take care of their children.” Wang Lin said it’s rare to find women working in science and technology fields, but many women work for the government and financial companies, reports Margaret.
In the countryside, families still prefer boys because girls leave to live with their husbands’ families and male muscles are needed to farm. Suicide is the leading cause of death for young people aged 15 to 34, with about half involving rural women who drink pesticide to escape the grimness of their lives. Sandy wrote, “to give birth to a boy may mean to have good harvests.” Mango explained, “If couples have a girl, they still want to have a boy though they will be fined. I think it’s unfair; we are born equal.” Some parents still abandon infant girls: Sandy reports, “When I was a child, I saw some female babies abandoned to the street, waiting for others to adopt it. But now all the people surrounding me are very fond of girls, either girl or boy is OK. Being a girl, you have beautiful clothes to wear.” Zhou Hui wrote, “In my hometown girls have to leave school to earn money to support their brothers’ education fee. I am lucky my father is a great man who values girls’ education.”
Traditional roles are maintained where the man is considered the head of the family, stronger and cleverer. Jon said, “Women and men have their own special roles.” Ava writes, “I want to be beautiful and slim.” Several girls said they wished they were male because they’d have more freedom, but one said that women are “more serious, careful, and patient.” Sheryl wishes she could,
. . .be a man and come back to ancient times, to be a captain, leading many poor people to seek for their happy life. I want to learn from Chairman Mao to devote myself to human civilization. After fighting, we’ll be free, then I can relax, riding a horse in the blue sky, waving a whip, driving groups of sheep and singing a song on grass. That’s fantastic.
Rena observes, “Chinese people are so shy that they find it hard to express their true feelings, especially to face their parents.”
Sexism is alive and well on the university campus. Jane reports, “ I worked for the students’ union for a year and I had the opportunity to become the chairman. Finally, a boy and I are both the chairmen. In others’ eyes, I’m more capable than him. But I had to be the vice-chairman because I’m female and I also have to do more work than him. That’s unfair, I thought, so I quit.” Shauna said, “Two weeks ago, I wanted to take part in the tennis competition in our campus, but then my classmates told me the competition was just for boys.” Swallow reports, “Last year our head teacher said that we need a PE delegate. I like running and jumping, so I joined the vote. I had more supporters than a boy. To my surprise, my head teacher (a woman) said, “It’s traditional, the PE delegate should be a male.” It made me very angry and unhappy. It’s so unfair.”’
Generally, Chinese students agreed sexism is decreasing with newer generations; one girl said parents are realizing the importance of education for both sexes; “My grandma doesn’t like me as she does her grandsons, but my parents love me very much.” Eddy believes “in some aspects females do better than males.” “We are the new generation. The country needs us to develop the economy,” concludes Ivy.
In an online survey of 5,521 singles, 44% thought that fear of marriage was common in young people.[lxxii] China is seeing a reaction against marriage among young people like this one:
Women take a large share of the responsibility in marriage these days, and the cost of housing and bearing a child makes me wary of making that commitment. Heavy pressure at work, from my parents, and the expectations of my boyfriend and his parents are already a lot to handle. If I’m this exhausted when single I don’t see how I could ever cope with actually being married. Li Jun, 29, free-lancer.
In the most populated country, the one child policy is leading to feminist attitudes.[lxxiii] In some parts of China, men outnumber women by as much as 20% because of the one child policy—24 million more young men under 19.[lxxiv] By 2020, around 30 million men won’t be able to find wives. As a result, educated career women are in great demand. In a 2004 survey, 45% of the young women said they didn’t they expect to give up career for family.[lxxv] Another survey of young women found they were critical of media portrayal of women as subservient to men. Although men tend to think their money-making ability is key to attracting a good wife, women say they are looking for a husband with integrity and a sense of responsibility. Two-thirds polled by the All-China Women’s Federation wouldn’t mind if their husbands earned less than they did.
The Communist Party includes the Women’s Federation, so the organization isn’t feminist but follows the government line. No independent activist organizations are allowed. When I was at an international women’s conference in Beijing in the 90s, the Federation presentations stuck to boring statistics about women rather than policy discussions. The Federation‘s 2009 report on women’s rights included, “Media coverage in 2009 of gender discrimination in the workplace, domestic violence, sexual violence and legal disclosure of family property in 2009 signified growing government and media awareness of the need to protect women’s rights and interests.”[lxxvi] However, Sun Shijin, professor of Sociology at Fudan University, reports that, “most young women today feel that the Women’s Federation and its efforts are “silly.”[lxxvii]
A Chinese female blogger states,
Male and female inequality is the natural order of things.[lxxviii] This is not simply some poisonous leftovers of China’s feudal past, but the laws of nature. Even in another few hundred years, there will be no more equality than there is now. Women are built differently, they give birth, are designed to feed children and age quicker than men. This is a biological rather than political question.
On the feminist side, the Women’s Federation magazine, Women of China, published an interview with a popular TV host, Zeng Zimo, who generated controversy by her statement that married men with mistresses should take responsibility rather than blaming the women.[lxxix] She said, “Man is traditionally regarded as superior to woman but, Zeng asked, ‘Shouldn’t men take certain social responsibilities?’ She wanted to strike blows both for women’s equal rights to romance and against China’s still patriarchal society. The more independent women are, the more pressure they have to bear.” As a result of her comments, her TV network expressed disapproval by demanding that they vet all her future interviews.
She is not alone in her criticism of men with mistresses: the divorce rate is increasing, one divorce for every five marriages registered in 2009. A researcher explained that according to a regional survey conducted by his team, “extramarital affairs have become a rising cause of divorce in the country, particularly in large cities.[lxxx] Rural women had better tolerance of extramarital affairs compared with their city counterparts.” He added that the divorce rates will likely increase because young adults are, “better educated than their parents, are more independent economically and have developed a stronger sense of self, which tends to wreck marriages more easily.”
In the semi-autobiographical novel Shanghai Baby, the young female author describes Coco, her Generation X main character at age 25. Coco is “a typical new Chinese girl, representative of a new generation of socially and sexually liberated young Chinese women.”[lxxxi] She wants to be famous, like some of the other Chinese youth in the SpeakOut surveys. Author Wei Hui explained that after her first year of college, “I rebelled. I went wild. That’s what I wrote about.” Her book was banned in China for being “decadent, debauched and a slave of foreign culture,” which I would agree with, although I don’t support censorship. The government burned 40,000 copies, but readers bought it in the West probably because of the publicity this generated. Most of Coco’s literary references are to Western writers (Henry Miller is her favorite) and music, although she says Shanghai has a strong attraction for Japanese media, appliances, and food.
Liberation means Coco moves out of her parents’ apartment, has sex with both her live-in boyfriend who becomes a drug addict and with a married German lover, smokes lots of cigarettes and marijuana, takes sleeping pills, lives on take-out food, and is generally narcissistic. She says, “I wouldn’t set myself up as a women’s lib warrior,” but values successful women and doesn’t want to spend all her time with them talking about men. When she gets ogled wearing a red bikini, Coco worries, “What was it that made me seem so like an empty-headed Barbie doll? She concludes, “I’m not a good girl, and God doesn’t like girls like me. Though I do like myself.” Sex, drugs, and shopping are not feminism.
I asked Yuan if the scarcity of girls is giving them more power in China:
I didn’t think about girls being confident because of the lack of women until you mentioned it. So I asked some girl friends. To my surprise, none of them was surprised about this. They were calm and thought “it makes no difference.” Apparently, finding the right person is more important for them. And some say them are “making effort to get married,” trying not to be single! One told me about “剩女”, which I hear a lot recently, meaning “spinster.” She said her spinster colleagues tend to have bad temper. I don’t really hear about feminism around nor in the media. No one talks about it, as if we are always equal. The only thing reminds me the equality is [an issue] is that some complain in some industry it’s easier for guys to get a job. As to All-China Women’s Federation, I feel it’s an association, which when women’s equality is compromised, they can turn to for help. I don’t feel they are feminists.
Women in Government
Why are most countries having men leaders only and not ladies?
Zulea, 17, f, Kenya
I’d like to be the first Kenyan leader who completely eradicated corruption and poverty. Lylac, 16, f, Kenya
Some countries had early women’s movements as part of their nationalist struggles against colonial rule, as in Turkey, Egypt and India. Feminism spread around the globe in the 1970s spurred on by the UN’s International Year of the woman in 1975, The UN organized conferences on women in Mexico (1975), Copenhagen (1980), Nairobi (1985) and Beijing (1995).[lxxxii] I attended the Copenhagen conference and was surprised that most of the official delegates were men. My son and his dad made the local TV news, showing a father caring for his baby. The 15-year review of the Beijing Platform for Action occurred in 2010. Motivated by this UN leadership, governments set up ministries for women’s issues beginning in the 70s. Universities set up Affirmative Action programs and Women’s Studies programs in the 1970s—I was the first coordinator at my university.
The UN adopted CEDAW in 1979, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Only eight nations haven’t signed on, including the US–the only developed nation that hasn’t signed. It deals with poverty, violence, AIDS, access to representation in government, etc.[lxxxiii] We can pressure our politicians to sign on or enforce CEDAW. Public-private programs assist women to advance in the workplace; Mexico’s federal program, Generosidad, awards the Gender Equity Seal to private employers who do an excellent job of gender equity. It inspired similar programs in Brazil, Costa Rica, and Egypt.
The countries that have the best equality programs are in Scandinavia, with Iceland at the top, followed by Norway and Finland, according to the Global Gender Gap Index created by the World Economic Forum in Geneva.[lxxxiv] (The US is in 19th place.) (Although Sweden is a leader in equality, the disturbingly violent 2009 films Millennium Trilogy reveal the ugly underbelly of corruption, prostitution, violence against women displayed in the life of the main character, Lisbeth Slander.) In Sweden both men and women are entitled to 480 days of parental leave, with childcare and elder care. A Feminist Initiative political party was formed in 2005.[lxxxv]
The Inter-Parliamentary Union reports that women’s presence in parliaments and in ministerial positions significantly increases investments in social welfare and legal protection, as well as honesty in government and business. For example, in India in 1993, the government changed the constitution to require that one third of village panchayats chiefs be women. A reporter comments, “In rural India, which is by any measure more patriarchal and conservative than urban India, the promotion of women to public positions of power constitutes nothing short of a revolution.”[lxxxvi] Although only 54% of women are literate, compared to 75% of men, and women’s wages average only one third of men’s. In villages run by women, more water pumps or taps were installed and were better maintained.[lxxxvii] Although fewer than 11% of members of the country’s parliament are women, a proposal in 2010 to extend the one-third reservation for women in parliament caused uproar. It was passed by the upper house, but not the lower house.[lxxxviii] Despite this activity, an Indian activist told me in 2010, “India never had a feminist movement! I think that is the problem with the ‘women’s movement’ in India. It does not have a feminist foundation.”[lxxxix]
What about on the local tribal level of leadership? I asked a Nigerian chief, James Iowarri, if women can be chiefs. “Yes, in some communities, women can also be made Chiefs, while in some, only men can be made Chiefs, while their wives are made Lolo or Olori. In IgboLand–my tribe, an accomplished woman of integrity, dedication and of note, can be made a Chief. Such women are rare but they exist.”
The first country to give women the right to vote was New Zealand, in 1893, but the process was gradual continuing in this century.[xc] Since then women have headed these countries including: Australia, New Zealand, India, Sri Lanka (the first country to have a woman prime minister), Bangladesh, Haiti, Philippines, Ireland, United Kingdom, Israel, Norway, Finland, Argentina, and Brazil. In 2011, 19 women were presidents or prime ministers.[xci] Sonia Gandhi (Italian by birth) is the head of the ruling Congress Party in India and the main opposition leader in 2009 was another woman, Bijoya Chakraborty. A Dalit (untouchable) woman was in the running for prime minister. In 2010, just nine of 151 elected heads of state (6%) and 11 of 192 heads of government (6%) were women. [xcii]
An example of a woman president, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf (born 1938) became the first African woman president in 2006. She said voters told her during the campaign, “Men have failed us. Men are too violent, too prone to make war. Women are less corrupt, less likely to be focused on getting fancy cars and fancy homes for themselves.” Her campaign relied on women campaigners going village-to-village, door-to-door campaigning. She appointed women as ministries of Youth and Sports, Gender and Development, Commerce, Foreign Affairs, and Finance. She believes that being mothers gives women leaders “a sensitivity to humankind” that will make the world a better and safer place.[xciii]
She explains in her book This Child Will Be Great that African women are honored as mothers and aunts, but are not considered equal to men. Her husband felt free to hit her. She was reluctant to divorce him though because fathers get custody of children, but finally did get a divorce and he did take her four boys. She went on to be educated in the US to be an economist and served in Liberian government agencies, the UN and the World Bank
She was jailed and threatened when young rebels brought civil war to her country. Samuel Doe was only 28 when he and his fellow soldiers forcefully took control of Liberia in 1989, followed by civil war between battling warlords until 2002. They relied on child soldiers, killed a quarter of a million of the 3 million Liberians and uprooted most who survived. Johnson was jailed and threatened with death by the young soldiers who took over as rulers. When soldiers kidnapped and threatened to kill her, she calmed them down by saying, “Think about your mother. How would you feel is someone did this to her?” Democratic elections were finally held in 2005 with Johnson Sirleaf’s victory at the polls. When she asked children what they wanted, they said to go to school. Her first year as president, school fees were abolished in public primary schools and reduced in high schools, creating a 40% increase in school enrollment. Parents can be fined if children were working on the streets during school hours.
In 2010, she reported on her accomplishments:[xciv]:
Women hold strategic positions in the Cabinet and in other government bodies. I have established a market development fund supported by private donations to empower rural women through better working conditions and literacy training. A second fund, also from private donations, provides funding for the building of 50 schools, training of 500 teachers and scholarships for 5,000 girls throughout the country; girls and women have voices in claiming participation in societal endeavors.
Over 97 countries use gender quota systems resulting in women being nearly 33% of their legislatures, compared to 12% in countries without quotas, according to UN data. Sweden has a quota system and women held 47% of its parliamentary seat in 2007.[xcv] Argentina passed a law in 1991 requiring that 1 in 3 candidates nominated for election to the legislature must be women. In France, a 1998 law required political parties to nominate an equal number of male and female candidates for elections, but parties often pay fines rather than comply. The bigger parties violated the law and paid the penalties. In Iraq, 25% of the seats in parliament are reserved for women, but they don’t have much power, and the Minister for Women’s Affairs, Nawal al-Samarraie, quit when the government cut her budget to $1,500 a month for the entire ministry.
By 2010, only 19% of parliament representatives were women, up from 11% in 1995.[xcvi] At the current rate of progress, it will take 40 years to reach gender parity in the world’s national legislatures.[xcvii] The highest numbers of women politicians were in Rwanda, Sweden and South Africa. Nine chambers lack any women at all, as in Saudi Arabia. In terms of heads of state, only nine of 151 elected leaders were women. Some countries are making progress in terms of women in power by setting quotas. Rwanda has the highest percentage of women in parliament because genocide killed so many people. The highest percent of women in lower or single legislatures were in these countries, 2007:
1. Rwanda – 48%
2. Sweden – 47%
3. Finland – 42%
4. Costa Rica – 39%
5. Norway – 38%
Spain requires that women make up 50% of its cabinet and 50% of all company boards (quotas for women corporate board members are also required in Norway). Spanish Socialist Prime Minister Zapatero appointed an equal number of women and men to his Cabinet, including 31-year-old Bibiana Aído, head of a new ministry for equality. (Socialist parties also governed in Portugal and Greece in 2010.) Zapatero explained,
I’m not just antimachismo, I’m a feminist. One thing that really awakens my rebellious streak is 20 centuries of one sex dominating the other. We talk of slavery, feudalism, exploitation, but the most unjust domination is that of one half of the human race over the other half. The more equality women have, the fairer, more civilized and tolerant society will be. Sexual equality is a lot more effective against terrorism than military strength.”[xcviii]
Neus, a Spanish graduate student, added:
Yes, the equality in the government cabinet is what he promised that would do if he got elected. It is the first step towards a more egalitarian job market, since we still have lower salaries for the same position that a man has in the private sector. And most of the high position jobs are given to men. I guess that the public sector is the one that has to model and demonstrate women’s abilities and then the private may follow. We are in the very beginning, but things are changing; we have to keep pushing for our rights!
Activism for Gender Equality
The Pew Research Center’s Global Attitudes Project poll of people in 22 nations about gender equality, released in 2010, found that solid majorities support it and say inequality persists in their countries.[xcix] For example, many believe that men have more access to better paid jobs. Women are far more likely to perceive gender problems. Nigerian men were the only exception to believing in equal rights. Muslim respondents—men more than women—are least likely to advocate equality and in fact their preference for equality in marriage has decreased over time in Nigeria and Pakistan. On the other side, attitudes towards marriage became more egalitarian over the decade in seven of 19 countries, as in Jordan, Russia, Poland, Lebanon, Mexico and The US.
Many people of various religions feel that when jobs are scarce, men have more right to a job, including mainly Muslim countries and India, China, South Korea and Nigeria. Men are more likely to have this view. When asked if it’s more important for a boy to have a university education than a girl, a majority agreed only in Egypt (50%), among Nigerian Muslims (50%), Pakistan (51%), and India (63%). When asked if men or women have better lives, about half agreed men did (more women than men) and about half said they were the same, except for South Korea and Japan which thought women have a better life (perhaps because of men’s long work hours). It’s encouraging that advocacy of equality is increasing, but worrisome that it lags in Muslim countries.
What do women want? Only 10% of all young Europeans in a large survey favor keeping a strong distinction between men’s and women’s roles.[c] Women want equal opportunity with men and not to be treated as inferior. They want equal pay for equal work. In the US, a woman earns only an average of 77 cents for every dollar that a man earns for full-time work, although women are almost half the workers. The wage gap is bigger for employed mothers and African Americans and Latinas, despite the passage of the Equal Pay Act in 1963. For a college-educated woman, the wage losses over her lifetime are over one million dollars, compared to their male peers.
A telephone survey of US Generation Y women found almost half would like to be entrepreneurs (47%) so they can be their own boss and balance career and family.[ci] Although most would like to see a woman President, they are not interested in holding political office or in being a CEO because of their focus on balance. Their top political issue is education.
Nala, a 16-year-old Maasai girl in Tanzania, helped organize support groups for Maasai women. In her twenties, she founded the Massai Women’s Forum, which now has over 30 chapters. It expanded from adult literacy classes to village nursery schools, loans to women’s groups, girls’ education programs, etc. It’s considered one of the few organizations that really help people by creating a social network to create change. Nala described her work as “to educate young Maasai women who are being forced to marry older men…to advocate the right of Massai women’s education, because Maasai women need to do something different and not just get married. ….We have a lot of girls fleeing from forced marriages and coming to MWF because many them need education support.” [cii]
When Nala finished primary school, her father wanted her to marry. She put up a “big struggle” and refused to get married. She was strong-willed, given the nickname “half-man” by an uncle after she protected her family’s cattle herd from being stolen. Her male relatives were going on to secondary school and she wanted to go with them. Her cousin helped intercede with her father and tried to convince his father—an age group leader—to help her. After months of planning, disguised in a red blanket worn by Maasai men, at midnight she got in a waiting car of an educated Maasai friend of her cousin, who drove her to the capital city of Dar-es-Salaam. Her helpers talked her father into calling off the marriage and repaying the dowry. As 16, she began coordinating women’s groups.
Global feminism is spreading[1] Young women’s goals for activism and news stories about them are listed in the endnote[ciii] and here are some of their goals.
Equality
I will introduce equal opportunity to stop violence against women.
Saygee, 11, f, Liberia
Change the traditional values of patriarchal thought thoroughly.
Ling, 14, f, rural China
I would improve women’s rights involving sexual abuse, labor, etc.
Rose, 15, f, Tanzania
I want to empower the youth as the bone of development of Nepal and eradicate discrimination, inequality, and eliminate social evils like early child marriage of girls, dowry, trafficking in girls, drug addiction and the bonded labor system [almost like slave labor, farmers are in debt to landowners].
Anzel, 16, f, Nepal
Realize that girls have got the same rights as boys. Some adults think that girls’ duty is taking care of family. I would make them realize time has changed and goes with technology. ?, 17, f, Tanzania
I’d change gender stereotypes of giving men work and denying women, saying that women are for kitchen work. ?, f, teen, Kenya
Non-traditional or Successful Careers
I want to become a blacksmith. Nikita, 14, f, Netherlands
My purpose is to mark my name in the world. Neelima, 14, f, India
I want to make mistakes so I can learn from it and others can learn from it. I want to be noticed, not just someone you walk past in the street. I want to make something of myself. Talia, 15, f, Australia
I’d like to be an explorer. Although it’s dangerous, and I might have to pay my life for it, I still love it. To get close to nature, to listen to the harmonious sound of it, to go to the animal world to feel their special skills for survival, these are all interesting although I have to take risks. Zhangqihong, 15, f, rural China
I have a dream and one day it’s going to be real. After I finish high school I want to be the first Palestinian girl pilot. Rafeef, 16, f, Palestine
I want to be a diplomat because I like helping people very much and we can live in another country for a while. Fitriana, 16, f, Indonesia
I want to be a doctor and help my poor and kind Afghan people.
Nadia, 17, f, Afghanistan
I want to be somebody who does what no woman did or only few do in my work. To be different in this way I need to be well educated and literate. I should have the feelings of equality between a man and woman like I can also be equal to man. I should have the ability to compete. Right now I have no interest in marriage. I am thinking to remain single in the future but if at all I am to marry, I would prefer to go by my choice. We don’t have custom of selecting groom by the parents. Chuney, 17, f, Bhutan
I’d like to be the mayor of my village. Eman, 17, f, Bedouin in Israel.
Feminism
I would change the superiority of men to women. Monhesa, 1, f, Kenya
Although feminism in the US influenced the spread of the women’s movement around the world in the 1970s, women in other countries sometimes feel judged for cultural practices like the veil, don’t feel all women want the same things and don’t aspire to be like American women. Lila Abu-Lughod has done fieldwork in Egypt for decades and reports: “I cannot think of a single woman I know . . .who has ever expressed envy of U.S. women, women they tend to perceive as bereft of community, vulnerable to sexual violence and social anomie, driven by individual success rather than morality, or strangely disrespectful of God.”[civ]
Media centers on powerful men. A shy Wisconsin girl who was even afraid to raise her hand to ask the teacher if she could go to the bathroom, at age 19 Jensine Larsen went to the Amazon to work with native women. Then she went to Burma to assist refugees. At age 23 she had a vision about increasing media’s coverage of women. She found that only 10% of central stories are about women and only 1% of the world’s editors are female. Although women and girls do two-thirds of the work, they only own 1% of the financial assets. By the time she was 28 to raise the funds to start Pulse Wire, with local reporters in over 21 countries telling women’s stories, with a magazine and website and virtual store where women from all over the globe can talk with each other.[cv]
In the second most populated country, an Indian college student wrote to me, “I want to eradicate the evils mainly faced by girls and solve the problems of girls.” Sunitha, 16, f, India. This implies the need for a woman’s movement. A “gender activist,” Rita Banerji, believes that despite the activity of thousands of women’s organizations in India,[cvi]
The women’s movement today in India unfortunately is like an ingrown toenail. It is going in the wrong direction. For example, there are women arguing that sati [a widow joins her husband on his burning funeral pyre] is not murder but cultural and religious way of women committing suicide, so we shouldn’t defame it; or that we should continue to allow Muslim men to legally have four wives). It is hurting itself. So mothers-in-law murder daughters-in-law; women strangle their own baby girls. When a group of women at a pub last year were molested and beaten up for “violating Indian tradition” the NCW (the National Commission on Women), the highest office protecting women’s rights, said the women had asked for it because they were drinking and inappropriately dressed.
The Feminist movement believed that a woman’s body and being is her personal domain. Freedom within and freedom without. But in India the women’s movement sees women just as suppressed citizens that have to be given rights. Do you see the difference? The only feminist movement we had has now died out completely. The women who started were getting death threats and they just shut everything down. I wrote about it online.[cvii]
What are young women thinking about women’s issues in North America? A female college student in Canada wrote this email to me about feminism:
Recently I was assigned a paper for a philosophy class. The basis was “Is Feminism Dead?” I had never considered myself a feminist. Sure enough, my mom was a feminist. I was raised equal. I was fortunate to grow up with a strong upbringing, and feeling unequal was rare for me growing up even in such a diverse city as Chicago’s Southside, especially in the issue of gender. I kept up with the boys in sports and math. I joked about being a woman. I accepted that women specialize in some things and men in others. Still, I love what makes me woman and feel no need to hide those qualities.
Sure enough, though, I did not consider myself a feminist. I wasn’t a man-hater. I wanted gender empowerment for all. I didn’t see myself as a powerful businesswoman, a lesbian, or any other generalization that comes with a stereotypical feminist. I felt disconnected from my mother in that way. She earns more than my father. I didn’t think this was unusual. My mother was the prime caregiver, yet she was the prime moneymaker. We were insured under my mother, and I never felt that this was strange. My mother knew that she was a powerful woman. She worked full time in college and received no help from her parents who only had a girl. She wanted to be a lawyer. She couldn’t; the financial means were not there. My mother is not a man-hater. She never raised me that way either. She is a feminist though. For that I am thankful.
However, I feel generational differences much like you were describing in your book Woman’s Culture in A New Era: A Feminist Revolution? I have friends who misunderstand the term “feminist.” If media, politics, and business are to blame for this I will never know. Realizing that I have been a feminist all along was a real shock to me. I am grateful for your book and will certainly share your ideas with my feminist-hating friends. I appreciate your time and effort you have spent on such a subject that is not projected as loudly as it should be. Still, I believe that organizations such as NOW are out of touch with the third generation and are buying into endorsements and bureaucratic BS of business. I guess where that is where my fight starts. I am proud to be a Third Generation Feminist. The Revolution will continue.
Lauran DeCeault, Illinois, university student in Quebec
Lauren explained above how many young women in the US don’t see the need for the feminist movement and consider established organizations like NOW bureaucratic and out of touch.[cviii] An older feminist, Paula Rothenberg wrote in a 2007 article, “Snatched from the Jaws of Victory: Feminism Then and Now,” that the women’s liberation movement of the 1960s was about the deep forms of male and white privilege, calling for radical change. Feminism challenged the basic beliefs about women’s nature, and definition of beauty as looking like a Barbie doll in high heels and girdles. It fought for a woman’s right to choose her own destiny and know that she isn’t inferior or subordinate to a man. It fought against the social and institutional inequality of women. But women in the US still earn 78 cents for a man’s dollar and are only 16% of Congress members. The media still has many more male characters, more males who speak, and females are five times as likely to be shown in sexy clothes.[cix] (A French film provides us a rare role model of a brave 10-year-old girl who scares away a wolf pack and an eagle, and isn’t afraid of a bear, all in her efforts to protect her favorite fox. The 2007 film is called The Fox and the Child.)
But now Rothenberg sees girls wearing T-shirts labeled “Bitch” and “Stupid Girl,” wanting to look like Barbie dolls or dress in sexy skimpy clothes like Paris Hilton, Brittany Spears, Mariah Carey, and L’il Kim. Some teens get breast enlargement surgery as birthday gifts. “The personal is political”—a social problem–devolved into the personal is simply personal. Rothenberg concludes,
We’ve been duped into trading social critique and collective action for a vision of feminism that offers us personal choice without social responsibility and without social context. Once upon a time the personal really was political. Today, it is simply personal. Racism, sexism, and class privilege are still alive and well. They frame our choices and define the meaning of what we choose.[cx]
Susan Douglas also argues that these antifeminist attitudes are manufactured by the media that defines women by their sexuality:[cxi]
Enlightened sexism is a manufacturing process that is constantly produced by the media. Its components—anxiety about female achievement; renewed and amplified objectification of young women’s bodies and faces; dual exploitation and punishment of female sexuality; dividing of women against each other by age, race and class; and rampant branding and consumerism—began to swirl around in the early 1990s, consolidating as the dark star it has become in the early 21st century.
In an article in the Los Angeles Times, Sandy Banks quotes a young woman who observes, “What’s wrong is that the ‘consumer culture’ has become such a defining force in young women’s search for identity. It’s what you’re wearing, what your weight is, rather than what you believe in, how you think.” in The popular TV series and movie Sex in the City, illustrates how status comes from the brand of shoe and purse you display.[cxii] In the US the “supergirl dilemma,” causes girls to be stressed about their grades, their weight, and relationships and sexuality. “When you’re a teen, everyone scrutinizes you, so you feel that you have to be happy, and perfect, all the time. I guess what really bugs me is judgmental people.” (Paulina, 14, f, Louisiana) Another girl said, “The problem is I can never be thin enough, I can never be pretty enough, and I can never be good enough.” Girls Inc surveyed more than 2,000 girls in grades 3 through 12 throughout the nation in 2006. Nationally, 60% of girls said they often feel stressed, including nearly half of elementary school girls. An Indian girl reports the same pressures to be supergirl:
I have to be in different characters in my daily life. I’ve to take care of people in my family, I’ve to study in my school, I’ve to be the captain of my team, I’ve to take care of my father’s business. So I’ve to deal with everything and many things bothers me. I just say to me that I am not born to live for me but for the world. This helps me to stay calm. Edith, 17, f, India
Girls are expected to be high achievers as well as appealing to males. Gabrielle Bernstein is an author in her 20s who lives in New York City. She emailed me describing young women ages 17 to 25 she knows, who are in the midst of a transitional period.
These young women grew up with Title IX sports, reproductive rights, working moms and Internet in their homes. They have their own cell phone, their own web page and a sense of confidence that is unique in American history. Yet despite these numbers and this unprecedented confidence, how they will function in the world mystifies them and causes much anxiety.
As discussed in a New York Times article titled “Amazing Girls” and books like Dan Kindlon’s Alpha Girls, young women today are struggling with conflicting messages. In school they are expected to bring home all As, be on every sports team, get into the best colleges while at the same time be thin, attractive, in committed relationships and always, always smile. Sara Rimer notes, “If you are free to be everything, you are also expected to be everything.[cxiii]” Rimer quotes a Massachusetts high school senior who has three Advanced Placement classes, a part-time job and sings in a choir: “You’re supposed to do all these things and not go insane.” These girls work very hard to get into top universities, fearful they won’t be able to achieve their parents’ lifestyles.
The attractive achieving woman is a global theme. In India, instead of showing a woman as being dependent on her family and a burden to them, Unilever (UL) ran successful but controversial ads for its Fair and Lovely line of skin-lightning beauty products.[cxiv] A TV commercial shows a young woman with her father, who complains about not having sons to provide for him. The daughter then uses the cream and becomes fairer, so she gets a better-paid job as a flight attendant and is able to help out her parents. The ad was controversial because it disparages dark skin, but does show a woman provider.
In China, “Ads never build the image that women should be strong or successful, just that they should be pretty,” stated Zhang Zheng, a 25-year-old brand manager.[cxv] Professional women are only shown using beauty care products. ‘There are only two images of women: the pretty girl and the good mother.’ The pretty girl predominates, and invariably is dangerously thin, scantily clad, and listlessly passive.”
The future trend is the ascendency of women, according to a provocative book The Decline of Men by Guy Garcia,[cxvi] updated in an article by Hanna Rosin, titled “The End of Men.”[cxvii] She suggests postindustrial society that values “social intelligence, open communication, the ability to sit still and focus” and a “post-heroic” management style suits women better than men. Three-quarters of the 8 million jobs lost in the US Great Recession were men’s jobs. The banking crisis that precipitated it was blamed on men by the Prime Minister of Iceland, Johanna Sigurdardottir, who campaigned to end the “age of testosterone.” Usually, the greater the power of women, the greater a country’s economic success, according to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development.
Hanna Rosin points out that in the US women are a majority of the workforce (as of 2010), that women are the majority of university students on undergraduate (60%) and graduate levels, as well as workers with managerial and professional jobs. With the disappearance of manufacturing jobs for men, women-headed families dominate working-class families and 40% of babies are born to unmarried mothers. She refers to a Super Bowl ad for Dodge Charger titled “Man’s Last Stand,” after a hen-pecked man says, “I will put the seat down, I will separate the recycling, I will carry your lipbalm,” but is empowered by owning the Charger. In Japan, young men who reject the work ethic of their fathers are called “herbivores,” while their female peers are “carnivores” or the “hunters.”
What Boys Think
I would like to stop the dowry system and corruption. Bhat, 16, m, India
I do agree that men dominate most fields in life and women should be given EQUAL opportunity. But if this term of GENDER DISCRIMMINATION is all together ignored, there would there be proper equality between the two genders. Media and people have made such big deal out of FEMINISM and DISCRIMINATION that these terms are enough to make a dividing line between females and males. I would give you an example: in a local office of an NGO, all the staff was male. One day a female worker was added to the staff of only males for the sake of giving “equal opportunity to females” and was preferred over a better-qualified male applicant. Now, she may be good but the other male applicant was better than her and now the whole office is fed up. Shehroz, 17, m, Pakistan
Most of the girls’ parents, with much fear towards their daughter, do not give much freedom to her. Instead, they treat her as a prisoner. This has to be changed and every girl given sufficient freedom to be friendly with others and to do jobs without wasting her 22 years of valuable education. Abhinar, 18, m, India
Let the girls drive. Abdullah, 19, m, Saudi Arabia [Boys get tired of having to chauffeur their female relatives. On November 6, 2009, Saudi women launched the Black Ribbon Campaign against the Saudi male guardianship system. Some women protested by driving their cars through Riyadh.]
Equality must be given to every one in the societies because in different tribes women have no say or do not participate in decision-making. I will give first priority to women in employment opportunities in order they will not discriminated by their husbands. Also I will try my level best to help children who are orphans, so I will try to make fund for them to survive like other kids.
Sarrwatt, 19, m, Tanzania
When I asked the high school seniors who critiqued my book about equal rights, the guys said they were sick and tired of reverse discrimination, as when minorities are favored in college admission. White males are the only ones not allowed to discriminate, they said, as women can sue for sexual harassment at work and get millions of dollars. They don’t feel their generation discriminates on the basis of gender or ethnicity. Feminism doesn’t seem relevant to them, despite public comments like this one in 2009, when the Governor of Virginia remarked, “The dynamic new trend of working women and feminists … is ultimately detrimental to the family.” This chapter demonstrates that, despite quotas for legislators and many conferences and studies, gender equality is rare. Young people are more comfortable with women’s rights.
[i]See EqualityNow.org. www.girleffect.org Facts sheet about girls and an action plan called “the Girl Effect: Your Move.”
[iv] Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, “The Women’s Crusade, The New York Times Magazine, August 23, 2009, p. 28. See their book Half the Sky: Turning Oppression Into Opportunity for Women Worldwide. Alfred A Knopf, 2009.
[v] Tina Rosenberg, “The Daughter Deficit,” The New York Times Magazine, August 23, 2009, p. 23. Statistics are from Goretti Nyabenda, p. 33-34, also in the Times.
[vi] Bruce and Lloyd 1997; Eisler, Loye, and Norgaard 1995; Hausman, Tyson, and Zahidi 2009.
9.2 million children die every year before they reach their 5th birthday,
97 percent of child deaths occur in 68 developing countries,
A quarter of all children are underweight,
A third have stunted growth, and
75 million primary-school-age children—mostly girls—are not enrolled in school (Hague 2008).
[xiii] Karin Ronnow, “Rising Stars,” Central Asia Institute’s Journey of Hope, Vol. IV, 2010, p. 31.
[xiv] 1. If you could ask a question of the wisest person in the world, what would you ask her or him about life?
Ans: (after taking a long time) How do you live your life in home and what do you do?
2. What bothers you in your daily life? What practice best helps you stay calm?
Ans: I get bothered with the extra work that I do in my daily life and don’t even get appreciated for it. I do the household chores from day to night and when my little siblings spread the mess again, I get annoyed and I have to do the work all over again. It bothers me.
I just console myself with the fact that I am doing it for my own family. I am stressed so much at times that I sit back and cry but I don’t tell anyone and keep on doing the work for them (at this moment, she has tears in her eyes).
3. If there were one thing you could change about adults, what would it be?
Ans: I will like the adults not to say inappropriate stuff and appreciate the work I do. Understand me.
4. What would you like to change about yourself?
Ans: I wish I could have studied so that’s the only thing I would change about myself.
5. What do you like to do for fun?
Ans: We don’t do anything for fun. We don’t have extra time for extra activities. I just sit back at times in my home and talk to my sisters about life. That’s all my life is.
6. When have you felt most loved by someone else?
Ans: Never. As I said, my parents have not studied much so they don’t show their emotions. In fact, they don’t understand. I have never felt loved by anyone. Everyone orders me to do work for them.
7. Why do you think you’re here on earth; what’s your purpose? How are you influenced by global media (TV, Internet, advertisements, etc)?
Ans: I don’t really understand the reason. I have not studied Quran, the religion, or the school so I don’t know why I am here. I don’t like this pattern of life. I wish my life was better.
8. On a scale of 1 to 100, how highly would you grade your school? Why?
Ans: There is no school in my whole village for girls. There is only one Government school, which is for boys. There is none for girls.
9. What work would you like to do when you’re an adult?
Ans: I would like to be a MISS (teacher) or a Nurse.
10. If you were the leader of your country, what changes would you make?
Ans: (good question, she says) I would like to finish the poverty. Provide homes for them, have the kids go to school, finish inflation, provide jobs and facilities to poors.
11. Imagine you get to write on a T-shirt going on a trip around the world. What do you want your T-mail to say to people?
Ans: (after taking a long time) I AM WITH ALL THE POOR PEOPLE IN THE WORLD AND WOULD HELP THEM IF I HAD POWER.
12. What is your daily routine?
Ans: I woke up at 7 am daily. Pick up the dirty utensils, wash them, clean rooms, and the outside, make beds, wash bathrooms, make the home look clean, and make breakfast for all the family members. After this, prepares to cook for lunch, make bread. After they eat, wash dishes. Then I take some rest and after that, I prepare to cook for the evening. That’s all I do daily.
13. Is your home all well furnished?
Ans: No, we have a mud house and that is badly affected lately due to floods. Our walls fell down so it was very hard for us to cover our house. Me and my sisters dared and set up the walls ourselves. It was very tiring. Still we have 2 walls to make. May Allah help us!
14. What would you like for your younger siblings to have that you didn’t get?
Ans: I would want my little 6-year-old sister to have all the necessities in the world. I would like her to have good education, good manners and grow up so well so that she get married in a good place.
15. Are you happy with your life?
Ans: Yes, I am happy with the fact that I have my family members around me and at least have a roof to be under it.
[xviii] United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), June 2010, p. 24. unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un…/unpan039616.pdf
[xix] United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), June 2010, p. 24. unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un…/unpan039616.pdf
[xxxiv] Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) affects nearly 170,000 girls and women in the United States and 140 million around the world. FGM is currently illegal in the US but the Girls Protection Act (H.R. 5137) of 2010 would make it a crime to transport minors outside the U.S. for the purpose of performing FGM.
[xxxvii] Ranjit Malhotra, research paper, “Social-Legal Perspective of Forced Marriages,” 2010. At least “900 incidences of honor killings” take place in three states alone—Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh—every year.
[xxxviii]Man Up is a global campaign to activate youth to stop violence against women and girls. On July 5-11-2010, the Man Up Campaign held their very first global summit to stop violence against women. www.worldpulse.com/pulsewire/programs/action-blogging-campaign-gbv
Lawrence Wright, My Trip to Al-Qaeda, HBO, September 7, 2010.
[lv]Osama, 2003, is about a 12-year-old girl whose widowed mother disguises her as a boy so they can go outside—based on a true story, the first Afghan film after the fall of the Taliban. 2003 Divorce Iranian Style, 1998, was shot in a divorce court. Runaway, 2001, was filmed at a shelter for runaway girls and abused women in Tehran.
[lvi] Joel Brinkley, Afghanistan’s Dirty Secret: Pedophilia,” San Francisco Chronicle, August 29, 2010, p. E8.
[lxvi] Ayaan Hirsi Ali. Infidel. Free Press, 2007. See also Fadumo Korn. Born in the Big Rains: A Memoir of Somalia and Survival. The Feminist Press at CUNY, 2006. She also was the victim of female genital mutilation.
[xcii] United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs (DESA), June 2010, p. 27. unpan1.un.org/intradoc/groups/public/documents/un…/unpan039616.pdf
[xciii] Deborah Solomon, “Questions for Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, New York Times Magazine, August 23, 2009.
[c]Young People Facing the Future: An International Survey. Foundation Pour L’Innovation Politique, directed by Anna Stellinger, p. 31. An email survey of 17,000 people aged 16 to 29 in 17 countries in 2007.
[ciii]*The New York Times honored Kinkri Devi, an illiterate lowest caste woman, who successfully fought illegal mining in the Himalayas.
*In Afghanistan, Habiba Sarabi was the first minister for women’s affairs.
*In Burma, elected leader Aung San Su Kyi has lived for years under military house arrest until 2010[ciii]
*A woman lawyer in Yemen is helping young girls get divorced from their older husbands, including helping a 10-year-old girl divorce in 2008 when her 30-year-old husband wanted her to have sex with him.
*The No. 1 Ladies’ Detective Agency series of 10 books, has sold 14 million copies worldwide, and was made into an HBO TV series. It features Precious Ramotswe, the first woman detective in Botswana. (The author, Alexander McCall Smith, taught university in Botswana.)
*Emphasizing the importance of women’s issues as an international agenda, President Obama appointed Melanne Verveer as ambassador-at-large for global women’s issues in March, 2009. This position is the first of its kind in the US.
*The UN Entity for Gender Equality and the Empowerment of Women will be referred to as UN Women, starting in 2011.
[civ] Hester Eisenstein. Feminism Seduced: How Global Elites Use Women’s Labor and Ideas to Exploit the World. Paradigm Publishers, 2009, p. 191
Occupation of Central Plaza, Chico, California, October 2011
Resist fiercely when you are under attack, but otherwise take pleasure in what you are doing, let it be easy, fun even. We are all watching one another now, and from Cairo we want to say that we are in solidarity with you, and we love you all for what you are doing. Comrades from Cairo to Occupy Wall St. organizers
We’re here to celebrate the birth of a new world. The answer is love. We are the 99%. We are too big to fail. The spark of a global spring is awakening, creating a new paradigm.
Occupy Wall St. demonstrators in the documentary Occupy Love.[1]
I am demonstrating for non-participation in the way the world is going. One way to take power back from the plutocracy is ride your bike. I’m more hopeful than I’ve been in years. Anthony, 27, m, Occupier in California
Understand that we’re young and we’re in a different time than the past civil rights movements. It’s not a white and black thing. It’s not a male and female thing. We have old, young, white, black, gay, straight. We can be cool. We’re not just these stern individuals. Daniel Agnew, Dream Defender, Florida
Young people aren’t just the future—we are the present in Millennial Movements. CommonDreams.org
Contents: US Occupy Movements 2011, US 2012-2015, Young Black Activists 2013-2014, Latino Immigrants, Canadian Student Uprisings and Idle No More
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Inequality is the Main Issue
Millennials, born between 1980 and around 2000, are the largest, best educated, and most diverse generation in US history—about 42% are people of color.[2] About 61% of adult Millennials attended college and more of their generation are completing their degrees, burdened by over $1 trillion in student loan debt. However, college graduates earn more than workers with only high school diplomas. Many of them believe what makes their generation unique is their connection to technology and at least three-quarters of them have a social media account. They value creativity and work altruism: This ties in to the desire of many of them to become entrepreneurs. They’re more likely than older generations to say they want to make a contribution to society and they feel a strong connection to family, partly because their parents spent more time with them than older generations.
Most of the contentious actions titled “Occupy” occurred in North America and Europe, as you can see on a map created in October 2011.[3] Some indigenous people object to the use of the word Occupy, as colonial settlers occupy their land and they want decolonization rather than more occupation. The Occupy Wall Street movement was the largest protest movement in the US since demonstrations against the Vietnam War organized in over 100 cities by organizations like Student Peace Union and Young Americans for Freedom.
President Obama said that ending inequality is the “defining project of our generation,” but wasn’t able to do much to correct the problem partly because of Tea Party/Freedom Caucus obstructionists in Congress. Economist Joseph Stiglitz reported the US has the highest level of income inequality of advanced nations and is one of those with the least equality of opportunity.[4] Other reports put the US second to Chile.[5] Half of all Americans are falling behind in their share of the economy due to stagnant wages as the 1% doubled their income, according to economist Thomas Piketty.[6] In Our Kids: The American Dream in Crisis (2015) Robert Putnam highlights growing class inequality between those with a college education and without, youth unemployment, and erosion of community life and opportunity for upward mobility. It takes a support system to know how to apply for college and financial aid, and afford to take SAT preparation workshops and application fees, which many working-class high school students don’t have. Conservative columnist David Brooks thinks there’s a growing divide in the working class in both the US and UK between elders and the “younger cohort that are more disordered, less industrious, more celebrity-obsessed, but also more tolerant and open to the world.”[7]
The top 1% in the US owns more assets than combined asset of the bottom 90%; the poorest half’s income hasn’t increased in 40 years while the rich gained $4 trillion in 2016.[8] Money that was supposed to trickle down from the rich according to “Reaganomics” went to offshore banks at a time when almost a quarter of children younger than five live in poverty. The wealthy can use their money to control politics with their donations and lobbyists, while a statistical study by Princeton and Northwestern professors found that, “Average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence.”[9] Despite growing inequality, corporate tax breaks increase as welfare is cut, subsidies for rich farmers continue while funding for food for the poor is cut back, drug and insurance companies make money on government health programs at the same time as Medicaid benefits are reduced.
French economist Thomas Piketty’s book Capital in the Twenty-First Century got a lot of attention in 2014, with his warning that inequality will get worse without remedies such as progressive taxation and Scandinavian-type “nanny state” programs with free university education and cradle to the grave security.[10] Observing the popularity of Bernie Sanders’s populist movement, he saw it as ending the neoliberal dominance that began with the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980. Piketty concluded optimistically, “New forms of political mobilization and crowdfunding can prevail and push America into a new political cycle. We are far from gloomy prophecies about the end of history.”[11] Noam Chomsky predicted that if Sanders’ young supporters organized they could “change the country in the longer term.”[12]
Sanders vowed to continue his movement for a political revolution after the election, warning “If we do not get our act together, this country is going to slide into oligarchy, where a handful of billionaires will control the economic and political life of this nation.” A coalition met at the June People’s Summit in Chicago in June 2016 to organize for the long haul, organized by National Nurses United union. Their top concerns were voter suppression, mass incarceration, racial and gender inequality, health care for all, the Fight for $15 minimum wage, climate justice and fair taxation. To keep the progressive movement alive, the “Our Revolution” (OR) movement launched on August 24, 2016, with thousands of house parties. However, a schism occurred as some staffers resigned to protest the appointment of Sanders’ campaign manager Jeff Weaver as president who they view as an old style “top-down” politician. OR advocates Sander’s goals of universal health care, campaign finance reform, a transfer tax on security exchanges, a $15 hour minimum wage, a pathway to citizenship for immigrants, protecting the environment, and an end to endless wars.[13]
A Harvard pollster of Millennials reported that Sanders is “moving a generation to the left.”[14] Over half the young adults surveyed didn’t support capitalism partly because they earn less than their parents did at the same age although they’re the most educated cohort in US history. With growing inequality, the bottom half of the population owed only 1%, while 10% of families owned 76% of family wealth in 2013. The Young Democratic Socialists of America reported an increase in membership—including high school students, to oppose income inequality, drone killings, incarceration of men of color, etc.[15] Polls showed that young people’s views became more progressive during Sander’s campaign about issues like basic health insurance for all and government action to reduce poverty. Only 15% of Millennials thought the country was moving in the right direction and six in ten said politicians are motivated by selfishness. The Harvard Institute of Politics reported a declining level of trust in government among people 18 to 29 between 2010 and 2015.[16]
Former Secretary of Labor Robert Reich explained that a major decline in equal opportunity occurred starting in 1980 when grassroots groups’ membership shrunk, along with decreases in union members, and local and regional banks and businesses were outnumbered by chains like Wal-Mart.[17] Reich reminded viewers of his Inequality for All (2013) video that the wealth of the Walton family that owns Wal-Mart is greater than the combined wealth of the bottom 42% of the US population. He pointed out that nearly one in five working Americans has a part-time job, employment benefits are disappearing, only about a third of jobs include a pension and less than 7% of private sector workers are unionized. Yet in 2016, 42% of US workers earned less than $15 an hour. Reich thinks the way to return to democracy is for more people to get politically active to establish a “new countervailing power” to the 1%. Reich’s remedies for growing inequality in the US are to use tax incentives to encourage companies to pay employees more, raise the minimum wage, expand the Earned Income Tax Credit, and increase public investment in education including early childhood schools.[18] He would pay for these reforms by increasing the top marginal tax rate.
UNICEF reported the US child poverty rate is about twice the European average, a low 18th out of 41 of the world’s wealthiest countries with one in five children living in poverty.[19] It costs almost a quarter of a million dollars to raise a child to age 18, according to the US Department of Agriculture. The income inequality rate is a low 30, behind Turkey and Slovakia. More children are living in high-poverty areas and the number of children living in low-income working families is increasing, according to the 2015 Kids’ Count report.[20] One out of every five children in the US lives in poverty and nearly half of black children are in low-income families, like the fictional character Hushpuppy (age 6). She’s featured in the film Beasts of the Southern Wild (2012) about poor black families in Louisiana. Despite stereotypes about black families being poor, two-thirds of the people who live below the poverty line identified themselves as white in the latest census. However, the white median wealth is $142,000 compared to blacks’ income at $13,700.[21]
Over half the children in US schools are eligible for free or reduced lunch, which means they come from low-income families.[22] Teachers lobby for community services with wrap-around services. However, health and nutrition service for children have steadily declined during the recession along with children’s economic well-being. Many children depend on food served at school because about half of US children will live in a household that relies on food stamps at some time during their childhoods. Families often run out of the food stamps before the end of the month. The achievement gap between richer and poorer children is increasing as measured in standard tests on math and reading.[23] The US is one of the few advanced countries that spend less on educating poor children than those in rich families. The wealthiest school districts spend about twice as much per student than poorer districts, a spending pattern typical of only three of 34 advanced nations (Turkey and Israel join the US as the most unequal nations). The other nations spend equally on all students or spend more for disadvantaged students. Despite high poverty rates, 59% of the discretionary budget of $1.5 trillion in 2016 was spent on the war machine (only 28% of the budget was discretionary).[24] Although half of Americans are poor or low-income,[25] the US spent over $4 trillion on wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and $55.7 billion on pets in 2013.[26] The U.S. military budget is $773.5 billion for FY 2017 and President Trump proposed a $54 billion increase.[27]
By 2015 more than a third of US workers were Millennials; at more than 53 million they are the largest group of workers and 40% of the unemployed (down to 14% of young people aged 18 to 29 in 2015).[28] They’ll be almost half of the workforce by 2020. Millennials are worse off economically than previous generations when they were young adults, leading The Atlantic magazine to call Millennials the “unluckiest generation.”[29] The number of young people making less than $25,000 climbed since the 1990s and 44% of college graduates work in low-wage jobs resulting in more frugal living for “The Cheapest Generation.”[30] More than half of “Kidults” (a term coined by the London Times) ages 19 to 22 are partially dependent on their parents[31] due to recession, staying longer in college, increased tuition costs, and being the first generation raised by very involved “Velcro parents” in frequent contact even when students leave for colleges. In the US, nearly one-third (32%) of Millennials live with their parents and about the same percentage live with a spouse or partner, according to Pew Research Center.
Although Millennials are more likely to go to college than older generations, the unemployment rate of college graduates ages 21 to 24 is 8.5% and underemployment is 17%. A discouraging 44% of recent college graduates work in jobs that don’t require a college degree. In the US and Europe, the term Precariat is used to describe people in part-time and short-term work motivating some of them join protest movements.[32] The number of college graduates working for minimum wage doubled in five years although more than 70% of the graduates in 2014 carried an average loan burden of $33,000 each.[33] Congress hasn’t passed bills to lower interest on student loans.[34] Canadian university students are the most indebted generation in Canadian history and earn less after graduation than previous generations.
Nearly 45% of college graduates ages 22 to 27 were in jobs that didn’t require a college degree although many acquired large student debts to attend college, compared to 38% of graduates in 2000. The unemployment rate for high school graduates ages 17 to 20 was almost 18% and one-third were underemployed. The rates are worse for young people of color and young women college graduates still earn 79 cents for every dollar earned by young men.
Unemployed youth cope by living with their parents (15% of adults ages 25 to 34 in both the US and Britain, called “Hotel Mama” in eastern Europe[35]), enrolling in higher education, or joining service programs like AmeriCorps or the Peace Corps. In 2013, 36% of Millennials ages 18 to 31 were living with their parents, according to the Pew Research Center, the highest percentage in four decades. Pew reported that 75% of Millennials are unmarried, many because they can’t afford it. The Census Bureau reported that nearly 16% of people ages 25 to 35 lived in poverty and nearly 14% of that age group lived with their parents in 2013, a higher percentage than previous generations. (More on US inequality on the book website.[36]) They’re also frugal; the Ben Franklin Generation avoids credit card and other debt besides student loans.
By 2020 more than one-third of voting age people will be Millennials. They tend to be liberal but 26% weren’t registered to vote and 32% didn’t vote in 2012, according to 2014 national online interviews with 2,004 Millennials, ages 18 to 31 (56% white).[37] Only 8% were conservatives and 13% were cynics–the least likely to vote, while 44% felt closer to the Democrats (63% said they voted for Obama in 2012), 26% felt closer to the Republicans, and 19% said they had no party affiliation. The issues most important to them were making college more affordable, economic opportunity and background checks for gun sales. They believed government should be involved in solving these kinds of problems. Despite the legacy of the Recession of 2008, 70% were optimistic about their economic prospects for the next few years although what they worry about most is finding a good job. Only 39% thought they would be better off than their parents and 60% talk to their parents at least once a day. Most (87%) agreed, “It’s up to me if I succeed or fail.” The values they considered most important for the US were equality, opportunity, and personal responsibility. At the bottom of their values list were competition (7%) and patriotism (8%). Most of them (79%) thought young people have the power to change things although they agreed, “The system is rigged in favor of the rich” (71%). The survey researchers concluded that digital native Millennials (born 1981 to 2004) are “collaborative, tolerant, with high expectations.”
Occupy Precursors
Other earlier youth protests were organized by civil rights organizations such as Students for a Democratic Society, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and college students who taught in the Freedom Summer of 1964 while registering African Americans to vote. Young activists took to the streets to protest against the World Trade Organization’s neoliberal model of free trade in 1999. “The Battle for Seattle” drew 50,000 to 100,000 protestors from many countries. Canadian activist and writer Naomi Klein was there and reported it was the “last time a global, youth-led, decentralized movement took direct aim at corporate power,” because of the political repression after 9-11-01.[38] Comparing the two movements, she said Occupy is wise to select a “fixed target” such as a public square, while the global justice activists demonstrated at short-term summits that didn’t last more than a week.
A warm up for the September 2011 Occupy Wall Street was the February occupation of the Wisconsin State Capital by 100,000 people to protest Governor Scott Walker’s removal of collective bargaining rights for state employees. The “cheeseheads” showed their solidarity with their hats resembling a wedge of cheese, including university students and staff and secondary school students. Using social media to inspire each other, Egyptian youth activists and others from Iraq and Tunisia ordered almost a 1,000 pizzas for protesters they met on social media. A young Egyptian wrote on Facebook, “I want Scott Walker to know that he is not just dealing with the people of Wisconsin, he is dealing with the people of the world.”[39] An Egyptian sent a photograph of himself holding a sign saying, “Egypt stands with Wisconsin: One World, one Pain.” US protesters met Egyptian activists Ahmed Maher and Waleed Rashed in person in New York City in April and activists also Skyped with Barcelona occupiers.
A second precursor occupation, the Bloombergville camp was created in New York City across from City Hall from June 14 to July 4 to protest budget cuts and teacher layoffs proposed by the mayor. General Assemblies were held nightly, learning from the Spanish Indignados, adopted by Occupy Wall Street in the fall. Protests against the Keystone XL pipeline in the summer of 2011 were another warm-up for Occupy Wall Street.
Disgusted with government controlled by the rich, young people united in a group called Millennial Movements (with a Facebook page with that title that explains “We build power to impact public policy, influence societal culture and direct the new generation of civic engagement.”) In November 2015, members included 350.org, Working Families Party, Million Hoodies, and Fossil Fuel Student Divestment Network. They advocated, “Politicians aren’t the only voices with power. We have power, too. And we have more power when we act together. Young people don’t live single-issue lives. We live at the intersection of the most pressing problems today.”[40] Millennial Movements explained,
We are running out of patience. After years of political inaction and failure, young people are taking these crises into their own hands. The Occupy movement, Black Lives Matter, the climate justice movement, the immigrant rights movement, Moral Mondays led by people of faith, and fast food workers on strike [for a $15 minimum wage] have captured the attention of the American people, but not of Congress. Now our movements are starting to come together to begin to speak with one voice…. Young people are at the forefront of movements for social change, and are becoming increasingly engaged in the political process.
Occupy Wall Street
Occupy Wall Street began with an email to readers by the Canadian anti-consumerist magazine, Adbusters, “a global network of culture jammers and creatives.” In July 2011, they publicized a poster of a ballerina dancing on the Wall Street symbol of the bull with police in gas masks in the background, a protest against corporate rule. (The recent addition is the statue of a the “Fearless Girl” facing off the statue of the bull, hands on her hips, in 2017. It was placed there by an ad firm.) They referred to Tahrir Square and the Spanish occupations of the squares. The text sent to their network of 90,000 people read, “What is our one demand? #occupywallstreet September 17. Bring tent.” This could be called a flash mob, organized by Tweeting a location, time, and command. The hashtag had 195,000 followers by February 2014 and “Occupy” became a meme, a symbol that has widespread appeal and is “rhizomatic” and easy to share with others in the “hive mind.” Adbusters used Twitter and emails to proclaim to tis network, “America needs its own Tahrir.” It relied on a spontaneous “anarchic swarm” as the “emerging model of anti-capitalist mutiny,” rather than hierarchical leadership. They made it clear that, “We are not trying to control what happens.” The editors reached out to European activists for advice about occupations.
A popular blog called “We are the 99%” was launched on Tumblr. The slogan was attributed to activist scholar David Graeber, but he said it was a collective process that he thinks originated in Spain. The first rally on September 17 drew 5,000 protesters, according to Adbusters editors, who also reported that 300 spent the night and a general assembly was held a few days later with 150 participants.[41] Nathan Schneider, 27, reported, “It was just this sense, like something is in the air. Even Al Gore was saying, ‘It’s time for an American Spring.’” People were disappointed with Obama’s inability to reform the US financial system.
Organizers met in New York with protest leaders from Spain, Greece and North Africa at the end of July. Spanish activists came to early general assemblies; activist Marisa Holmes reported they learned a lot from them. The Mexican Zapatistas influenced some activists, and some had occupy experience in Bloomsbergville or the global justice movement (like David Graeber). The Occupy Wall Street protesters recognized their connection to Tahrir Square: “This was absolutely inspired by Tahrir Square, by the Arab Spring movement,” said Tyler Combelic, 27, part of the New York occupation.[42] Egyptian leader Asmaa Mahfouz held teach-ins at Liberty Plaza. Youth leaders from Cairo advised the US youth in October:
Our only real advice to you is to continue, keep going and do not stop. Occupy more, find each other, build larger and larger networks and keep discovering new ways to experiment with social life, consensus, and democracy. Discover new ways to use these [public] spaces, discover new ways to hold on to them and never give them up again. Resist fiercely when you are under attack, but otherwise take pleasure in what you are doing, let it be easy, fun even. We are all watching one another now, and from Cairo we want to say that we are in solidarity with you, and we love you all for what you are doing. Comrades from Cairo[43]
A letter of support for Occupy Wall Street was signed by 50 Chinese intellectuals in a global network of protesters and solidarity demonstrations were held in European cities and Israel.
The initiative was quickly endorsed by the Anonymous hacker group on a video that got 100,000 views. The online free speech activist group is famous for its hacking “raids” on targets like drug cartels, the Church of Scientology, and child pornographers. Some Anonymous protesters wear Guy Fawkes masks in street demonstrations, copied by others in the Occupy protests.[44] They got the mask idea from the film V for Vendetta where the leader of the insurrection wears a mask. Their website explains, “Anonymous is simply ideas without origin … With Anonymous there is no authorship. They are simply a spark but not fire. There is no control, no leadership, only influence.” Previously they hacked Tunisian government documents for activists and broke into Hong Kong’s “moral education” documents that Beijing wanted to implement. They’re not the same as the Black Bloc youth who harmed the Occupy movement by using violence, attacking police and throwing rocks at store windows, while wearing black hoodies, generating criticism from Anonymous and activists like Chris Hedges.[45] The Black Bloc surfaced previously in Egypt and Greece.
A preliminary assembly was held in New York City on August 2. David Graeber was there and described how the Marxist Workers’ of the World Party leaders dominated the meeting to try to impose their rules. Graeber and friends he knew from work in the Global Justice Movement went to the side of the meeting to form their own horizontal group and succeeded in attracting most of the participants. They organized the New York General Assembly (GA) that became prominent in the Occupy Wall Street movement. They decided not to formulate demands that anarchists believe would give legitimacy and respect to corrupt politicians to whom the demands would be made. They did reach out to community groups and unions, forming a labor working-group. Local unions organized a large rally in Foley Square on October 5 and successfully marshaled support against threatened eviction of Zuccotti Park (renamed Liberty Park) on October 14. Greenpeace provided a mobile power center and a nurses’ union provide medical applies, all adding to the occupation’s “cool factor.” Grassroots organizations like the American Dream Movement (founded by Van Jones to unite progressive organizations) and MoveOn.org were supportive of the Occupy Movement.
Protesters decided to take direct non-violent action, have general assemblies to make decisions, and to occupy a public space. They agreed on the main slogan, “We are the 99%.” This approach included almost everyone who can identify with the “hashtag, t-shirt, icon style of organizing, everyone showed up. And we could project onto Occupy whatever our issues were,” said activist Michael Ellick.[46] He explained, “Occupy’s approach was not to organize by policy but to organize by spectacle, and by archetype, and by emotion and idea, and to find a different way of speaking to people. It hit a nerve.” Amin Hussain added, “This movement is post-identity. It’s about freeing up people’s imaginations.” This is the non-violent PR approach advocated by Gene Sharp and taught by CANVAS in Serbia, discussed in Chapter 7. CANVAS trainers came to New York within a week of the beginning of the occupation.
Although the Occupy Movement resisted having a specific platform of demands, saying it’s not up to them to manifest more economic equality, documentary filmmaker Michael Moore and a workgroup he met with made suggestions for reforms. The source in the endnote includes DC Occupy’s goals for tax reform, regulation of finance, campaign finance reform to reduce the influence of corporations, universal health care, less federal spending on the military, and reducing carbon emissions.[47] Naomi Klein responded to criticism of Occupy’s lack of goals by asking online what activists wanted; the reply was to get money out of politics by overturning Citizens United and restore the Glass-Steagall Act to reform the banking system.
Over 5,000 people marched on Wall Street on September 17, 2011, to “bring justice to the bankers,” who caused the housing bubble to collapse in 2007 but received $611 billion to prop up the “too big to fail” banks and some automotive companies.[48] (Over half of the loans were paid back by July 2014.) Nearly 200 demonstrators spent the night in Zuccotti Park.[49] Some Occupiers dressed like corporate zombies and carried fistfuls of fake money, seen in a photo.[50] Two days later a camp was established in Zuccotti Park whose name was changed to Liberty Square. It lasted for about two months, changing the political conversation and politicizing participants. At its height, over 100 working groups functioned and some continued to meet after the occupation in neighborhood assemblies.
Police violence increased the numbers of demonstrators, similar to other police incidents around the world.[51] Police insured widespread publicity on September 24 when a police officer was caught on video spraying two women with pepper spray as they stood peacefully, which motivated the formation of camps in other cities. The officer was photoshopped on social media spraying the founding fathers, the Beatles, and Mona Lisa. YouTube videos of the police got over a million views, motivating 15,000 marchers to turn out two days later in the largest march. Police arrested over 700 people in the march on Brooklyn Bridge on October 1 in one of the biggest mass arrests in New York City’s history. Using these kinds of bad public relations actions on the part of the authorities to increase protests is “political jiu-jitsu.”
Police tactics changed from kettling crowds like cattle and mass arrests to random “snatch and grabs,” pulling an individual out a crowd to intimidate the others. New York police were also accused of intentionally grabbing women’s breasts (Cressa Perloff, 24, was paid a settlement of $95,000 by the city for such as assault, while Cecily McMillan, 25, served jail time for elbowing the policeman who groped her breast. )About 8,000 nonviolent Occupy protesters were arrested in 122 cities, although none of the rich bankers who caused the 2008 recession with their Ponzi schemes were brought to justice.[52] Police bussed newly released prisoners to Zuccotti Park to get free food, similar to what Egyptian police did in Tahrir Square. Police in New York City and other protest sites jammed communications networks, used anti-recording strobe lights, surveillance technologies and spies as well as attacking leaders and reporters.[53] They coordinated with federal agencies and private security firms to disrupt occupations around the country leading to calls against militarization of police, including campus guards.
Author Chris Hedges warned that the FBI and the Department of Homeland Security united to weaken the Occupy movement that attracted 350,000 demonstrators at its height. The authorities used divide and conquer tactics, electronic surveillance, severe terrorism laws, and harsh penalties for whistle-blowers like Chelsea (formerly Bradley) Manning, Julian Assange and Edward Snowden.[54] Hedges reported 7,765 arrests of demonstrators. The NYPD had to pay settlements to some demonstrators arrested for disorderly conduct, with the court cases and payments continuing into 2015.
A video about Occupy Wall Street, The 99 Percent follows the young reporter working and sleeping in Zuccotti Park.[55] He discovered that the group received about $500,000 in cash and donations of food and other items, which they stored in a labor union facility, indicating community support. As usual, the encampments included a library table, food section, health care section, and childcare, as well as musicians, signs, face painting and other fun theatrics typical of youthful demonstrations. Fourteen bicycle-powered generators created electricity and filtered rainwater and grey water were available. The Occupy Boston camp included a Faith and Spirituality tent, signs protesting “Class War,” a newspaper, people’s university, library and legal team.[56]
An online survey of about 5,000 respondents, conducted by the Occupy Research Network, reported the majority of demonstrators (64%) got their Occupy information from Facebook, while a quarter used Twitter and another quarter used blogs. Face-to-face communication was also influential, as 43% said they had discussed Occupy the previous 24 hours. They told other people about Occupy on Facebook and in person about equally.
Multiple media coverage included Livestream TV shown on Globalrevolution.tv (it peaked at 80,000 viewers a day), print publications such as the Occupied Wall Street Journal, online notes from General Assemblies, and websites like OccupyTogether.org and Occupy.net. The first year of the New York Occupy Movement is chronicled in a TIME Magazine booklet providing an overview of the global Occupy Movement with an emphasis on the US.[57]Thank You, Anarchy: Notes from the Occupy Apocalypse by Nathan Schneider described his observations of the first year, concluding that Occupiers “shifted the rhetorical landscape.”
Activists didn’t follow established tactics of community organizing and were ignored by the press after five days of sit-ins until demonstrators garnered public attention with “highly disruptive” actions and a willingness to sacrifice their comfort by sleeping in Zuccotti Park or be arrested. Mark Engler and Paul Engler maintain, disruption (as explained in sociologist Frances Fox Piven’s Challenging Authority, 2008) and sacrifice combine forcefully to garner news coverage; “the amount of momentum that a movement generates can consistently be linked to the level of disruption its actions cause.”[58] A global day of rage took place in over 1,000 cities in 82 countries on October 15, initiated by the Spanish indignados. By the time Zuccotti Park was cleared on November 15, the occupy movement had spread to 750 cities worldwide in 82 countries, brought discussion of inequality and the urban commune to the forefront, and framed politics as a struggle between the 1% and the 99%.
Occupy Wall Street organizing was influenced by anarchism, which had also inspired the Global Justice Movement and other global uprisings. Graeber called Occupy an anarchist project. He credits a small group of anarchists including himself for the strategy used in Occupy Wall Street.[59] He defined anarchist principles as direct action, direct democracy, and creation of alternative institutions. These tactics were used previously by the radicals in the US Civil Rights movement, the anti-nuclear movement, and the global justice movement. The difference, he believes, is Occupy grew more quickly. Quakers and anarchists pioneered general assemblies and the disability justice movement developed hand signals. The People’s Mic was used during anti-nuclear demonstrations in the 1980s and the Global Justice Movement in the 1990s, shown in the documentary This Is What Democracy Looks Like (1999) about the Battle for Seattle. Two Canadian scholars, James Rowe and Myles Carroll observed that the dynamic between radicals and reformers is productive for leftist social movements.[60] Although academic research is biased towards reform efforts, radicals in the form of anarchists played central roles in the Battle of Seattle and Occupy Wall Street.[61]
Globally, youth movements influenced by anarchism pride themselves on being leaderless and practicing direct democracy. The media has a hard time dealing with such an amorphous movement, but horizontal organizing protects the demonstrators from being dependent on a few leaders and positions. Media played with the issue, such as an October 25, 2011, Doonesbury cartoon shows an Occupy demonstrator being interviewed on a radio show. The host asks, “No goals, right? Except the one. To have no leaders?” The guest answers, “Right, and we’ve already achieved it.” An HBO TV series TheNewsroom showed fictional news coverage of the issue; the news anchor played by Jeff Daniels criticized the Occupy Wall St. movement for not being able to achieve anything without specific goals and leaders. “None of us are leaders, all of us are leaders,” said a demonstrator. (The Viable Systems Model deconstructs the direct democracy processes for those who like diagrams.[62])
Who were the occupiers in NYC? Graeber reported in The Democracy Project (2013) that most of the young activists were of working class background who had followed the path to achieving the American dream by going to college, only to be humiliated with large debts and poor job prospects. He viewed the Occupiers as a “defiant self-assertion of a new generation of Americans.” Graeber described the participants as, “Young people bursting with energy, with plenty of time on their hands, every reason to be angry, and access to the entire history of radical thought.” However, Canadian Samantha Bee reported that Zuccotti Park was a stratified occupation with the older professionals in an area with library and exercise equipment and elitist college students from Brooklyn were separate from the downtown “ghetto” people. Bee thinks the pretense of direct democracy prevented the development of effective leadership.[63]
A Harvard Institute of Politics report released in December 2011 found that only 32% of Millennials said they followed the Occupy Wall Street movement either very (6%) or somewhat closely (26%).[64] Only 21% said they supported the movement. Data collected on hits on the http://www.occupywallstreet.org website showed that users tended to be young (64% under 35), white (81%), male (62%), college-educated (64%) people who earned less than $50,000 a year.[65] At first, the typical participant was a well-educated, tech-savvy, young white male.[66] More than half of the Occupiers had previous experience in a social movement such as the Global Justice Movement and members of Food Not Bombs organized many of the food tents. In 2012 interviews with a convenience sample of 25 Occupy Wall street activists, most were in their 20s and 30s, most were college educated and most had previous activist experience such as in the Wisconsin protests against Governor Walker or Bloombergsville protest against budget cuts. Some followed the news of the Arab Spring and European demonstrations.
Based on the 25 interviews and a larger survey of 729 respondents conducted during a large march to Wall Street on May 1, common characteristics: Many activists were under-employed and in debt, they were likely to be young well-educated white men, disappointed with the Obama presidency and mainstream politics, supportive of horizontal democracy, feeling part of a global movement and politically active. Many of them were political Independents (42%) and few were Republicans. (A poll of representative Millennials reported 44% were independents and more said they were moderate than liberal or conservative.[67] Younger respondents were more actively involved but were mentored by older veterans of social movements like David Graeber. The participants kept informed about occupy events on the Internet and by friends rather than mainstream media. They were surprised that the occupation lasted two months and that it spread around the world.
Some participants criticized Occupy for being controlled by white males. An ongoing concern throughout the US occupy sites was the lack of people of color and criticism of male domination of discussions. Women’s groups were formed to confront sexism such as WOW, (Women Occupying Wall Street), Occupy Patriarchy, and Women Occupy, working with other feminist groups like CODEPINK and NOW. A WOW sign at a demonstration read, “Women do 66% of the world’s work/earn 10% of the world’s income/own less than 1% of the world’s property. End the patriarchy.”
Women of Color formed the core of the People of Color working group. Occupy the Hood aimed to connect Occupy to people of color and similar groups in other cities. Some general assemblies used a “progressive stack” to encourage women, people of color, and LGBTQ speakers to move more quickly to the front of the line of speakers. The Applied Research Center conducted nine focus groups with 60 young progressives (ages 18 to 30) in five cities around the US in 2012.[68] Over half (53%) were people of color. Many were involved in the Occupy Movement, including a large majority of the white activists. A Latina, 27, explained, “I’ve seen lots of lots of pictures of white folks as part of Occupy. And it’s just been hard to imagine myself as part of it.” The main influence on their work for social justice was their personal and family experiences with injustice, as Derrick, 27, an African-American in New York, said:
I realized that what was happening to me and my family was not an aberration but was part of a plan. My passion came from my personal experience and my rage about it came from understanding that it was broader. Poverty is a political issue, so is immigration enforcement, etc. It’s all part of a plan to keep people down.
The Applied Research Center focus groups found young progressives’ key issues were racial justice, economic justice, sexism, prisons and crime, and the environment–in that order. They were frustrated about the general public’s ignorance about inequality and capitalistic promulgation of individualism. The Occupy veterans were more critical of capitalism and more skeptical about getting involved in electoral politics than those who hadn’t participated. The respondents identified the main barriers to change as the public’s ignorance of history, lack of political analysis and capitalism’s prioritization of individualism. They felt racism and sexism were problematic in the Occupy movements: “The reason why [many Occupy movements] are not addressing various issues–mainly gender, sexual orientation and race–is that the movement is so fluid. We are constantly occupying these spaces and people are flowing in and out,” said, Adrian, 28, an Occupy Atlanta participant. The respondents valued cooperation and creating democratic communities where “meaningful relationships are built,” as Sherise said. Gigi, 25, grew up in rural Pennsylvania where she said, “everybody is ignorant.” They generally felt politics and political parties are “bullsh*t,” as a 19-year-old girl from Atlanta said, and they lost hope in President Obama. Only one party rules, the Party of Wall Street, stated geographer David Harvey.
News then shifted from New York City to Oakland. The press focused on confrontation with Oakland police in October, a large general strike and shutting down the port on November 2 by around 10,000 demonstrators who wanted to “do something big.” Signs said “March like an Egyptian” (repeated in Tel Aviv demonstration) and “Capitalism is over.” The demonstrators banned politicians and police from the squares, but in clearing the plaza in front of city hall, police wounded Iraq veteran Scott Olsen, aroused masked Black Bloc violence and radicalized other protesters.
Nationally, occupy demonstrators were driven out of city plazas by police, often with violent tactics as in Oakland, under the pretext of health issues and maintaining “public order.” About 400 people were arrested in Oakland in January. Naomi Klein reported police raids were coordinated nationally by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and the FBI in what she called a civil war, confirmed by the mayor of Oakland who participated in an 18-city conference call from the Department of homeland Security on “how to suppress” Occupy protests. This accusation was verified by documents obtained by Truthout from DHS documents using the Freedom of Information Act.[69] It’s not just protesters or young black men who are arrested; in his book Youth in Revolt (2013) Henry Giroux reported that in the increasingly militarized police state, almost a third of young people are arrested for a crime by age 23 in what he calls an addiction to violence.[70]
Women and LGBT participants felt unsafe at the large demonstrations in Oakland. Graduate student Jill Richards told me that women and queers were followed, cat-called, groped, and rapes attempted, so they formed their own group, which had difficult finding common ground. After the protests dissipated, the Oakland activists turned their attention to stopping housing foreclosures in the housing justice movement and halting city efforts to close some schools. The film Autumn Sun: The Story of Occupy Oakland (2013) documents their struggle.
Occupations spread to nearby universities (UC Berkeley and UC Davis) and other US cities, supported by progressive Internet groups like MoveOn.org. It emailed its members, “A new generation has gone to the scene of the crimes committed against our future.” Police use of pepper spray against peaceful protesters again was captured on videos that went viral in November when a UC Davis policeman walked along the line of peaceful seated students systematically spraying each one in the face.[71] Successful lawsuits against policemen included Anthony Bologana who pepper-sprayed two women in Occupy Wall Street, John Pike who sprayed student and faculty demonstrators at UC Davis, and Los Angeles police who violently evicted the Occupy camp.
My video interview with Occupy Chico’s Anthony Delgardo, age 27, is available online.[72] He’s an unemployed mechanic who is motivated to support the movement by the fundamental injustice of American business. He explained that young people are at the forefront of the Occupy protests because they grew up behind computer screens and know how to broadcast the revolution around the world. Delgardo’s personal emphasis is on becoming self-sufficient with solar power and by growing organic food so as not to be dependent on big business or government, “non-participation in the way the world is going.” I asked him to name one way to take power back from the plutocracy: “Ride your bike,” he replied. He concluded by saying, “I’m more hopeful than I’ve been in years.”
Attending an Occupy Chico meeting in the downtown park (see photos[73]), as expected, there were no acknowledged leaders. A young woman who was new to the group suggested going around the group of 14 to find out why people were there. The participants ranged from two college freshmen, a former Marine, to several homeless men who wandered in and out from the nearby city plaza (a common problem in Occupy camps where homeless people were attracted by food and shelter). Few participants were an ongoing presence since the beginning.
Theo, a college student, said he is working on setting up a time-bank to share skills without exchanging money and that there was a core of around 25 supporters. Clint, a man who had attended many of the meetings, said he was discouraged that no action had been taken, but others pointed out they had organized local marches, including an upcoming march on banks. Clint was afraid the movement was dwindling from its height when about 60 people participated. He held up a chart he’d made of an octopus-like structure with many arms focusing on various groups and causes, but no action was taken on his organizational suggestions.
With colder weather, meetings moved from the public square to the nearby Peace and Justice Center office. A core group of 20 to 30 people remained active with two general assemblies a month, working to overturn the Citizens United Supreme Court decision, prevent use of plastic bags, protest drone strikes, and form a Food Not Bombs chapter. They protested Monsanto’s products with a Halloween celebration where people were asked to dress as hideous GMO mutations.
Leadership and Organizing
David Graeber reported that Occupy Wall St. succeeded because students and other young people set up camp and refused to leave. What surprised him was how rapidly the occupations spread to about 800 sites and “how quickly our liberal allies abandoned us,” including the media.[74] He said members of the Democratic Party tried to infiltrate the media teams and assume leadership, so he thinks in the future activists will need to think more carefully about their alliances. He credits the occupation for introducing discussion of social class for the first time since the Great Depression of the 1930s and encouraging Millennials’ dissatisfaction with the capitalist empire. He would like to see “fully automated luxury communism.”
Following the global model of organizing in occupation, small working groups meet and discuss issues and present their conclusions to the larger assembly (GA) that sometimes includes thousands of participants. A facilitation committee teaches communication techniques to newcomers because “everyone was equal in the assembly,” according to New York organizer Marisa Holmes. Consensus is arrived at through hand signals, as you can see in a video of the NYC Occupy assembly in action.[75] Hand signals include a “twinkle” or “spirit wave” where fingers are wiggled overhead to express approval, wrists or elbows chop down to indicate disapproval, and a block with arms crossed over chest means you’ll quit over a certain issue. Proposals can pass with a 90% vote, quite a feat when the crowd included anarchists, Marxists, feminists, queers, capitalists, immigrants’ rights activists, and anti-racist organizers.[76]
The GA crowd repeats a speaker’s sentences in waves to the back of the crowd until everyone hears the message through repetition of a phrase using the “Human Mic.”[77] This was not a new technique; for example, Brazilian activists used it in the 1980s. Mic Checks are used to disrupt public gatherings such as fundraisers for Republican candidates or a speech by President Obama—who handled the interruption graciously. Black Lives Matter activists continued the interruptions of speeches by presidential candidates like Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump in 2016. President Obama suggested they should be more willing to work with political leaders to find solutions rather than yell at them.
Organizers practiced direct democracy in their assemblies, but an activist in Occupy Oakland, Jasper Bernes, reported to the Global Uprisings conference that the GA is too cumbersome to make decisions. Like other critics, he said large gatherings should be for debate and idea sharing. Reporter Chris Hedges, a supporter of the Occupy movement, warned that consensus decision-making works well in small groups but leads to paralysis in large groups and “numbing exhaustion” that crushes some activists.[78] Since decision-making in large crowds is difficult, spokescouncils were added in late October. Working groups sent representatives to a council to make decisions until they were evicted two weeks later.
Commenting on youth leadership, in my interview with Kim, active in Occupy Sacramento, she said that youth are able to organize quickly. At first older activists in their group only delegated electronic media outreach to the youth while dominating other areas, but gradually youth took more initiative, such as organizing a May Day event. Inspired by Tahrir Square demonstrations, Kalle Lasn, the 69-year-old publisher of Adbusters that started Occupy Wall Street, commented:
The messy, leaderless, demandless movement has launched a national conversation of the likes that we haven’t had in 20 years. That’s as good as it gets! Not everyone needs to have a leader with clear demands. That’s the old way of launching revolutions. This revolution is run by the Internet generation, with egalitarian ways of looking at things, and an inclusive process of getting everyone involved. That’s the magic of it.[79]
Environmental leader Bill McKibben, the Baby Boomer founder of 350.org, finds it “a little disconcerting to look around and realize that most of the movements don’t really have easily discernible leaders.”[80] His organization trains young people from over 135 countries to be climate-change organizers because, “Instead of a leaderless movement, we need a leader-full one.”[81] Young activists fought against the Keystone XL Pipeline with blockades, tree sits, and chaining themselves to equipment, discussed below. Some organizers use a “snowflake model” where tasks are delegated and teams report back to a central organizing group, as taught by The New Organizing Institute in Washington, DC.[82] McKibben pointed out this new way of organizing reflects the environmental goal to replace a top-heavy system with many local power sources and is the only way to deal with giants like the oil companies. “Rooftop by rooftop [with solar panels], we’re aiming for a different world, one that runs on the renewable power that people produce themselves in their communities in small but significant batches. The movement that will get us to such a new world must run on that kind of power too.”
At a university forum on the first anniversary of September 17 Occupy Wall St., I asked C.T. Lawrence Butler, who has taught Formal Consensus to many Occupy groups, about leaderless organizing. He writes about On Conflict and Consensus and teaches Formal Consensus to various groups, including Occupy groups.[83] Butler advocates a horizontal structure without leaders who monopolize power, but with leadership on the part of many members. He said an effective group makes collective decisions and delegates power to individuals for the duration of a task. Leadership is rotated to prevent burnout and isolation. He defined the Occupy Movement as a protest movement motivated by anger at corporate domination, but it’s not yet a political movement because it lacks an articulate vision of a new society based on values rather than power. Many of the Occupy General Assemblies that he visited in the fall of 2011 degenerated into shoutouts with whoever is loudest dominating the discussion. Despite the intent to be inclusive, around the world, men in Occupy Movements often dominate the discussions.
Butler says groups need to define themselves and their values rather than accepting who ever shows up for fear of being exclusive. Activists need to adopt common principles and establish their identity with precise boundaries. He reported that 90% of the intentional communities like co-ops and commune that he has worked with fall apart during their first year because they haven’t defined their “social technologies” of how to communicate, solve conflicts, make fair decisions, and integrate new members. As Second Wave feminists pointed out in the 1960s and ‘70s, the process is as important as the goal and personal relationships are political. The feminist injunction to “check your privilege” if you didn’t have direct experience with something exacerbated identity politics; for example the belief that only a person of color person could address racism.
Generational Differences
In their eBook on the Millennial Majority (2013), Morley Winograd and Michael Hais predicted that a new political consensus comprised of youth, women and minorities will reshape US policy for the next 40 years. A poll of 1,000 members of the “Snapchat Generation” in 2016 found most young people ages 18 to 26 valued personal freedom.[84] Likely to be liberal, Bernie Sanders was their favorite politician. In this order, they worried about corruption, inequality, education costs, and national security in an era of terrorism. Despite their awareness of inequality, most were optimistic about their economic future (88%), 75% believed they’ll do better than their parents, and 61% believed the best days of the US are ahead. Republican pollster Frank Luntz concluded, “This is a very radically different generation than what came before it.”
I asked Baby Boomers if they see generational differences in activists. Lawrence Butler said that while the ‘60s hippy protesters emphasized peace, love, and happiness, young activists today express more anger and angst with a sharper edge to their rebellion, because the world is more messed up. Many International “Days of Rage” were organized. He believes that charges that youth are apathetic are wrong, as they’re much more active, passionate and caring than his generation, but they’re more isolated. Antonio, 20, a student at the CSUC forum in California where Butler spoke, reported he sees changes from his friends talking about sports, switching to discussion of how the system isn’t working, similar to what a young Turkish protester told The Guardian in 2013: “It’s about an order, a system, our global system. The fact is we don’t feel represented. We don’t have a voice.” Anti- capitalist Spanish demonstrators carried signs blaming “Error de Sistema” and “La Crisis Es El Capitalismo,” motivated by the fact that almost half of Spanish youth are unemployed
Boomer Bill Zimmerman, the author of Troublemaker: A Memoir from the Front Lines of the Sixties (2012), said the differences are his generation were idealists who built a strong civil rights movement, did away with the draft by 1973 with their antiwar movement, and built feminist organizations, while young activists today are cynical and weighed down by debt.[85] He pointed out that the US graduates about 800,000 students a year, but only about half can find full-time jobs. Whereas his generation changed the US culturally, socially, sexually and spiritually, he predicts today’s activists will change it economically with new tactics. A young participant in a Forward Together demonstration at the North Carolina state capitol, Manju Rajendran said, “It echoes a lot of the movements from the sixties. I think we’re borrowing from a strong tradition of nonviolent direct action.”[86] She emphasized the recent theme of intersectionality; struggles around race, gender, sexuality, and immigration status are interconnected, so social movements need diversified leadership.
Stephen Tchudi, the director of volunteers at the Chico Peace and Justice Center observed:
I see great generational differences in the peace and justice movement. I’ve been especially impressed by the high school and college volunteers, who are smart, organized, well informed, and committed to action. I think they have a much greater sense of direction than my generation. I don’t know of many people of my age who had their wealth of experience at age 17 or 18.
However, he didn’t see the same focus in non-student young people in the local Occupy Chico movement: “I sensed that they had little sense of the history of activism and were not much interested in learning about what has gone before.” The Peace and Justice Center director Tammy Wichman, 26, observed that young activists are more impatient to see immediate change. They’re not willing to just talk about it, and they’re more inclusive about wanting to listen to various points of view. Her concern is many of her generation are apathetic, but the Occupy Movement got their attention, so she started a youth leadership program to teach organizing skills.
Results
Occupier Lucas Vazquez, age 18, said, “Occupy started as a symbolic action, but there’s a point where symbolism has to give way to the real. We need to start building alternative institutions and saying, ‘We’re going to replace you, capital. And we have our own structure in place.”[87] The Black Lives Matter movement, the Fight for $15, the People’s Climate March of 2014 and the success of democratic socialist Bernie Sander’s presidential campaign are seen as heirs to radical activism of Occupy Wall Street. It changed the way the public thinks about capitalism and the 1%, preparing the way in 2016 for the surprising successes of socialist politicians like Bernie Sanders who polled close to Hillary Clinton and moved her to the left. Clinton relied on Sanders (and Michelle Obama) to court the 75 million Millennials—the most unaffiliated generation ever and the most interested in third parties.
CNN commentator Van Jones noted the influence of the sophisticated political genius of young activists on the contents of Clinton’s speech, including their activism in the Sanders campaign, Black Lives Matter, the Million Hoodies Movement, the Organization for Black Struggle, the campaign for $15 minimum wage, Occupy Wall Street and the GLBT movement. The popularity of Sanders’ call for a political revolution matched a move to the left elsewhere when Jeremy Corbyn was selected as the head of the Labor Party in the UK and Liberal party candidate Justin Trudeau (age 43) was elected Canadian prime minister. He ran on equality of opportunity and is a proud feminist whose cabinet is half female.[88]
Economist Gar Alperovitz observed that although people say Occupy disappeared, people who met at Occupy events went on to form projects all over the country, such as the New Economy Coalition that he represents.[89] Occupy activists organized worker-owned cooperatives such as a printing shop and Occupy Farms. Occupy Homes worked to prevent foreclosures. Strike Debt and the Rolling Jubilee (discussed below) were the most popular causes, along with Occupy Sandy to assist storm victims in New York. InterOccupy coordinates groups globally.[90] He joins the chorus of voices in advocating the need for a coordinated vision for the future, not just correcting local problems.
On the Occupy.com website Robert Gibson listed other outcomes of the movement: the spread of the campaign for $15, the election of Seattle Occupy activist and socialist city council member Kshama Sawant, New York State ban on shale oil fracking, tiny houses built for the homeless in Madison, free community college in Oregon, reduction of $3.8 million in student debt by Strike Debt, and divestment campaigns that sold off more than $50 billion in investments in fossil fuel companies. The Million Student March organized marches on more than a hundred colleges in 2015 to demand the end of student debt, a national minimum wage of $15 for campus workers, and free public higher education.[91]In 2017, New York State made tuition free for full-time state college students whose families have an income below a cap of $125,000 by 2019. Gibson judged Occupy failures were allowing white men to dominate, the frustrating length of the GAs, and not ending the occupations after two weeks as advised by the Spanish indignados.
Michael Moore’s documentary Capitalism: A Love Story (2010) left him discouraged about the power of the 1%, but it helped lay the foundation for the protests, making him a popular speaker at Occupy rallies. He gained hope that change can occur because of youth activism. In a speech to an Occupy gathering, he praised 22-year-old Molly Kathchpole’s campaign for Bank of America to rescind a $5 fee on using debit cards after 300,000 people signed an online petition against it. A campaign to transfer funds from big banks like Chase and Bank of America to local credit unions and community banks also got results.
Although police shut down the final Occupy Wall Street camp on November 15, demonstrations changed the national discussion from a focus on national debt reduction to the unfairness of increasingly severe income inequality. Michael Moore pointed out the successes when he addressed Occupy Oakland.
Those in charge in this country and the media arm of Wall Street and corporate America were not prepared for this to be happening in hundreds, hundreds of cities across this country right now! It has happened with no leaders, no organization, no dues to pay. It’s happened organically from the grassroots, the true grassroots. And in my lifetime, I have never seen a movement like this take hold this fast with this many people all across the country. You have altered the national discussion. This is what people are talking about in every town, village, and city across America.[92]
The slogans of the Occupy movement were repeated in news coverage. Media use of “income inequality” increased five times by the end of October and the 1% became a popular meme.[93] Slogans included “99%: We are too big to fail!” “Break up the Banks,” and “Mundo sin Fronteras” (world without borders).” President Obama repeated Occupy themes of inequality in his pivotal speech outlined his re-election themes in Osawatomie, Kansas, in December 2011. He mentioned inequality six times and specifically contrasted the wealth of the 1% with the declining incomes of the rest. His State of the Union speech in 2012 included populist Occupy themes of economic fairness, demanding that the wealthy pay more taxes and he repeated the need to grow the middle class through the rest of his presidency. He named inequality the focus of his second term and the “defining challenge of our time.” Republican Presidential candidates criticized this theme as class warfare. Most of the Republican candidates criticized the Occupy Movement as “dangerous” (Mitt Romney), and consisting of hippies who should “Go get a job, right after you take a bath” (Newt Gingrich).
Some argue that OWS didn’t create real social change, but “It’s not what Occupy Wall Street has made, but the network that has been created,” said Joan Donovan at a Barcelona meeting of “Three Years of Interconnected Revolutions” in October 2013.[94] Other point to the prefigurative politics of direct democracy and self-help cooperatives they hope will gradually replace some or all of the capitalist system, bypassing the need for a revolution to overturn the national government.
The new political divide is not Republican vs. Democrat but populist versus establishment, according to Robert Reich.[95] About half of Millennials polled by the Pew Research Center in 2014 didn’t affiliate with either party. Even Ivanka Trump, daughter of the presidential candidate, said in her speech to the Republican convention, “Like many of my fellow Millennials, I do not consider myself categorically Republican or Democrat. More than party affiliation, I vote based on what I believe is right for my family and my country.” Elizabeth Warren, elected to the Senate to represent Massachusetts, pressed for Wall Street accountability and for preservation of Social Security and Medicare. Other populists in the Democratic Party advocated that she run for president against Hillary Clinton 2016. The New Populism is the subject of conferences and urging populists like Warren or Sanders to challenge Clinton for president. Sanders labels himself a democratic socialist and refers to Scandinavian social democracy as his model. He offered 12 suggestions to restore the middle class and stop growing inequality.[96] Other solutions for assisting the middle class were given by the Bookings Institution’s essay “Election 2016 and America’s Future” and Harvard economist Lawrence Summers who advocates investment in infrastructure to replace austerity approaches.[97]
The 1% concept permeated popular culture, as when the director and co-writer of the popular 2012 film, The Hunger Games, said of his film, “It’s not hard to see the 1 percent and the 99 percent in there. It’s not hard to see the excesses of wealth and the subjugation of the districts; while people are starving, wealthy capital dwellers induce vomiting so they can eat more delicious food.” Hunger Games fans relaunched the “Odds in Our Favor” campaign against inequality launched by the Harry Potter Alliance in 2013. They asked fans to share their experiences on #MyHungerGames and post a photo making Katniss’ three-fingered salute that young rebels used to signal dissent. Community activists are featured on #WeAreTheDistricts tumblr.[98] In Bangkok, Thai protesters against the military coup in 2014 used the three-fingered salute. The military banned its use in political gatherings and pressured a cinema chain to cancel showing the film after anti-coup students planned to attend the opening of the third film in Hunger Games series in 2014.
As Indian author Arundhati Roy observed after visiting Occupy Wall Street in 2011, it is “introducing a new political language into the United States, a language that would be considered blasphemous only a while ago…reigniting a new political imagination…an imagination outside of capitalism, as well as communism.”[99] She urged that protesters be aware of a global pattern “that they’re being excluded from the obscene amassing of wealth of US corporations is part of the same system of the exclusion and war that is being waged by these corporations in places like India, Africa and the Middle East.” To develop theory and strategies, Tidal magazine grew out of the Occupy Wall St. movement, with its first issue in December 2011.[100] Its anti-capitalist mission statement is. “There is no radical action without radical thought. Action means the search for, and creation of, ruptures in the existing order.” On the first anniversary of Occupy Wall Street, a small crowd demonstrated, some dressed in Robin Hood costumes, calling for a tax on Wall Street to pay for health care. Some Code Pink activists wearing pink bras demonstrated in front of Bank of America near Zuccotti Park until arrested by NYPD.
Second Phase, Creating Alternatives
The second phase of the Occupy movement created alternative institutions to replace what they consider a dying system. Housing and community organizing are popular goals for activists. A widely used guide for local actions to counter climate change, reliance on oil, and recession with “degrowth” is provided by Rob Hopkins’ books The Transition Handbook and The Transition Companion.[101] Over 400 official Transition Towns have been created In English-speaking countries, Italy and Chile. In New York, Buffalo’s West Side is being transformed by a grassroots group called People United for Sustainable Housing (PUSH) that developed green affordable housing and new jobs. The Wildfire Project is a coalition of activists to work on projects such as housing rights and students’ rights. In 2015 the Right to the City Alliance network of housing and racial justice organizations worked with PAH, the Spanish housing activist group that works to prevent foreclosures.
Occupy Madison’s “Tiny House Project” build micro-homes for homeless people beginning in 2013, with propane heat and solar power for electricity. The houses are mounted on trailers that can be legally parked on the street but the goal is to buy land and create a small village. Tiny houses also flourish In Oakland, California (where shelters are also made from shipping containers); Olympia, Washington; and Madison, Wisconsin. Tenant rights are also part of the housing justice movement, enforced with direct actions.[102]
“Occupy Our Homes” occupied homes of families who were threatened with mortgage foreclosures in 25 cities on December 6, 2011. They also form community land trusts to provide affordable housing. Solidarity Networks organized in various cities to publicize mistreatment of tenants with public posters, pickets, and confrontations. Occupy San Francisco organized about 3,000 demonstrators to honor the Foreclosure Fighters who stopped 300 homes from being auctioned by banks and they burned debt papers. On the fourth anniversary of Occupy Wall Street on September 17, 2015, hundreds of protesters demonstrated on the streets against gentrification of neighborhoods that results in rent increases.
Reporter Nathan Schneider observed that the question is, “Can we rebuild local economies so that they’re no longer dependent on Wal-Marts, military bases or prisons? What will it take to ensure that government is more responsive to popular will than to big money? Activists around the world should be learning from each other’s attempts.”[103] The New Economy Movement works to expand ownership for the 99% by fostering “social capitalist” projects such as solar-powered businesses, community land trusts, or worker-owned cooperatives in local communities like the Evergreen Cooperatives in Cleveland, Ohio.[104] Occupy activists promote worker-owned cooperatives, such as Boston’s New Economy Coalition and Seattle’s Black Coffee cafe, and free health clinics. Occupy activists organized teenagers to pick up compost on their bicycles, researched community land trusts, and providing free software. Other community projects include a free university in Philadelphia that offers courses like “Revolutionary Narrative: Poetics of Power,”[105] community gardens, and time banks to swap labor.
Barry Herman, who participated in Occupy Wall Street, observed that it was “the greatest mock challenge to authority since Abbie Hoffmann called on anti-war demonstrators to levitate the Pentagon in 1967.[106] Herman was involved in creating alternatives to occupations like Strike Debt. A call for a May Day strike in 2012 didn’t generate support, but the debt problem did. By the end of September 2012, US household debt totaled over $11 trillion dollars. Beginning in the summer of 2012, Strike Debt organized weekly “debtors assemblies” in New York City parks and affiliates formed in cities around the country and in London. They produced a “Debt Resistors’ Operations Manual.[107] An Occupy Student Debt Campaign in November urged one million people to sign up to refuse to make payments on their student loans.
Debt is a popular issue so Occupy activists formed The Rolling Jubilee in November 2012 to crowdsource fundraising to buy private debts and forgive them. The Jubilee raised money to buy distressed debt, paying only about $5 per $100 debt, mainly due to medical bills. They raised $500,000 in a few weeks, then paid off millions of people’s medical debts. They formed connections with European anti-debt groups. Since students owe $1.2 trillion in loans, debt strikers moved on to advocate for free education and universal health care. A group of debtors formed a group called Corinthian 15; they announced a debt strike in 2015 to refuse to make payments on their federal student loans for poor quality for-profit universities like Everest College owned by Corinthian company.
After Occupy Wall Street, activists organized against drones, US military spending on 900 bases in 130 nations, fracking, the Keystone XL pipeline, and coal plant pollution. Some protesters targeted a company In Pennsylvania that makes tear gas used in Tahrir Square. Other activists organized flash mobs, rallies, and teach-ins; published online commentary; marched in large parades and visited members of Congress in “Occupy Congress.” They advocate a financial transaction tax and public banking.
In Washington DC, Occupiers are using churches to store local food. University students are increasingly involved in healthy food production, with centers like the World Food Center at the University of California at Davis, and other food study centers at Stanford, Tufts, and Johns Hopkins. Food System groups, such as Food Democracy Now, protested outside the Federal Courts in Manhattan in 2012, to support organic family farmers in their unsuccessful landmark lawsuit against Monsanto. It’s the manufacturer of Agent Orange, dioxin, Roundup, GMO foods, and bovine growth hormones (“crack for cows”), all with toxic health hazards.[108] Peru passed a 10-year ban on all GMOs. India, Brazil, Poland, Peru and France successful in sued Monsanto and required labeling of GMOs. For example, a Brazilian court required Nestle to label all their products than have over 1% GMO content. A similar bill on the California ballot in 2012 was defeated by the $46 million spent on disinformation by agro-chemical companies including Monsanto and DuPont.[109]
Movement researchers analyzed data collected on sites like Occupy Research and #OccupyData NYC. They reported that since the beginning of Occupy US, over 7,200 protesters were arrested, economic inequality was highlighted, and many were involved for the first time in speaking out against injustice. What counts, says Ben Vitelli from Occupy Baton Rouge, is “There’s a wide community of opposition being formed across many social barriers, and those who hold power are very afraid.”[110] Accra Shepp photographed 400 activists at Occupy Wall Street, then noticed them at other social movements, so he created a collection of photos from 2011 and 2016.[111] He found they all felt transformed by the occupation and received a “crash course in activism.”
US, 2012-2017
After a winter hiatus, Occupy Movements were reborn in Spring 2012. Occupy organizers mobilized to assist New York victims of Superstorm Sandy in the fall of 2012. They set up dozens of relief centers and transporting thousands of volunteers to the most devastated areas, considered more effective than the Red Cross. Also in 2012, the Occupy Mental Health Project wrote a booklet about how to avoid burnout while organizing.[112] The same year, a Movement Resource Group was formed by Ben Cohen (Ben and Jerry’s ice cream co-founder) and assisted by other rich allies such as Norman Lear. Their goal was to raise at least a million dollars for the Occupy Movement. Funds for projects were given to grant applicants. Cohen explained, “The Movement is in the process of transitioning from being based on spontaneous occupations of parks, to being more strategic.” However, OWS activists and Cohen disagreed over his attempt to impose more leadership structure: “He’s a 1 percenter telling the 99% I’m your boss,” said the organizer of an “Illuminator” project to beam progressive messages on buildings in New York City from a van.[113]
An April 2012 week-long training called “99% Spring” was organized by a coalition of progressive groups including MoveOn.org and various unions and grassroots groups, but not endorsed by the Occupy Movement. The intention was to train 100,000 people in nonviolent direct action: “We will take non-violent action in the spirit of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Gandhi to forge a new destiny one block, one neighborhood, one city, and on state at a time.”[114] Organizer Joy Cushman explained, “We realized that nonviolent direct action is the way we have to go because the democratic system isn’t responsive anymore.”
I hosted a 99% training with around 100 participants of various ages (more old than young) in a church, following the script and downloaded videos to show the group. The emphasis was on the importance of sharing personal stories to identify core values on which to build a movement. Self-portraits were posted online with grievances such as student debt.[115] The training video emphasized the importance of planning and role-playing possible direct action scenarios in order to be well prepared with a vision, a goal for specific change, and strategy and tactics such as a boycott for how to achieve the goal.[116] For example, many think of Rosa Parks as a tired woman who spontaneously decided not to go to the back of the bus and thereby started the Montgomery bus boycott in 1955. However, she was trained at the Highland Center in Tennessee and a professional photographer was on hand to document the scripted action. The week after the 99% trainings over 1000 actions occurred, targeting corporations including the Bank of America, Wal-Mart and GE.
A video updated the movement in 2013, advocating awakening “the soul of this sleeping dragon, the people in struggle for liberation.”[117] Kevin Zeese, co-founder of PopularResistance.org and active in the Washington, DC Occupy, advocates a national network united in “one mass movement,” often referred to as a movement of movements. He believes that nonviolent mass movements succeed while “fringe movements fail.” By mass, he means about 5% of the population, including radical student and environmental groups. Kevin Zeese relies on Gene Sharp’s strategies for nonviolent revolution.
Nonviolent movements shift power by attacking the columns that hold the power structure in place. Those columns are the military, police, media, business, workers, youth, faith groups, NGOs and civil servants. … The goal is to pull people from those columns to our side. We want the police to know that we understand they’re not the 1 percent. The goal is not to get every police officer, but to get enough police so that you have a division.[118]
Building alternative structures with participatory democracy is required in order to become independent of the corporate economy. He advocates a public banking initiative as part of this process and other solutions to “core crisis issues” outlined by the Washington, D.C. Occupy.[119] Author Chris Wright calls for “a massive international movement of movements for economic and social justice.[120]
Zeese reported activists get publicity for every action because the “security state” warns people about an upcoming action and individuals can generate media coverage with their phones and social networking groups. Youth are especially connected: Teens spend nine hours a day in front of electronic devices, and tweens (ages 8 to 12) spend six hours a day, more time than with human beings, according to a 2015 study by Common Sense Media.[121] Boys spend more time playing video games and girls spend more time on social media.
Social justice leaders N’Tanya Lee and Steve Williams wondered, “Where is the outrage?” about austerity measures led by “neoliberalism’s elites,” high unemployment, ecological disasters, and racism. To update activism after the 2011 Occupy mobilizations and look into the future, Lee and Williams started the Ear to the Ground project. They interviewed 158 social justice and anticapitalist organizers, publishing their report in 2013.[122] Two-thirds of the Ear to the Ground interviewees were people of color, with slightly more men than women. One-third of the interviewees were from the San Francisco Bay Area. Despite their efforts, the interviewers didn’t include young people under age 20.
Surprised to find a high degree of consensus, not one activist said the movement’s overall culture sustained them. Most (65%) said they were anti-capitalist, but many lacked a descriptive political label and a systematic strategy for a better world. (A CNN poll of a representative sample of adults found that 42% thought that capitalism is not working for the US.) The interviewers found fragmentation and a lack of a unified front, and in response they advocated a “movement of the movements.” The authors bemoaned the absence of a strong Left and advocated building “a new kind of Left for our times, rooted in feminist social relations and “on-the-ground social movements.”
They believe the time is now for a united movement because multiple crises generate a “tipping point” for change. The authors propose a clearinghouse media center and a new Left political party, “united for socialism.” They suggest reexamining the culture of the social justice movement to eliminate competition for funding, judgmentalness, ego, crankiness, obsession with process and ideological purity, racism and sexism, overwork, lack of leadership training for youth, and expressing more anger than hope.
The interviewees were united in believing that the uprisings of 2011—the Arab Spring and Occupy Wall St., were the most exciting political events they’d ever experienced. They believed that the Occupy movement helped elect President Obama. As signs of continuing grassroots action, the organizers pointed to Florida demonstrations against the vigilante who killed black teen Trayvon Martin in February 2012 and Latino student immigrant “Dreamer” protests.
A young artist, Beka participated in Occupy Wall Street as a member of a Brooklyn media collective called “Not an Alternative” that creates videos and visuals used in street protests. Speaking at the Global Uprisings conference in Amsterdam, she explained that unlike the 60s when activists believed they could drop out and drop into a counter-culture to create another world, today there is no other world. The 99% are all affected by the capitalist system. The economic and environmental crisis connects us all. Neoliberalism is based on a lie that wealth has unlimited growth, but like a cancer, it’s terminal. Politicians can’t say her generation will do better than their parents. She worries that, “We don’t have a solid counter power, we’re fragmented.” Like many activists, she advocated building actual alternatives to the infrastructure. Like other activists, she doesn’t aim for one unified strategy, as “Our strength is in our disagreements, with connection despite of differences of opinion.”
In 2013 Occupy Wall Street activists identified ambitious ongoing actions to implement in 2014: make education a right, environmental protection, advocate a single payer health care system, affordable housing, end poverty, end mass incarceration, immigrant rights, indigenous sovereignty, a fair global trade system, and ending war.[123] Occupy members formed Beautiful Trouble in January 2013 to train groups in organizing and group development, including the Dream Defenders discussed below.[124] They teach tactics such as creative direct action, humor and pranks, arts, and other strategies discussed in their book.[125]
In a “Natgat” annual National Gathering on July 4, 2014, participants maintained their leaderless “horizontalism” to compile a “visioning” document they posted on their Facebook page “Occupy National Gathering.”[126] The main theme was that “Our process is our message,” consensus-based direct democracy. They were especially concerned about problems of student debt, public education, home foreclosures, and big bank power. When they voted on their priorities, the top five were a clean environment, free education for all, no war, sustainable society, and direct democracy. An online site called “Occupy Café.org” continued the conversation, along with a weekly telephone discussion.
Activists opposed President Obama’s policy of American exceptionalism to justify involvement in Syria, the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) called “NAFTA on steroids,” the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment partnership (TAFTA), and the Keystone XL Pipeline that author Naomi Klein referred to as the final colonial pillage in North America. Critics said TPP would increase corporate power to limit government ability to enforce environmental standards and regulate finance and food safety, and limit Internet freedom. Zeese and Margaret Flowers placed the TPP as the top priority issue of 2015, due to its shift of power to corporations away from local and national governments’ abilities to make environmental regulations.
The largest student activism centered on immigration rights and the environment. About 1,000 demonstrators, mostly students from 80 colleges, marched to the White House in March 2014 to denounce the Keystone XL oil pipeline. Some of the students were part of 350.org and work for divestment from fossil fuels. They sang the old “We Shall Overcome” and told the police “We love you.” Students said our future is on the line with fossil fuel. Some wore yellow T-shirts with the picture of a sun and the words, “As the heat rises, so do we!”
Progressive politicians were elected to office in 2013 along with President Obama, including Senator Elizabeth Warren, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio, and socialist Seattle City Council member Kshama Sawant. Born in India, she was active in Occupy Seattle. Warren began a campaign in 2014 for “Higher Ed, Not Debt,” to assist students with their loan debt. The campaign includes unions (membership declined from a third of workers to about 12%), the Working Families Party (WFP), youth groups, and other progressives. De Blasio was assisted in his election campaign by the WFP, a coalition founded in 1998, sponsored by labor unions and community groups to change social and political inequality. WFP backed half of the newly elected New York City Council members as well. Active throughout the US, WFP Executive Director Dan Cantor said, “We are living in the world Occupy made. We are the beneficiaries of what they did in terms of making this about inequality, which is from our point of view the core issue of our time.”
Occupy Wall Street organizers launched a new anti-capitalist progressive party in March 2014. Carl Gibson, co-founder of US Uncut, said the party aims to appeal to young people and focus on local politics to build power.[127] It’s website provides articles on activism and current issues. The party opposes capitalism, refuses to take donations from corporations, and gives top priority to education and health care.
A new PAC was formed to raise money to influence congressional races in 2014. Their goal was to create a Congress committed to reducing the influence of money on politics in 2016.[128] A new coalition formed the New Poor People’s Campaign, aiming to gather allies around the world.[129] Perhaps they influenced the Congressional Progressive Caucus that proposed “The People’s Budget: A Raise for America” in 2015. It included increasing the minimum wage, increasing taxes on the rich, debt-free college education, investing in renewable energy and public financing of political campaigns.
In March 2014, the hacker group Anonymous called for protests in Albuquerque, New Mexico, after it posted a YouTube video of police shooting a mentally ill homeless man. It also hacked the police website. After nine hours of demonstrations, the police responded to the marchers with tear gas. Protester Alexander Siderits, 23, said he was “fed up” with police violence: “It has reached a boiling point, and people just can’t take it anymore.” (See photos in the endnote citation.[130]) A sign said, “APD: Dressed to Kill.” In 2015, police killed over 1,000 people, according to the Killed By Police website.
The Fight for $15 minimum wage movement drew tens of thousands of people to march in 230 cities on April 15, 2015. They demanded fair pay for all in an era when the largest employer, Wal-Mart, pays only $9 an hour, the average wage has stayed the same for the last 30 years when adjusted for inflation, and most of the gains since the Great Recession went to the top 1%.[131] The Fight for $15 campaign is part of a new social justice movement called Millennial Movements, that intersects with Black Lives Matter, workers’ struggles such as Fast Food Forward, graduate student unions that push the labor movement to the left, the student debt relief, and feminist movements. A graduate student union activist named Katy Fox-Hodess reported, “We see a real national trend of younger workers really pushing the labor movement to the left in a number of ways. We have to stand up on issues of racism, zenophobia, women’s issues, LGBT issues, foreign policy issues—we have to have a broader politics.”[132]
In 2013 Millennials started an online magazine called {Young}ist headquartered in New York City to focus on global issues:
Racial justice
Immigration
Gender Incarceration
Capitalism (labor, workers, gentrification, etc.)
Health (mental health, sex, trauma, self-care, etc.)
Queerness
Gender
Organizing (direct action, online campaigns, social movements, etc.)
Culture (arts, pop culture, etc.)
Their website explains their purpose:
{Young}ist was born in response to the scapegoating of our generation in mainstream, corporate media narratives. As we are burdened with the economic crisis, a broken immigration system, and the rampant violence on young Black, Brown, queer, and transgender youth across the globe–we pursue storytelling not only as a vehicle to spread news, but also as a vital organizing tool to combating oppression. We see youth-led publishing and cross-pollination of ideas and strategies as a political necessity in this digital age.
Adbusters, the Canadian magazine that called for Occupy Wall Street, said the revolutionary spirit stirred again at the end of 2015 when they organized the #BillionPeopleMarch for December 19.[133] People who didn’t want to march could create “lone wolf” actions. Described as a “revolutionary carnival” against the system using culture jams and boycotts, their anti-logo is a black spot that could represent nothing or everything. It’s the sign of people power, “the mark of the new world to come.” The organizers predicted, “Once the global mindspace is peppered with trillions of blackspots, the revolution has begun.”
In 2016 Frances Moore Lappéjudged that the ingredients for a real democracy movement to take place in the US had coalesced because most people are angry about the fact that the 20 richest people own as much wealth as the bottom half of the population and that they control our government. In addition, 85% of Americans want to rebuild the campaign finance system and oppose secret funding for politicians, which requires overturning the Supreme Court Citizens United decision. Diverse groups agreed on a Unity Statement of Principles to end the influence of wealthy donors and formed coalitions like Democracy Initiative, Democracy.faith, and Democracy Awakening. A coalition of 36 groups planned direct actions for #DemocracySpring, including a march, teach-in, human circle around the Capital, and visits to legislators, described on “Field Guide-to-Getting-Money-Out-of-Politics Movement.[134]
Overall, the Occupy Movements changed the political discussion in North America from how to balance the budget to how to reduce inequality and received international support. The inequality theme of the 1% versus the 99% carried on in Bernie Sander’s presidential campaign that attracted young voters. Sanders’ slogan was #NotMeUs. Activists attempted to create DIY efforts like local co-ops and gardens, but didn’t significantly change the balance between the 1% and the 99%, leaving many angry. Trump and Sanders drew on that anger in their presidential campaigns. Trump blamed the financial elite for favoring globalization over America, and attacked Hillary Clinton for wanting to do away with national borders, saying, “I alone can fix it,” and “I’m your voice.” (Other reasons for his selection as the Republican presidential candidate are listed by Juan Cole.[135]) Trump’s election was viewed by some as an anti-globalization and pro-nationalist statement, but others view it as a desire to change an ineffective national government.
Trump supporters praise his nationalistic America first policy. But, is the administration‘s stated goal to deconstruct all our federal government departments (and appointing a man who doesn’t believe humans are responsible for global warming as the head of the EAP) helpful? What about the administration’s refusal to criticize Putin? Trump himself insisted on removing passages from the Republican platform that Russians didn’t like, creating the impression that he’s putting some kind of deal with Putin over US interests and colluded with Russian hackers to influence the election for Trump. It’s shortsighted not to realize that isolationism hurts our country in an era when democracy is under assault from Putin and other forces who created what he calls “the power vertical” or “governing from the top” centering on himself.[136] Foreign aid and programs like USAID help ensure global peace and security and prevent terrorism, as well as helping famine victims, etc. These programs consume only about one percent of the national budget.
Ben Brown founded the Association of Young Americans (AYA) to represent young Americans in government, similar to AARP lobbyists for older people.[137] Their weekly newsletter includes pertinent articles and news. Brown was motivated by Senator Alan Simpson’s statement that nothing would change until a young person could walk into his office representing millions of peers. An AYA member named Christopher Whalen, age 26, explained his generation can get hashtag campaigns launched, “But we often have a problem taking that passion and turning it into strategy.”
A professor and activist in Occupy Boston, Jeffrey Juris summed up the impact of the occupy movement as changing the debate from the national debt to inequality, unemployment, and the influence of corporate money on government.[138] He believes the future struggle will not be with the state but creating alternative practices. This was also the goal of the Global Justice Movement but current activists have broader communication networks to influence more people. Current goals are to raise wages, stop oil extraction, keep the Internet free, end corporate control of government, and immigrant rights. Occupy themes were used in Hillary Clinton’s campaign for the presidency, as her statement that “We have to make the economy fairer” and raise taxes on the rich. Her statements about racism are attributed to influences from Black Lives Matter.
Debt Protests
The financial system wants most of us to be in debt, maintains anarchist anthropologist David Graeber in his book Debt: The First 5000 Years (2011). Collective student debt is over $1 trillion with $33,090 the average for an indebted graduate, while the Education Department will earn an estimated $127 billion in the next decade on interest on loans.[139] The 70% of college graduates with debt owed an average of $29,400 in 2013. Graeber says the working class distrusts intellectuals–“the cultural elite,” and teachers, which undermines potential to unify for change. The loss of middle-class confidence in their economic futures is reflected in lower birth rates and less mobility, less moving from one home to a better one.
Young protesters are concerned about a combined US student debt of $1.2 trillion (not including what their parents borrowed for college expenses), at the same time that the unemployment rate for young college graduates is the highest on record.[140] Feminist author Gloria Steinem points out the debt burden is harder for female graduates who earn 81 cents for every dollar earned by a man, an average of $2 million less than men over a lifetime. Noam Chomsky warned that young people with large debts aren’t likely to think about social change; “When you trap people in a system of debt, they can’t afford the time to think. Tuition fee increases are a disciplinary technique” leading students to internalize the “disciplinary culture” and become cogs in the consumer economy.”[141]
Thousands of students joined the “Million Student March” on November 12, 2015, to end student debt and tuition at public colleges and for a $15 an hour minimum wage. The, claimed over 10,000 demonstrators on 115 campuses. Strike Debt wrote a free manual on how to deal with student debt, medical debt, and so on.[142] The Debt Collective erased nearly $4 million in student debt by purchasing it for $100,000. Members of the AFL-CIO’s Young Worker Advisory Council issued their Youth Economic Platform in 2015 as part of their national youth movement for raising wages, applied by the Young Worker Groups across the country. The platform began this way:
If you believe what the media reports, you might think young workers are individualistic, selfish narcissists. You might think the only way to connect with young people is on social media. And you might think we don’t know anything about the value of work. Don’t believe a word of it. It’s true we’ve been dealt a raw hand by corporations that view us as replaceable and by politicians who rely on us for votes but rely on Wall Street to finance their campaigns and choose their policies. And yet our generation is one of the most civic-minded, activist generations in history. That’s because we’re not going to wait for the world to change—we’re determined to fix it ourselves.[143]
A bill called the Pay It Forward College Affordability Act proposed that students pay for their tuition after graduation when they’re employed, paying a percent of their earnings into an education trust for about 20 years. Senator Bernie Sanders proposed tuition-free public higher education similar to Denmark’s (it also provides health care and subsidized childcare and rates high in global life satisfaction scales. New York approved free tuition for middle-class students in 2017. Germany ended tuition at public universities in 2014 similar to Scandinavian policies.) Hillary Clinton proposed an income-based tuition plan. Raising taxes on the 1% to 40% of their earnings—the people who have an average income of $9.4 million and own more than 20% of the household wealth, would pay tuition costs.[144] The Undercommoning Collective aims to organize North American university students to radically transform the university system. Their webpage explains, “Undercommoning is building a North American network of radical organizers within, against, and beyond the (neo)liberal, (neo)colonial university.”[145] The page also lists education alternatives.
Organizers of the Million Student March joined with the Black Liberation Collective at the University of Missouri to call for another march on April 13, 2016 against student debt and racism. They aimed to unite students, workers, people of color, women, LGBT people and immigrants in a mass movement.[146]
The largest demonstrations since Occupy Wall Street occurred in the Democracy Spring in 2016, where 1,200 were arrested in Capitol sit-ins. They protested erosion of voting rights and the Citizens United decision giving corporations the rights of persons.
Author Frances Moore Lappé reported, “Democracy Spring’s generational mix is striking too. I’ve never experienced anything like it. As an elder, I remember the attitude of the 60s, when some warned: ‘Don’t trust anybody over 30.’ Here, the feeling is exactly opposite. Everybody is contributing and everybody is valued. Elders bring the perspective and learning of many decades. Youth come in with focus, voice, and vision. The respect across the generations is palpable.”[147] Young activists described their motivations to participate including Dylan, age 27, said, “I’m excited for what I’m embarking on now, which is working on an issue that’s tying all of these movements together and asking, “how do we achieve political equality?’”[148]
Veterans of Occupy Wall Street supported Bernie Sander’s candidacy and campaigned against lack of media coverage of his presidential campaign, including in New York and CNN headquarters called #OccupyCNN. Sanders appealed to young voters by promising to increase the number of jobs, provide universal health care and tackle climate change. He explained his popularity with Millennials by saying they understand that unless we take on the billionaire class, their generation will have a lower standard of living than their parents. A fact that backs up his central message, by the end of February 2016, 400 rich people contributed over a third of all presidential campaign contributions to perpetuate their power.[149] Robert Reich calls this a takeover of the US.
When people found out Donald Trump was elected despite Clinton winning the popular vote, tens of thousands of people protested on the streets of cities around the US, night after night. They chanted “Not my president,” “Love trumps hate,” and “No hate, no fear, all people welcome here.” “We will not stand for sexism, racism, trans phobia,” and discrimination against immigrants or religious groups, said a Black Lives Matter marcher in front of Trump Tower.
Trump tweeted the first night, “Professional protesters, incited by the media, are protesting. Very unfair,” although they were mostly peaceful and freedom of the press and assembly are important rights. Lacking any public service experience, he didn’t seem to have any understanding of US government, as in telling people, “I alone can solve your problems” and “be your voice.” Other protesters adopted the British symbol after the Brexit of wearing a safety pin to show concern for people who feel unsafe, such as undocumented immigrants and Muslims. Senator Elizabeth Warren urged people to volunteer for progressive organizations and stay connected with her newsletter and other sources. Many looked to her to replace Trump in four years. A huge Million Woman march in Washington, DC was organized for the day after Trump’s inauguration, January 21, 2017, to protest his sexism. With around four million demonstrators, Gloria Steinem said it was the only march she’d seen that had too many people to march.
Young Black Activists 2013-2015
Unlike the Occupy Wall Street movement, Black Lives Matter (BLM) won’t subside because it’s better organized, builds networks and coalitions, and doesn’t depend on a single tactic that police can disrupt—occupation of a public place. BLM succeeded in increasing the number of police officers indicted for killing young black men, calling attention to the pipeline of young men of color from school to prison, and the privatization of prisons. It also raised awareness about racism, increasing the numbers of people in the US who think racism is a big problem to almost half. An example of racism among university students, in October 2016 some students walked out of their anthropology class at Texas State University in disbelief and disagreement after Professor R. Jon McGee accurately informed them we all evolved from Africans. Other students chanted, “Black lives matter.”
A precedent for young black leadership was the Black Panther movement founded in 1966, mainly comprised of young adults, documented in the video Black Panthers: Vanguard of the Revolution (2015). The Panthers organized the first large-scale free school breakfast program, as well being famous for shootouts with police and sexist treatment of women members.[150] Claude Fischer pointed out that the Civil Rights movement is one of the few successful street protest movements, because it was organized in black churches and colleges and trained protesters in non-violent tactics.[151] The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), founded in 1909, is the most influential civil rights organization, but not known for its outreach to youth despite having a Youth and College Department. Reverend William Barber, president of the North Carolina NAACP, said his state organization is the only one that has youth board members elected by youth chapters.[152] Kwame Rose, a 21-year-old activist in Baltimore, said the Congressional Black Caucus isn’t relevant if they aren’t “on the ground doing work.” In contrast, BLM confronts power directly: Background is provided in The Hip-Hop Generation Fights Back (2012).[153]
A larger generation than the Baby Boomers and a quarter of the US population, 44% of Millennials are people of color. Defined by Nielsen as born from 1977 to 1995, they are 19% Hispanic, 14% African American and 5% Asian, while 14% are first generation immigrants and 12% are second generation.[154] Too many of them aren’t in school or working: 22% of black young people, 20% of Native Americans, 16% of Latinos, compared to 11% of whites and 8% of Asian Americans.[155] Despite increased diversity, 2014 UCLA survey of national freshmen reported that 23% of them grew up in segregated neighborhoods and only 29% of white students felt promoting racial understanding is important.[156] (An Indian SpeakOut student said they replace sexist “freshmen” with “freshers,” the British term.)
A panel of four CSUC students shared their experiences being African American in Chico in a BLM workshop on October 2015. All of them suffered the indignity of walking down the street in our mostly white college town to be assaulted by racist slurs and commands to go back to the jungle. Cans are thrown at them from passing vehicles displaying Confederate flags. Even more offensive is what happens on a campus that says it values diversity. Teachers and students too often look to the black student in class to speak for all people of color. Many classes require group work; the students said they’re the last to be chosen simply because of their skin color. Once in a group, the others don’t want to meet at the black student’s house. That not only hurts, but also impacts their academic success. The students were frustrated that racism continues unabated just disguised in different language. A political science major who grew up in “the hood” in Los Angeles said, “There’s a negative stigma about being black and it has an effect on me.” A black woman on the panel said she worries about getting a call that something harmful happened to her brother or her partner. A sophomore black student told me that as the only black person in the dormitories, other students would avoid getting on the elevator with her and she quit the dance team because she didn’t feel welcome.
Illai Kenney started working in the Black Youth Vote! campaign when she was nine.[157] She observed that no group is at greater risk than young black people, always under attack, although I would suggest Native Americans as another greatly disadvantaged group. Kenney said the core issue for young black people is environmental sustainability, since without it “you don’t have anything.” She reported, “Being young and black is the coolest thing you can ever be. It sounds so arrogant, but it’s probably the dopest experience you’ll ever have,” but being in the club comes with a price. Even straight-arrow students can get in trouble in the ghetto, as shown in a 2015 film titled Dope. It tells the story of a smart black teen growing up in a Los Angeles hood. A straight A student, Malcolm aims to go to Harvard and plays in a ‘90s hip-hop band. Caught up in a struggle between drug dealers, at the end of the movie he smiles as he opens a large packet from Harvard, seemingly an acceptance.
Young black activist Mychal Denzel Smith observed that his generation protested the war in Iraq, they volunteered to clean up after Hurricane Katrina and supported the Jena Six teenagers charged with beating a white boy in Louisiana, but lacked a sustainable national movement until Trayvon Martin was killed in Florida.[158] A black person is killed by police, guards or vigilantes every 36 hours, according to the Malcolm X Grassroots Movement.[159] Smith pointed out that black women do much of the work involved in organizing, but are not represented in leadership positions or issues. Smith gave the example of the silence around the killing of Renisha McBride, 19, in Michigan in 2013 when she knocked on a door to get help after being injured in a car accident.
In 2014, a Muslim freshman living in Princeton, New Jersey, Ziad Ahmed (14) formed an educational group called redefy. His intent is to change stereotypes “to reduce racial prejudices, micro-aggressions, profiling, and hate in general within our communities and media.” Ahmed wants to make a positive change and help kids who feel excluded at school and inspire youth activism in opposition to stereotypes that teens only care about partying. In a video he explained his group mainly relies on social media, but “redefy” quickly spread to 10 countries and over 12 states.[160] The group conducts middle-school workshops and organizes school clubs and other community campaigns to defeat ignorance. Ahemed said his Bangladeshi-American parents never sheltered him from the news and took him to political events and gave him access to social media since third grade. He saw social problems and wanted to help since he was very young. I predict he will become a successful politician, as you’ll see on the video.
Dream Defenders
Dream Defenders (DD) young people organized an over a month-long occupation of the Florida state building after the July 2013 acquittal of neighborhood watch vigilante George Zimmerman for killing black teen Trayvon Martin. Some of the students had been active in Occupy Tallahassee in March. From her tent in the Tallahassee camp, Melissa Milliron, age 25, said their purpose was to occupy a space in the middle of the richest 1% and “to not be ignored. Because if we keep going in the direction we’re on, we’re doomed.”[161] She also participated in Occupy Wall Street and demonstrations in Washington, DC. DD leader Daniel Agnew compared their more inclusive struggle with the civil rights struggle of the Martin Luther King era; “Understand that we’re young and we’re in a different time than the past civil rights movements. It’s not a white and black thing. It’s not a male and female thing. We have old, young, white, black, gay, straight. We can be cool. We’re not just these stern individuals.”[162] Their goal is to create a place where diverse people can talk about the war on youth.
The DD website states they believe in nonviolent civil disobedience and combating discrimination with love and peace.[163] Nine DD chapters on Florida universities formed after Trayvon was shot, with about 100 members, mostly youth of color. They maintain active Twitter discussion about issues like gun violence and the prison-industrial complex. Some black churches and civil rights groups supported the young protesters.
DD began when Phillip Agnew and some of his friends organized a group of college students and recent graduates for a three-day march from Daytona Beach to Sanford to protest Martin’s murder. Agnew followed up with a conference call with almost 200 other activists to discuss how to get justice for Trayvon Martin. When Zimmerman was acquitted, they occupied the state capitol building where older civil rights leaders like Jesse Jackson and Julian Bond joined them. The DDs called for a special legislative session to examine racial profiling and to repeal the Stand Your Ground law that permits carrying guns, as George Zimmerman was when he shot Martin. They demanded an end to the school-to-prison pipeline because African American males are six times more likely to be imprisoned than white males. The governor at first refused their requests to meet and to reconsider Stand Your Ground but changed his mind on both requests but the DD bills were not introduced.
Annie Thomas, 19, is a high school senior active in the DD movement. She told me in a Skype session seen on YouTube, “Being a DD is a commitment to acting out your values, you’re not just representing yourself, you’re representing other youth.“ [164] Comparing youth organizers today to civil rights activists, she said the only difference is the use of social media; youth have always led, as when students walked out their schools during the Civil Rights era. When I asked if her parents support her activism, she said yes, her mother is an organizer too. With other DD members, Annie marched and shut down a police department in order to get Zimmerman arrested. When he was acquitted, they occupied the capital building for 31 days. Annie participated in the one meeting the governor attended, where he just advised them to pray. She explained the sit-in ended because they achieved most of their goals.
Not exactly horizontal organizing, DD college chapters have presidents and other officers, but facilitators of meetings are frequently changed and leadership development trainings are provided by more experienced members. They believe organizing is not about the individual; it’s about the whole group. Both sexes are about evenly represented. A “stack” gives members the opportunity to sign up to speak at meetings. In large groups like the capital sit-in, they break into smaller work groups, share proposals and then vote back in the large group, as in other Occupy events globally. Asked about the problem of members not following through on a task, Annie said they have to be organized with back up plans and provide training. If someone flakes, they won’t be given an important task the next time.
The DDs continue to oppose the Stand your Ground law, racial profiling, and prison privatization (over two million people are in prison). In response to charges that youth are apathetic, Annie explained that youth are aware because they see the consequences of discrimination on a daily basis. People who make those kinds of charges don’t hang out with youth and thus ignorantly stereotype them as dumb. In fact, Annie said because DDs are mostly college students, they are the most educated and smarter than most of their political representatives. It’s obvious to students that their schools are falling apart. DD organized Youth Unchained high school chapters. Annie says they must break that chain, the school to prison pipeline. Annie agreed with my observation that high school students tend to segregate themselves by ethnicity, although students who share a common activity like band are more integrated.
High school administrators are repressive, such as if a student participates in a walkout protest, he or she could be suspended for 10 days. Clothing is strictly monitored for proper school attire. Annie reported, “We’re shut out a lot by school. Young men of color face constant discrimination in the school to prison pipeline, suspended or expelled and arrested for minor infractions. They’re targeted by police.” Some students she knows are helping to support their families, working as well as attending school, so they don’t have the luxury of speaking out and getting expelled. DDs created a curriculum to teach about the history of previous rebellions, listed in the endnote, and they displayed artwork from global revolutionary organizations in 2016.[165]
The Million Hoodies Movement for Justice collected over two million signatures in support of a petition created by Howard University students to arrest George Zimmerman. The organization continued its activism to “build next generation leaders to end mass criminalization and gun violence for Black and Brown communities to live safely and securely.”[166] Million Hoodies helped organize young people to march in Washington, DC in November 2015 under the banner “Our Generation, Our Choice.” They chanted, “The youth are rising, no more compromising” and “I believe we will win.” Dante Barry, director of Million Hoodies said, “A cross-section of youth activism have come together to say that change is something that we demand, and the time to act upon it is now. From environmental to criminal justice, the country we live in today does not reflect the beliefs of the population it comprises.”[167]
The Dream Defenders and allied groups around the country, including the Million Hoodies Movement for Justice and The Black Youth Project, mobilized around the country under the hashtag #indictthesystem to protest the grand jury acquittal of a white policeman who shot Michel Brown, 18, in Ferguson, Missouri in August 2014. Although many black and brown young men have been killed by police before, his death galvanized the youth-led movement against police violence and incarceration of black and brown men (with a Facebook page with 69,000 followers, 23 million Twitter followers, and webpage[168]). Outrage increased when Brown’s body was left on the street for four hours. “Die-in’s” were held to protest Brown’s body being left for four hours on the in New York City, Washington DC, Atlanta, Philadelphia, Chicago, Denver, Seattle, Oakland, and Los Angeles, shown in photos.[169]
Demonstrators in over 90 cities held up their arms and chanted, “Hands up, don’t shoot,” in response to some witnesses reporting that Brown had his hands up as he was shot. Some members of the St. Louis Rams team entered their football field with hands up, a gesture repeated by some members of the Congressional Black Congress. The outrage led to establishing task forces on police violence. Two years later football quarterback for the San Francisco 49ers Colin Kaepernick, age 28, added to discussion of police violence by not standing for the national anthem at football games and wearing pink socks with pig designs. His teammate Eric Reid, a multi-millionaire, promised to give $1 million to charities that help solve racism, stating, “I have to help these people.”[170] Soccer star Megan Rapinoe signaled her support for Kaepernick by kneeling during the national anthem at her game. She linked racism with discrimination against white lesbians like her (the history of queer activists in leftist movements is discussed in Emily Hobon’s Lavender and Red (2016). Next, the whole Seattle Seahawks team joined the protest, followed by high school football teams in states including Colorado, Wisconsin, Washington, California, New Jersey, Nebraska, and Texas. A quarterback from Aurora, Colorado, explained, “We see our teachers give up on us and expect us to fail. We’ve always seen this. Once we saw somebody else stand up against it, we just fell in line.”[171]
Protests against the grand jury decision exonerating the police officer who shot Brown generated protests in 170 cities, blocking major roads, bridges and tunnels under the hashtag #ShutItDown. Citizen journalists who told their personal stories were impactful; for example, Bassem Masri had 90,000 viewers of his video livestreaming of the Ferguson protests. Another Ferguson activist, DeRay Mckesson, 29, noted, “At the heart of any revolution is a well-told story, right?” He’s telling the “damning story” of racism, using the power of social media, with 67,000 Twitter followers. He also co-edits a newsletter with Johnetta Elzie.
Some of the demonstrators carried signs showing their kinship with Gaza civilian victims of Israeli bombings and activists in Gaza tweeted advice for how to cope with tear gas. Hands Up United in St. Louis built alliances with radical organizations in Brazil, Palestine, and other countries in South America and Europe. Black Lives Matter members went to Palestine to protest what they see as US financed genocide. A Pew Research Center Poll found that Millennials are more supportive of Palestinians than older people who blame groups like Hamas. A banner in a Manhattan demonstration read, “Gaza in our Hearts. Boycott. Divest. Sanction.”
The Executive Director of Dream Defenders, Phillip Agnew told Al Jazeera on November 26 that what’s different from the reaction to the murder of Trayvon Martin is the willingness of people to take direct action, shut down roads and occupy buildings. When asked about how real change occurs, he said it happens in the streets, including Wall Street. The movement for racial justice needs to use every arrow in the quiver available, including block highways in civil disobedience and replacing racist police chiefs and officers. Getting out the vote is necessary to replace legislatures like Florida’s that he says is run by Tea Party crazies, the NRA, and corporate interests who don’t want to see anything progressive passed. Agnew explained that no jobs and low educational opportunity, plus militarized police force and jailing and killing young men of color, leads to anger. Groups like Youth Against Mass Incarceration in Boston aim to end the prison industrial complex using protests and education in high schools and other venues.
After yet another young black man was killed by a policeman, this time in Madison, Wisconsin, over 1,500 high school and college students walked out of classes to the state government building to remind legislators that BLM. The Young, Gifted and Black Coalition wrote a letter to the police chief pointing out the high arrest rate for black citizens in Madison.
The “Our Generation, Our Choice” action “signaled the emergence of a powerful new alliance between different youth movements” who planned to influence the 2016 election. Their issues were the environment, justice for immigrants and people of color, and a just economy with jobs. Ferguson protesters joined with Wal-Mart protesters against low wages to stop sales on Black Friday, a useful strategy to combine movements. Organizations in addition to Million Hoodies included United We Dream, Fossil Fuel Divestment Student Network, and 350.org.
Black Youth Vote! registers young people to vote. More young black people voted in the 2008 and 2012 elections than their white peers. In 2016, young voters were 36% of the electorate, including half of Latino voters. The Next Generation Blueprint for 2016 crowdsourced a platform, eliciting more than 1,000 responses from 160 colleges. Their main issues were education, the economy, and human rights.[172] Groups like FairVote and Vote16USA lobbies to extend the vote to 16- and 17-year-olds.[173] In 2013 Takoma Park, Maryland, became the first US city to extend municipal voting rights to 16 year olds, followed by Hyattsville in 2015. The following year San Francisco Supervisors voted to put lowering voting age on the ballot, but voters turned it down.
Black Lives Matter
In Oakland, California, activist Alicia Garza (age 32) created the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter on Facebook after Trayvon Martin’s killer was acquitted in 2013. Two women friends joined her; all three of them were active in Black Organizing for Leadership and Dignity. Garza wrote, “Black people. I love you. I love us. Our lives matter.” She reported that 26 chapters formed by August 2015 plus one in Canada, many led by women. The hashtag spread around the world; Israelis of Ethiopian decent used the slogan to protest police violence against black people in May 2015. The same month a call for a #BlackSpring resulted in demonstrations in 25 cities including Ontario, Canada.
Garza spoke on the Rachel Maddow TV show on the one-year anniversary of Michael Brown’s death in Ferguson.
If it weren’t for young people standing up as they are in Ferguson, we wouldn’t be having this conversation. It’s a growing movement across the world demanding respect and dignity for black people. We’re at a turning point. It’s not true that we live in a post-racial society. We want to stop police targeting of young black men. Presidential candidates need to offer proactive proposals, not just repeat the Black Lives Matter slogan. Power concedes nothing without a demand. We need to disrupt and protest to make change.
Missouri implemented new court reforms to end local fines of traffic offenders and jailing people for minor offenders. The governor set up a Ferguson Commission to study social issues in the city. The commission included 20-year-old activist Rasheen Aldridge Jr. He is a community college student, director of Young Activist United St. Louis and student co-chair of the Missouri Jobs with Justice. The Black Youth Project organized a video documentation of police profiling and harassment and advocated collective work for change. A video features young black men talking about the daily racism they experience as strangers cross the street to avoid them, police stop them but not white peers, and their mothers worry when they go out.[174] TIME magazine published a list of 14 black boys and men killed by police.[175] Police killed 700 people the first half of 2015; most were black: US police kill a black man every 28 hours.[176]
Teens and young adults led protests in Ferguson, organizing on Twitter, speaking at city council meetings, and fundraising, as shown on video.[177] Johnette Elzie, 25, live-tweeted demonstrations and reported, “The youth are the ones who pushed this movement. When they saw Mike Brown die, they saw themselves on the ground. I saw myself, I saw my brothers, everyone who looks like me. That is the fuel that has kept us going.”[178] She added, “This is a leaderless movement. A lot of people play a part, but there’s no one person in charge–other than Mike Brown.” A teacher noted, “This has been a completely youth-led movement. They’re the ones who have the passion, fire and drive.” Youth rejected the efforts of older civil rights leaders in suits like Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson to ride on the coat tails of tattooed youth in tank tops. Rika Tayler, an activist with Hands Up United in Ferguson, explained, “They had their own movement. They were co-opted. Their movement got destroyed. Now they want to come to the new leaders and try to come in on our movement and give guidance and stuff, but it’s a totally different generation.”[179] (However, Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Push Coalition started a very contemporary project called FaithTech2020 where churches teach tech skills like coding in disadvantaged communities.) A St. Louis observer, George Richardson said the young protesters ignored the advice of their parents’ generation: “These kids do not understand why the nonviolence movement is the best way to get done what we need to get done. They don’t really know what to do.”[180]
Mostly peaceful BLM demonstrations were held in over 100 US cities including Seattle where hundreds of students walked out of high school classes to join rallies. In Chicago teach-ins were held on social issues and “healing circles” encouraged people to share their experiences with violence. In Philadelphia a protester said, “This country is at its boiling point. How many black people need to die?” Around the world protesters organized as #HandsUpWalkOut marched with their hands held up in the air, as some witnesses said Jackson did before he was shot. Black athletes wore “I Can’t Breathe” T-shirts and hip-hop rappers including Talib Kweli and J. Cole headed to Ferguson to protest while others tweeted their protests. (Youth of color use of hip-hop for social action is described in The Hip-Hop Generation Fights Back: Youth, Activism and Post-Civil Rights Politics–2012, based on research in Oakland by Andreana Clay. A similar study of Asian American youth activism in Oakland is Uncivil Youth—2013, by Soo Ah Kwon.)
A second grand jury failure to indict a white policeman for killing a black man occurred a little more than a week later in New York City when a police chokehold on Eric Garner resulted in his death in July 2014. (Also in November, Tamir Rice, a 12-year-old black boy carrying a toy gun, was killed by a rookie policeman in Cleveland, Ohio.) In response to Garner’s death, marches with tens of thousands of people were held around the country. A banner among the 25,000 marchers in New York City in December 2014 read, “When we breathe, we breathe together.”
A Millions March Day of Anger was organized by young women in New York on December 13. Synead Nichols explained, “We want people to shut down their cities for justice. We are continuing where the freedom fighters of the Civil Rights Movement left off. We are a new generation of young multiracial activists willing to take up the torch and we’re not going to stand for this anymore.” She and Umaara Elliott were women in leadership positions who initiated the Facebook event, their first time as protest leaders. Their Day of Anger repeated a common theme in global protests. Protesters carried banners stating “Black Lives Matter,” “Demilitarize the Police,” “Stop the War on Black Youth,” and “Another Killer Cop Goes Free.” They chanted, “I can’t breathe,” Garner’s last words as he was left lying on the sidewalk for six minutes, and “The people are rising, no more compromising!” Protesters also blocked highway onramps. “We can’t breathe” and “Black lives matter” were echoed globally, as in protests against police killing of black people in São Paulo, Brazil. They listed the names of black Americans as well as Brazilians killed by police, shown online.[181]
Only 15 years old, Mary Gashaw organized a protest in Cambridge, Massachusetts, angered at the decision not to indict the policeman who choked Garner. In Seattle, a young black woman named Antasia Parker advocated, “We need a more revolutionary program. Nothing is going to change unless we change it fundamentally, because built in the fabric of this nation is a commitment and dedication to use human beings as collateral for capital.”[182] Black athletes and members of Congress and their staffers walked out with arms up.
Some conflicts occurred as black demonstrators told white speakers to yield the stage to black speakers and young people resented older civil rights leaders for monopolizing the podium. At a large march in Washington, DC, young people from St. Louis demanded to speak on the stage: Johnetta Elzie said, “This movement was started by young people.”[183] She said, “I thought there was going to be actions, not a show. This is a show.” A widely circulated Tumblr post asked, “Dear white protesters, this is NOT about you….Hand over the bullhorn to a Black person because your voice doesn’t need a bullhorn to be heard.” At a demonstration in Berkeley, people in the crowd at Old City Hall yelled at a white city councilman, “Let a black person talk! We’ve heard from enough Caucasian men!”
In Chicago, Charlene Carruthers (age 29) is the national coordinator of BYP 100, a group that teaches black youth how to organize in their communities. They led demonstrations against jailing black youth for minor offenses such as marijuana use. BYP 100 grew out of the Black Youth Project and has chapters around the country, galvanized by the killing of Trayvon Martin, Renisha McBride, Mike Brown, and the case of Marissa Alexander who was jailed in Florida for firing a warning shot at her estranged husband when he threatened her. Carruthers reports that few other organizations train young black leaders, although the Black Youth Project website lists numerous national youth organizations.[184] Carruthers uses social media to “insert analysis that is black, queer and feminist.”[185] She noted that “issues of gender justice and LGBT justice have been either secondary or not recognized at all.”
The national protests resulted in discussions of how to change police training, increase their use of body cameras, change the grand jury process and build a new local economy. In St. Louis, for example, activists want to form worker-owned and black-owned businesses. New activist coalitions were formed including Lost Voices and Tribe X. Civil rights leader Reverend Al Sharpton said they learned from the Trayvon Martin case in Florida not to let local protest groups die out and try to provide continuity.[186] BLM is searching for an organizational base, discussed in Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor’s From #BlackLivesMatter to Black Liberation (2016). When a young man from St. Louis was asked about leadership, he said there wasn’t a leader or single organization at the head of the movement.[187] Patrisse Cullors, a co-founder of BLM in Los Angeles, remarked that critics haven’t acknowledged BLM grassroots work negotiating with mayors and heads of police forces.[188] Allen Kwabena Frimpong, an activist with the New York chapter, observed, “There’s nothing wrong with being decentralized and dispersed. The problem is being disconnected. If we are going to build political power, we have to build connections.”[189]
Some see a generational divide with angry young people organizing on social media. Older Civil Rights leaders criticize BLM for being formless, without clear direction, and the younger ones see the older ones as too rigid. Civil Rights activist Barbara Reynolds criticized BLM tactics for being divisive, using hate speech and boorish profanity, including in their popular songs like “Alright” by rapper Kendrick Lamar. Reynolds contrasts guys with sagging pants showing their underwear with the respectable leadership of civil rights pastors like Martin Luther King, Jr.[190] In a generation gap she accused the young activists of ignoring the loving nonviolent lessons of the civil rights movement and not having clear goals.
St. Louis rapper Tef Poe (Kareem Jackson) wrote a song titled “War Cry” about fighting back. He thinks of himself as a political artist. He noted, “This ain’t your grandparents’ civil rights movement.”[191] He explained in an interview there is a lot of misunderstanding about his generation by older civil rights leaders: “They view us to be a bit more unpredictable, a lot of people are saying that our anger I misplaced…we are a lot different, we use profanity, we don’t wear suits, we’ve got tattoos, there’s women, gay, trans leadership.”[192] In contrast to the older movement that was sometimes not inclusive of women and people with “alternative identities,” the hip-hop generation includes a “feminist discourse” and “it’s very rare that you see men champion these issues as much as women do.”
An old school organizer, Ron Gregory, age 72, said the “difference is, in the ‘60s, we were disciplined. We were trained when we marched.”[193] “They are not afraid to die,” said another older activist, Dennis Brown, age 48: “That brazen defiance is fueled by an anger a lot of older people can’t comprehend.” A college student in Ferguson, Bradley Rayford explained that his generation is more “rageful” because they see and hear violent TV shows and music and they’re “amped by social media.” They’re angry about their lack of economic opportunity and police harassment. Black Studies Professor Cornell West said new militancy characterizes young people of all colors who are breaking out of the look-at-me neoliberal “peacock syndrome” of the 1960s and ‘70s that was the “culture of superficial spectacle, driven by money.” He observed that the young activists are “disproportionately black, disproportionately women and, significantly, disproportionately black, queer women.”[194] He believes keys to movement success are breaking out of fear and focusing on the “love ethic” of caring about other people.
The first gathering of national Movement for Black Lives was held Cleveland State University in July 2015 in order to build a national movement, discuss a new civil rights organization led by young people, back candidates for office, and heal their experiences with racism in a loving environment. They included workshops on sustainable farming and cultural arts as well as political education. Representatives of local groups attended such as Black Youth Project 100, Cleveland Action, Ferguson Action, and Million Hoodies Movement for Justice. Activist writer Ben Reynolds suggested the black movement should learn from the Rojava Revolution in northern Syria. The conference recommended that neighborhoods should organize assemblies coordinated by councils and tenants’ unions: “All power to the councils, and long live the revolution!”[195] The next year an umbrella of over 50 BLM organizations released a platform calling for racial justice. Part of its global intersectionality it supported the Palestinian struggle against the “apartheid state” of Israel, along with the BDS movement to Boycott, Divest and Sanction Israel.
In April 2015, Baltimore police gave Freddie Gray (age 25) a “rough ride” in a police van that resulted in his death from spinal injuries. Thousands went to the street in a protest that was widely covered in the global news and social media. Twitter feed called it the “Baltimore Uprising.” When Israeli police beat up an Ethiopian man, Israeli demonstrators chanted, “Baltimore is here.”[196] The 35-year-old African American Baltimore chief prosecutor Marilyn Mosby handled police violence against young black men much differently than in Ferguson where the police shooter wasn’t charged. Mosby charged six police officers with manslaughter, stating in her announcement, “To the youth of this city: I will seek justice on your behalf. This is your moment.”[197] The trial of one officer ended in a hung jury in December 2015 and the driver of the van was put on trial in 2016, acquitted by the judge, as were the other policemen involved in Gray’s death.
Local branches of BLM organized a tent city in November 2015 to protest police killing of Jamar Clark in Minneapolis. They shut down the Mall of America and some airport terminals the next month, coordinated with demonstrations in five other cities. Large marches were held in Chicago around the same time when a year-old video was finally released showing a policeman shooting a black teen 16 times as his back was turned away from him. Some of the groups involved in the protests included Black Youth Project 100 and ColorOfChange.org. A BLM Super PAC was formed to contribute to political campaigns and use virtual reality software to allow the public to have more understanding of discriminatory practices like solitary confinement. BLM activists interrupted Bernie Sanders and Hillary Clinton campaigns to motivate them to pay attention to racism.
Black Twitter and Black Tumblr also change public understanding of racism. The phrase “Black Twitter” emerged as activists communicated with hundreds of thousands of followers; three of the popular tweeters read some of their tweets on video.[198] Popular handles are #MarcThompson, #EricGarner, #OscarGrant, #MichaelBrown, #TamirRice, #SandraBland, #TrayvonMartin, #ICantBreathe, #JusticeOrElse, #Ferguson, #IStandWithMizzou, and #Iftheygunnedmedown. In the wake of criticism of lack of coherent strategy, in January 2015 #BlackLives Matter published a manifesto with 12 demands, including full employment at a living wage, teaching Black history in schools, and reforming the criminal justice system. Campaign Zero is dedicated to ending police violence.[199] Young African Americans rekindled the activism of the 1960s, as when high school students protested police killing of another black man, Keith Lamont Scott in Charlotte, North Carolina, in September 2016 (see the protest on video[200]). More police officers were charged with murder or manslaughter in 2015 than previous years and a Pew Research Center poll reported that half of Americans believe racism is a serious problem. Campaign Zero credits BLM for this progress.[201] Patrisse Cullors commented five years after she helped found BLM that it resulted in the popularization of street protests, and expanded from a spotlight on police violence to racism in general, aiming to transform the system with a long-term strategy. The movement also aroused white nationalism under the Trump Presidency.
High School Student Activism
High school students have much to fight for now that the average grade for state public education is a D and no state scored higher than a C on six criteria, according to the 2016 “Network for Public Education” report.[202] However, apathy is problematic as explored in the documentary #ReGeneration (2012) that features five high-school students from the suburbs referred to as Generation Vexed.[203] One of the girls said her generation isn’t activists because they don’t go outside. Teenage Rebels (2015), a book about successful high school activists, reported that over half of their goals for changemaking concentrated on their schools, including defending school officials, and the other half joined with larger movements.[204] The online StudentNation magazine reports on student activism. Students protested over-testing in an “opt-out movement;” in New York, 20% of students opted out in 2015. The Obama administration responded by issuing guidelines suggesting that test time be less than 2% of time in the classroom. Santa Monica High School was the start of the political activism of right-wing advisor to President Trump, Millennial Stephen Miller. He told students not to speak Spanish and sponsored conservative speakers. A Santa Monica High School student shares a photo look into his peers.[205] The appearance and activities of students haven’t changed since my friend Califia graduated in 1995. In 2016 students at Rainier Beach High School in Seattle convinced the City Council to fund free bus passes for Seattle students and lobbied to start an AP computer science class.
High school students rolled back effort of conservative school boards to censor AP history curriculum by deleting references to slavery and mistreatment of Native Americans in Jefferson County, Colorado. Students in Arkansas protested a 2017 bill by Republican legislator Mr. Kim Hendren to ban Howard Zinn’s realistic books such as A People’s History of the United States (2005) from classrooms, posting signs such as “You can’t handle the truth.” Similar attempts failed earlier in Indiana and Arizona. High schools discussed the issues raised by Black Lives Matter, drawing from sites such as TeachableMoment.org, Facing History and Ourselves, and #FergusonSyllabus.[206]
Hundreds of students and teachers protested when a conservative school board policy in Jefferson County school district near Denver tried to propose curriculum standards advocating patriotism, respect for authority and free enterprise, and prohibit materials that encourage civil disorder.[207] In September 2014, students carried signs like “Civil Disobedience is Patriotism,” “There’s nothing more patriotic than protest, “and “It’s world history, not white history.” Students organized in Facebook groups. Leighanne Grey, a senior, said, “For all the good things we’ve done [as a country], we’ve done some terrible things. It’s important to learn about those things, or we’re doomed to repeat the past.” Arizona students protested against censorship of their biology textbook mention of abortion, around the US some students boycott Common Core State Standard tests. Other student activism is described on various Internet sites.[208] High school students fought the 2010 Arizona law that banned teaching ethnic studies classes, resulting in a federal court reinstating them in 2013 and adding African American studies. A documentary called Precious Knowledge (2011) documents their campaign. However, “little research examines participation by today’s youth in moderate campus-based social movement organizations.”[209] Students are more likely to get involved if they believe the organization has the ability to achieve its goals, similar to older activists.
Boston high school students organized protests against proposed $50 million in education budget cuts at a time when the city gave huge funding to corporations. The organizers were surprised when over 3,500 students joined them in walking out of school to protest. The mayor rescinded cuts to high schools but not other levels. One of the organizers, Jahi Spaloss observed the effect of “adultism” in the spending priorities and not taking the students seriously in their “fight for the younger generation.”[210] Fellow organizer Harry Saunders said he loved the support and, “We need to be upset. We need to be irrational. We can’t be disorganized. We have to be united and show solidarity. We have to have equity.” He fears the country will fall apart, so, “We need to revolutionize this.” They work with groups like the Boston Area Youth Organizing Project in their ongoing struggle against adultism.
Curriculum to teach students about how to prevent sexual assault are provided by California high schools required to teach about sexual consent, the Our Whole Lives program developed by the Unitarian Universalist Church, and the It’s All One lessons from the Population Council. Another teen issue is a 2016 US government study of LGBTQ youth was the first large national survey about the health issues of “sexual-minority” youth, finding that they are much more likely to be the victims of violence, bullying, rape, and depression. A consequence, more than 40% had seriously considered suicide. The Centers for Disease Control reported that about 8% of high school students identify as GLBTQ; the report includes programs schools can adopt to assist these students.
In 2016 I asked a high school class in Chico, California, about what they wanted to change in their school: limit the amount of homework because it’s too many hours a night, schedule tests so a student doesn’t have many on the same day, explore block scheduling with two-hour classes on fewer days of the week, change the too-strict tardy penalties, do away with tenure for teachers who don’t care about teaching or who are incompetent, and make their student government more activist–not just a pep club.
In interviews with Gen Z about their generation, the high school students in Chico, California, reported they’re very stressed and sleep deprived, which leads to anxiety and depression (discussed in my Ageism in Youth Studies). They feel pressured by their parents to get good grades to get into good universities. Megan (16, f) said on our YouTube interview,
We have a lot of pressure on us with school, with our many hours of homework until midnight, with extracurricular activities. I feel I have expectations to live up to. My mom and whole family wants me to get straight As, go to college, be successful in life. I feel if I don’t live up to that I’ll be a disappointment to them. I’m trying my best to get myself to the point they want me to be at.[211]
Megan averages only six or seven hours of sleep a night. She explained, “We girls want to make ourselves known, prove our worth, in reaction to sexism like Donald Trump’s.” She stands firm in her Christian beliefs, despite family disbelief. A typical young humanitarian, she plans to be a gerontologist because, “I love helping old people, hearing their stories.”
University Student Activism
Protests against university tuition increases, up nearly 600% in the US since 1980, occurred in the US, Canada, Britain, Chile and Taiwan. Recent university student activism is reported on by the StudentNation blog.[212] MIT libertarian-socialist professor Noam Chomsky believes that privatization of education is part of a plot against democracy to keep citizens ignorant, as explained in a report called “Failure by Design” by the Economic Policy Institute.[213]Yes! Magazine editor Dean Paton described the formula to privatize schools: underfund schools, crowd rooms, mandate testing by private firms that “prove” public schools are failing, blame teachers and their unions, and push for-profit charter schools to solve the problems.[214] Rising tuition costs reduce the university graduation rate in the US, which lags behind 12 other countries with no progress in the past 30 years.[215] Georgia State University provides a model of how to retain students and help them graduate.[216] A third of US workers are college graduates but more than a third of them work in jobs that used to only require high school graduation. The exception is STEM degree holders who are more likely to get jobs in their majors.
Generally US university students haven’t protested high tuition costs as effectively as their peers in Quebec who belong to strong student federations. The US has more private than public universities and they lack institutional ties to each other.[217] The US is larger and more diverse, making it harder to communicate. In Quebec, the student organization ASSE was founded in 2001 with 25 member student unions representing over 50,000 students. The US has nothing like it although students at Ohio State University organized the nationwide Student Power Convergence in 2012 with national conventions (their last Facebook posts were in 2014).[218] Only about 4% of workers aged 16 to 24 belong to a union, but some are active in graduate student unions.[219] The Free and Equal Elections Foundation, founded by Christina Tobin when she was 27, organized a campus bus tour to encourage young people to have more influence on politics.[220]
University students campaigned to turn their campuses into sanctuaries for undocumented students during the Trump Administration’s attempts to deport undocumented people, especially in California, the state with the largest number of undocumented immigrants. Nationally, about 30,000 undocumented students enroll in colleges each year, but fewer than 2,000 will graduate due to financial struggles and lack of support.[221] Students and faculty from over 100 campuses joined the campaign to make their campuses “sanctuaries.” On the right, students organized a “Professor’s Watchlist” to accuse professors of discriminating against conservative students. Some of these students are also tired of political correctness, calls for trigger warnings from instructors, and charges of microaggressions.
Around the same time as Occupy Wall Street, students organized university demonstrations around the country.[222] UCLA graduate student Omar Zahzah observed, “The university in itself is really the central nexus for the dynamics of race and oppression that are playing out in the United States right now. There has been a lot of solidarity and an increasing connection of Palestine with the plights of other marginalized communities.”[223] More than 75 campuses listed their goals on thedemannds.org. They demanded recruitment of more faculty and students of color, programs to end racist treatment of students, programs to retain them headed by a diversity officer, the end of fraternity parties and Halloween costumes making fun of people of color (“Crip’mas party, black- face party like the one portrayed in the film about black students Dear White People, a Yale fraternity’s “white girls only” party), ethnic studies courses, and removing the names of slave owners and segregationists from campus buildings. Students at Brown University campaigned to assign the book The New Jim Crow (2012) by Michelle Alexander as summer reading for new students. More than a thousand Berkeley High School students walked out of class in November 2015 to protest racist KKK statements left on a school computer.
An article lists 15 youth movements to dismantle white supremacy in the summer of 2015, including creation of the Million Hoodies for Justice Arts Network platform, Liberation schools in Charleston, divestment from private prison companies at Brown University, changing school discipline practices in Illinois, immigrant rights in Los Angeles, and refusal to take the standardized school tests in Chicago, and against screening the war film American Sniper (2014) sat the University of Michigan.[224]
Black university students led protests against racism on over a dozen campuses in the fall of 2015. Students succeeded in their demands for the president of the University of Missouri (known as Mizzou), to resign due to his lack of action to end racism on the campus where only 8% of the students are black. For example, the student body president Payton Head, who is queer and black, was repeatedly called the n word. His description of the racist slur on his Facebook page went viral, and it took the college president a week to respond. The football team threatened to strike and a tent camp was established on the Quad. A black student leader named Johnathan Butler conducted a hunger strike for eight days because he wasn’t treated like a human being on campus. Some graduate students and faculty walked out of classes to conduct teach-ins and students put up tents to occupy the quad in support of Butler. President Wolfe and Chancellor Loftin resigned on November 9 and the university announced it would hire a diversity officer. Students also demanded a 10% quota for black faculty and staff
African American students and allies also advocated for no tuition fees, living wages, an end to the school-to-prison pipeline for young men of color, divesting from private prison companies, voting rights, compliance with Title IX gender equity, immigrant rights, LGBT rights, and justice for Palestinians. Various organizers describe recent campus protests on The Nation magazine’s StudentNation. They conducted die-ins, recited poetry, walked out of class, wrote about their issues on social media, registered new voters, used art as done by the Million Hoodies for Justice Arts Network, organized trainings, and disrupted campaign rallies and got arrested, as well as marched and shut down highways.[225] Morgan State University led an art project to respond to BLM activism. Students from #AUCShutItDown, a BLM affiliate group in Atlanta’s black colleges, disrupted a Clinton rally chanting “black lives matter,” accusing her of relying on rhetoric rather than action. BLM also has branches in Canada, making the news for disrupting Toronto’s Gay Pride Parade in 2016, asking for more inclusion and support for people of color.
The next police shooting of a black man occurred in July 2016 in Florida and Minnesota, sparking large demonstrations. At a Dallas march an angry black man shot five white policemen to retaliate. Many blamed BLM for inciting him, including the Texas Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick and 100,000 people signed a petition to the White House to classify BLM as a terrorist organization. An African-American sheriff spoke at the Republican convention in Cincinnati warning the cheering crowd, “So many of the actions of the Occupy movement and Black Lives Matter transcend peaceful protest and violates the code of conduct we rely on.” In response, President Obama listed other contentious movements that contributed to progress towards equality: the abolition movement, women’s suffrage, the Civil Rights movement, the anti-war movement and environmentalism.
After Cameron Sterling’s father Alton was shot by white police in Baton Rouge in July 2016, Cameron (age 15) became a young black spokesperson for peaceful protests, asking people to protest “the right way, with peace, no violence what so ever.” He asked people of all races to “come together as one united family.”[226] By July of 2016 at least 37 groups identified themselves as part of Black Lives Matter. BLM supporters marched to protest police killings of black men in the UK, Ireland, Germany, the Netherlands and South Africa, as well as various US cities. The Movement for Black Lives released a BLM platform supported by more than 50 groups in 2016 demanding an end to the war against Black people, reduction of US military spending, reparations for past injuries, demilitarization of police, etc. Journalist Sonali Kolhatkar concluded that BLM succeeded in getting mainstream news coverage of movement issues and it pressured Democratic presidential candidates to address racism, making “its leaderlessness a strength.” [227]
LatinoImmigrants
The largest youth-led immigrant organization is United We Dream with organizations in 25 states. The United We Dream board has a majority of young women, co-founded by Cristina Jiménez (age 28) who reported two million Hispanics have been deported. Organized by local groups in 2009, United We Dream’s goal is to provide citizenship for all 11.7 million undocumented immigrants and access to higher education for the 1.4 million undocumented students. One of them, a young woman, is featured in Edge of 18 series on Al Jazeera TV. Many of them became activists in high school when they realized they couldn’t go to some universities. Reyna Grande describes her experience being an undocumented immigrant from Mexico in The Distance Between Us: A Memoir (2013). She was separated from her parents when they immigrated before her. (Videos illustrate the lives of other immigrants from Mexico.[228])
Youth activists use a variety of tactics to move Congress to pass immigrant reform and stop the Obama and Trump administrations from deporting undocumented youth. They knock on the doors of Latino voters, talk with Congress members, organize street protests, and organize conferences. Some protesters walked from Miami to Washington DC and San Francisco to Denver to publicize their issues, Immigrant youth risk deportation by publically telling their stories of lives in hiding. They receive training in how to hold coming-out ceremonies with signs like “undocumented and unafraid.” Immigration activists were critical of groups like Occupy Los Angeles for being led by middle-class hipsters and using the term “occupy” as a positive action,[229] but Occupy and immigrant groups worked together in 2012, as seen on Occupy El Paso’s Facebook page.
Managing director Christina Jimenez, 28, noted, “One of our success has been that we have created a shared identity about being a Dreamer.” They successfully lobbied President Obama to defer deportation for undocumented youth in 2012; more than 750,000 young people received deferrals by 2016 (about 1.9 million were eligible–only young people born before 1982 are eligible). The Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) policy for children who were brought to the US as children exempted them from deportation as long as they didn’t violate the law. However, more than 1.9 million undocumented immigrants were deported by President Obama’s administration.[230] Legal aid clinics were organized to help immigrants apply for the deferrals and for work permits. United We Dream also conducted Latino voter registration drives. Under the Trump administration’s increased targeting of undocumented people, United We Dream conducted #HeretoStay campaigns to release detained DACA young people such as Daniela Vargas and Daniel Medina from ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) detention.
An 11-year-old Mexican American video blogger who lives in Texas, Andrew says, “I am Mexican and I am Muslim and I am Trump’s biggest nightmare.”[231] He started posting video commentaries on his Facebook page when he was seven. A children’s immigrant issue was the increasing number of unaccompanied children crossing the border from Central America in 2014, tens of thousands of children escaping violence in forced drug gang initiations and killings, lack of work or to search for a parent who left them behind. The US responded with a “Don’t Go North” campaign and pressured Mexico to also send them back—40,000 children were returned to Central America in five years. A newer group, the National Immigrant Youth Alliance, risks arrest with sit-ins in public offices. The director of a group against amnesty for Latinos acknowledged, “They have framed their story in a very popular way, and they’re leveraged that story very effectively.”[232]
First Nation Youth Protest Pipeline
In October of 2016, Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and about 300 other Native American tribes united to as water protectors protest building a $3.8 million oil pipeline across sacred land, as reported in the Facebook page Standing Rock Rising and shown on video.[233] Their goal was to stop a company called Energy Transfer Partners from completing the Dakota Access pipeline across private land, Army Corps land and under the Missouri River to carry oil from North Dakota to Illinois. Activists said no proper Environmental Impact Statement was done. Dakota Access Pipeline’s #NoDAPL is the largest protest since the Ferguson, Missouri riots in 2014 against police killing of teenager Michael Brown. Protesters believe the 1,100-mile pipeline is a violation of treaty rights and will threaten water quality, the manifestation of the Lakota prophecy about a great black snake that will bring destruction. (Previously that year, indigenous people protested violation of sacred land on Mauna Kea volcano on the island of Hawaii and Oak Flats in Arizona.) The water protectors were joined by various unions like National Nurses United and media stars like Shailene Woodley and Mark Ruffalo. They kept up a steady stream of tweets to report what they witnessed (also see Woodley’s Facebook page). Supporters sent over $3 million to fund the campaign. Ruffalo reported, “It’s led by young people; the people who began this movement were young people from 10 years old to 17 to 18 years old. And the tribal leaders are still taking their lead from them.”[234] The DAPL (Dakota Access Pipeline) protests were the most peaceful he’s seen, with prayers, sacred dance and singing, and drumming. A frequent chant was, “We will be peaceful, we will be prayerful, we will not retreat.” He said every demonstrator was trained in peaceful resistance.
Members of the Indigenous Youth Council and others—around 220 people, camped on the site owned by the company but claimed it as tribal land in order to protest threats to their land and water and to protest police violence. Arriving on horseback, youth set up the spiritual Sacred Stone camp on April 1, 2016. (Keep in mind that on the Pine Ridge Reservation 75% of native youth drop out of school and at least 60% of homes lack electricity or sewage.[235]) As pipeline construction started in July, the Standing Rock tribe invited other tribes to join them and the Rosebud Camp was started nearby on the reservation. As thousands of supporters arrived, the largest camp was the Oceti Sakowin Camp on Army Corps of Engineers’ land centered in its sacred fire and frequent ceremonies, dances, and speak-outs. By September about 300 tribes were represented along with around 5,000 people from as far away as Palestine and the Amazon. This was the largest gathering of tribes since colonization, represented by tribal flags.
Thousands of people assembled in prayer camps on Standing Rock Sioux land. As in other recent occupations, the camps experimented with new ways of living together in tipis and tents for months. The largest camp, Oceti Sakowin, created an elementary school, radio station, media center, solar-powered charging station, a security force, first aid station, massages, communal kitchen, library, screen-printing lab, sewing machines, herbal medicine and teas, a lacrosse field, sweat lodges, and horse messenger system. The natural birth doula group assisted a birth. The belief is when people live in a community with children and elders, they behave better.[236] Clyde Bellecourt, co-founder of the American Indian Movement, said at a campfire that being tin campy was a mode of prayer and prayer is a mode of being.
Using tactics employed by environmentalists, protesters locked themselves to construction equipment. They also shut down access to construction sites with vehicles and people, called caravan blockades and some construction equipment was torched. They included ceremonies, drumming and prayers while planting sacred corn or willow trees, led by tribal elders. Youth would arrive first at conflict lines so they at times faced police rubber bullets, pepper spray, and Mace. Private security forces used pepper spray, attack dogs, and punched protesters, which of course increased global attention on the struggle. Police left a larger camp alone on federal land near a town called Cannon Ball, south of Bismarck.
To clear protesters from the company’s land, militarized police dressed in riot gear in armored tanks, bulldozers, sound cannons, and security forces with dogs attacked peaceful demonstrators with rubber bullets, beanbag shotgun rounds, pepper spray, tasers, mace, batons, and water cannon, arresting hundreds of people. Protesters set fires to deter police efforts to clear the camp. On a video a protester says, “We’re not afraid to die, but the police are afraid” and “We’re a prayerful people.[237] On October 27, sheriffs, National Guard, and police from various states evicted the Frontline camp with sound cannon and armed vehicles.
Non-Native supporters were reminded about cultural differences: “Whiteness and Christian dominance, which are the basis of US settler identity, are built on perfectionism, superiority, purity, competition, individualism, binaries and suppressed emotion. This impacts how we do our ally work, how we approach the tasks of dismantling oppression.”[238] Visitors were also advised to let indigenous people speak first and listen more than talk.
Young teens occupied Hillary Clinton’s campaign headquarters in Brooklyn to ask for her support on DAPL and presented a declaring that silence is not acceptable (seen on video[239]). Gracey Claymore, age 19, said she came to the headquarters because, “We want her to uphold the treaties and her promise to protect unci maka [Mother Earth].”[240] Another young woman present at the headquarters said, “Young people need to speak up and not be scared of adult leaders. We are left to take care of what they mess up.” The young First Nation activists put up a tipi and drummed and sang inside the headquarters. They were joined by four Oceti Sakowin teens who ran 2,000 from North Dakota to Washington, DC to protest DAPL. Solidarity protests shut down New York City’s Grand Central Station and unity protests were held across the US and in Montreal, Quebec. Tribal leaders promised to help other tribes in their fights against corporations. Under President Obama, the Army Corps of Engineers withheld the permit needed to complete the pipeline, but President Trump overturned their environmental study so the pipeline could be completed. Activists in various countries turned to demanding that banks such as Wells Fargo divest from funding the pipeline. The last occupiers were removed from Cannon Ball in February 2017 and some Trump advisors suggested privatizing tribal lands.
Canada
Also during October 2016, Canadian young people protested at Parliament Hill against the Kinder Morgan Pipeline to British Columbia. A McGill University student arrested during the demonstration, Sophie Birks said, “My generation wants to see real action on climate change and Indigenous rights. This starts with rejecting the Kinder Morgan pipeline…I know that, as young people, we have the power to make some big changes.”[241]
The Maple Spring
Canadian Millennial author Geoff Dembicki said the future looks grim; “The global recession as felt by my overeducated and underemployed millennial generation never really ended. The one percent’s stranglehold on our future seems to asphyxiate any serious efforts at making the world a better place.”[242] He asks, “So are we screwed?” but, typical of his generation, he’s optimistic that gradual progress is happening. In support of Occupy Wall Street, Occupy protests occurred in Canadian cities at a time when economic inequality increased.
In Canada’s most sustained student protests, from March to June 2012, tens of thousands of students protested tuition increase of $325 and other austerity measures in Quebec. Quebec was already one of the most heavily taxed places in Canada and the government bailed out large banks in 2008 and 2009 to the tune of $114 billion.[243] Students chanted, “We must fight the thieves in ties,” and “Your wealth is our poverty.” The issue was not just tuition increase and debt but, “it’s aimed at the elite class itself…that only sees a child as a future employee,” a demonstrator explained.[244] Precursors were student strikes in 1996 and 2005 against tuition costs and environmentally destructive actions such as the strategy for northern development called Plan Nord.
Brigette DePage, co-editor of Power of Youth with Erica Shaker, reported in 2012 that the myth that youth are apathetic and self-indulgent is wrong.[245] Inspired by global youth activism, the anthology reports on Canadian youth activism for the environment, indigenous solidarity, racial justice and community “in a society being ripped apart by inequality and oppression.” One of the chapter authors, Harsha Wallia, brought up the debate between the approaches of reformists versus revolutionary organizing. She advocated discussing the systemic problems of capitalism and colonialism, while working for change by creating “decolonized spaces” like alternative media co-ops, bike stores, and organic gardens. Another chapter author, Tara Mahoney started a group called GenWhyMedia to create “an alternative voice for our generation.” She believes youth are ready to work together to build new systems. She rejects putdowns that youth are self-centered, saying these comments are meant to “keep us down.”
The Maple Spring began in February 2012 and lasted for over three months with over 175,000 demonstrators, illustrated in a documentary and photos.[246] Canadian Naomi Klein called it the largest social mobilization in decades, but it wasn’t widely reported by English-language press. Protesters called for unions and other groups to join the student federations to protest the neoliberal agenda of privatizing public services instead of increasing progressive taxation. They built on existing organizing against police violence organizing. Mothers of students joined the strikes by standing in the way of police attacks on students. Teachers and professors also joined in the strike, but not traditional unions.
The largest of the four provincial student union coalitions with 65 group members, CLASSE tweeted, “We are witnessing the biggest act of civil disobedience in Canadian history. We have a rendezvous with history, and we won’t miss it.” ASSÉ (left-wing, founded in 2001), FECQ, and FEUQ were some of the local student federations that joined in the strike under the broad umbrella of CLASSE, a temporary coalition expanded from ASSÉ, the most militant federation. CLASSE claimed over 400,000 demonstrators on the streets of Montreal at one time and about 1,000 of them were arrested. They advocated free and equal access to public services, including education and shared decision-making in their “Share Our Future” manifesto.
Activist Andrew Gavin Marshall contrasted their large-scale activism with charges that young people are apathetic, lazy, spoiled, entitled, and obsessed with technology and entertainment, a self-indulgent generation who care more about celebrities than social issues.[247] Accused of being Generation Obscurity, the economic recession with high youth unemployment and large student debt (nearly 60% of Canadian students graduate with a debt averaging $27,000) galvanized them to change: “We have come to realize we are a powerful force when united,” said Marshall. He marched in the streets of Montreal where he was charged by riot police and watched as police drove their van through a crowd of students.
Students shut down public universities and organized nightly demonstrations for more than 100 nights. Their symbol was a red felt square signifying being in the red financially, first used in a 2005 student strike, and worn by tens of thousands of people. Supporters banged pots and pans all over the city at 8:00 PM, as in protests in Latin America, Iran, Egypt and Turkey. Chileans, Greeks and others expressed their support. Neighbor Assemblies met, including some that were specifically anti-capitalist, according to Nauss who was an active participant. He was a college dropout that I met in Amsterdam at the Global Uprisings conference.
Montreal activist and artist Stefan Christoff reported, “It was always extremely clear that the ASSE-driven strike was not simply about stopping the tuition hike, but also about challenging a neo-liberal model being imposed on Quebec society within a global context of violent austerity economics.”[248] Students’ radical politics—Christoff calls them revolutionary, manifested in democratic general assemblies and direct actions as taught in an ASSE booklet and workshops. Their aim was not to reform the Liberal government, but to “take it down.” They used the old tactic of rapport de force, leveraging power rooted in unionism, but criticized traditional unions for being reformist. In March, CLASSE voted to take action to disrupt the economy and the state, as by blockading government offices and bank buildings. In April the “For a Quebec Spring” demonstration against the provincial and national Conservative Party and a large Earth Day demonstration were both well-attended.
When the Quebec government attempted to divide the movement by excluding CLASSE from negotiations, the other groups withdrew. Premier Jean Charest attacked the students for being spoiled brats and quickly passed Law 78 on May 18 to ban demonstrations near universities, require advance registration with police for demonstrations in any public space, and institute heavy fines for violations. Similar to Russia, Spain, Egypt and Ukraine, the government tried to stem the tide of protest by outlawing demonstrations, wanting to clear the streets in time for tourist season. Called a declaration of martial law against students, the bill generated larger demonstrations of over 200,000 people. Some believed it was the largest act of civil disobedience in Canadian history. In May an “emergency law” was passed to “restore order.” Opposition party leader Pauline Marois and student leaders like Martine Desjardins called on Premier Charest to talk with the students rather than legislating against them, asking, “Why is the premier attacking the youth of Quebec?” The student movement was considered an important factor in the defeat of the Liberal party in Quebec’s September election.
Support from the public led to a larger social movement against the government and neoliberalism with nightly demonstrations for over a month including nightly “casserole” protests banging pots and pans. Some neighborhoods formed assemblies and many youths were radicalized. On May 22, the 100th day of the protests, over 100,000 people marched in Montreal. Large demonstrations continued through the summer. A CLASSE conference in August voted to continue the strike and create a Canadian anti-neoliberal coalition against Prime Minister Harper’s Conservative government. In September the premier lost the election and Pauline Marois, the new premier, relaxed restrictions on protests.
The strike experience radicalized a new generation of activists to fight neoliberalism and initiate their own direction actions. For example, unaffiliated people initiated the pots and pans protests of sometimes over 1,000 people in a neighborhood and nightly protests at Emilie Gamelin Square where people talked together in a new way: “The strike reasserted street politics” and “learning from the group up.” Literature and art students launched their own projects, as you can see.[249] Cristoff’s zine (a self-published short magazine) in French about the 2012 uprisings is listed in the previous endnote, along with a video.
Anarchists were a minority but active in the struggle, including some who occupied public buildings and engaged in vandalism. Nauss, who participated in the protests, corrected my statement: “This is not accurate, because many anarchists did not do these things, and many of the people who did do these things were not anarchists.” In March 7 students blockaded a university building with the intent of creating a counter power to the state, police, and university administration. They wanted to open up a space they controlled. In the ensuing struggle with police, a student was blinded in one eye and the police cleared the building. Students called for a rally in the main public square.
On March 15, CLASSE piggybacked on an annual event to protest police brutality, generating the largest crowd ever. In May they distributed an anarchist zine for protesters including advice to wear a mask. A week later CLASSE led economic disruption and attacked police cars. In a May 3 demonstration in Montreal students stripped to their underwear to get the government’s attention, distract the police, and respond to the mayor’s prohibition of masks.[250] Media focused on the young women’s bodies rather than economic issues. The GA discussed a campaign of economic destruction by blockading highways and skyscrapers. One of the protesters said on a video by Frank Lopez that it’s fun to attack the police.[251] Anarchists promoted a large May Day demonstration where everyone wore black, created the biggest Black Bloc demonstration ever seen in Montreal that evoked massive amounts of tear gas from police. Students owned the streets holding regular night demonstrations in April until the end of the Maple Spring.
Gabriel Nadeau-Dubois was a student leader in CLASSE who described his activism in Tenir Tête, a book translated as In Defiance (2015). Videotaped in November 2012, he explained why the Maple Spring was successful in mobilizing the largest protest in Canadian history, with the majority of the Quebec population supporting the students.[252] He said Quebec student strikes against tuition increase became a strike opposing neoliberalism in general. The finance minister who tried to increase tuition 75% over five years said his budget was an ideological “cultural revolution” to privatize public services. The strike was against the hike, but students also talked about the goal of free education and narrowing economic inequality. Nadeau-Dubois said the strike wasn’t about the youth generation, but about class conflict: “Our fight was not only to keep accessibility to education, which is obviously important–but also to keep capitalism from eating the last part of society which is not completely integrated into its logic. It’s not a generational issue.”
Nadeau-Dubois explained the first reason for their success was the structure and culture of the Quebec student movement gained experience in direct democracy. In Quebec many students see their associations as their political voice in political debate, more than any political party. Student associations developed a history of victories by going on strike for specific objectives. Two years before the strike, the student associations organized at each university, drawing on their experience organizing strikes since the late 1960s, with mass student strikes in 1974, 1978 and 2005. In 2005 ASSE started using the symbol of the red square and economic disruption tactics. Student assemblies decided on the strategy and the action plans. Student organizers circulated a petition against the tuition increases, and then decided to do civil disobedience and break the law. Nadeau-Dubois described meetings of 4,000 students or more debating, and then voting to launch student strikes. During the strike, around 2,000 demonstrators participated in the weekly assemblies.
Nadeau-Dubois said the second component of success was the strong culture of hard work. He corrected accounts that students organized decentralized autonomous groups as inaccurate. They’re not like a soldier answering to a general, but a certain amount of centralization was required to make sure the strike would begin and grow. Using a structured process of decision-making, organization power and democracy led to success. Other strategies for young activists were collected by a youth-run resource center in Vancouver called the Purple Thistle Centre. Their book Stay Solid!: A Radical Guide for Youth (2013) includes personal essays, poetry, comics, and photographs.
Thousands of young activists distributed flyers and newspapers for two years before the strike. For two years the organizers talked with individual students in their associations. Although some were opposed to a strike, three years later activists got the strike vote in a democratic decision. Their slogan was “Together, we can stop the hike.” In Nadeau-Dubois’ association of humanities students they printed 100,000 flyers in the two or three months before the strike, so many that they had to buy a new printer. He says this work was the most important part. His generation’s use of social media is a way to mobilize, but they also needed to hand out flyers and newspapers. Social media can inform people about protest events but not convince them to join or vote for the student strike. It played a part when 100,000 people were already striking. He resigned as spokesman for CLASSE in the fall of 2012, saying it needed “fresh faces.”
Writing a year after the strike, although they succeed in ousting the Liberal government in elections and getting the tuition increase cancelled, plus a moratorium on shale gas exploration, on the surface it looked like little had changed in Quebec. The Parti Quebecois governed with a “shopkeeper mentality.” But, Nadeau-Dubois realized “social battles rarely end with victories.”[253] As in all the other uprisings, many of the participants continued their political interests. A young activist with Idle No More told him that mobilizations are like a wave that seems to withdraw from the shore but is always followed by a new wave.
In June 2013, the government banned wearing a mask during an unlawful assembly, subject to punishment with a maximum 10-year prison sentence. After taking power in September 2013, new Premier Pauline Marois of Parti Quebecois cancelled the mask law and the Liberal Party’s tuition increases. However, a “hidden” tuition increase in 2014 reduced the tax credit for tuition. The student associations proposed it as a way to pay for increased financial aid. Canadian youth are rebuilding civil society and strengthening democracy, according to Alex Himelfarb, a former government official.[254] Nauss added after critiquing this section, “I think it is a critical part of the story to explain how this beautiful amazing movement disappeared, and why these things aren’t happening anymore, and why we didn’t destroy capitalism.”
In a 2013 paper mentioned below, ASSÉ seems to take credit for the spread of horizontal organizing: “Anti-austerity movements have adopted, in most cases and in a manner similar to ASSÉ, a relatively horizontal model with few elements of hierarchy. We can also point to a growing refusal to use institutionalized political structures to make demands of politicians, apart from the recent rise in popularity of the Greek party SYRIZA and Spain’s Podemos Party.” Some students did run for office in Quebec (and Chile). Law student Bureau-Blouinran was elected when he was 20, the youngest ever member of the National Assembly of Quebec, and served for two years.
ASSÉ organized another large round of demonstrations and a national strike in Printemps 2015 (Spring) to protest the Liberal Party’s austerity cuts in the education budget and its efforts to privatize social services like health care in Quebec, its support of the oil pipeline, and neoliberalism in general. “It is not like 2012. This time, it is a global political struggle,” commented student Gioia Cazzaniga.[255] A march held in Montreal on March 21was titled “A Popular Protest Against Austerity and the Petro-Economy.” Demonstrators demanded free education similar to Scandinavian countries. It attracted from 5,000 to 10,000 supporters, but I didn’t see it covered in the US press. Police mounted their usual response with pepper spray and tear gas, which severely injured Naomie Trudeau-Tremblay in the face, leading Nadeau-Dubois to criticize media commentators for encouraging the use of force. Over 60,000 students went on strike for weeks starting on March 23 and another “National Protest” strike was held on April 2.
ASSÉ published a paper titled “Who Benefits from Austerity?” to show alternatives to neoliberal policies in an era when average Canadian average university fees almost tripled in the last two decades.[256] A spokeswoman for the association of 66 local student organizations, Camille Godbout stated, “We will continue to increase the pressure. We’re angry.”[257] Labor groups and the Red Hand Coalition joined them. The latter is a coalition of over 80 community groups formed in 2009 to oppose cuts, while Printemps 2015 is a new coalition with some overlapping members, similar to CLASSE’s role in 2011 to 2012. Students from 24 student unions from six Montreal universities went on strike in March. Police responded with rubber bullets. Similar protests were held at the University of Saskatchewan, with smaller numbers, led by Izabela Vlahu, Mairi Anderson, and others. A Social Strike was held on May 1. Also in Spring 2015, students and staff at Toronto’s York University went on strike for a month to protest rising tuition costs and stagnant staff salaries, including striking graduate teaching assistants. A campaign to encourage young Canadians to vote was launched called “Ivote4.” In October 2016, Canadian young people protested at Parliament Hill against the Kinder Morgan Pipeline to British Columbia. A Canadian socialist magazine about the youth movement is called Rebel Youth and provides current news.[258]
Idle No More
Various struggles aim to preserve over 350 million indigenous people’s cultures from settler dominance, as illustrated in The 500 Years of Resistance Comic Book (2010) drawn by a native Canadian.[259] A horizontal indigenous rights movement originated in Canada and spread globally in 2012, called Idle No More.[260] Four middle-aged women from Saskatchewan started it to protect the land and water from proposed legislation (Bill C-45) that threatened the rights of First Nations and the environment. Three of the founders were indigenous. Women continued to lead and support the movement. They started a Facebook page to brainstorm a plan of action. Since Idle No More values horizontal organizing, they don’t have designated media spokespersons, thus the movement gets criticized for lacking leadership and being disorganized.[261] They do connect on their website and Facebook pages calling for “a peaceful revolution.”[262] They explain, “The point of Idle No More is about shifting our understanding and our actions so that we aren’t defined by colonization. We’re ourselves.”
They protested the KXL pipeline designed to cross hundreds of First People’s sacred sites and burial grounds, as well as two major sources of drinking water. The Stephen Harper government planned for 13 pipelines not only to the Gulf Coast of Texas, but also to the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Chief Theresa Spence conducted a hunger strike near British Columbia’s Parliament in 2012. The group also speaks out against racist “redskin” team mascots, violence against indigenous women and youth suicide. Six young Cree men and a guide snowshoed in January 2013 on a Quest for Unity, a two-month walk to Ottawa from northern Quebec to support Idle No More.
Native activists speak at Youth Forums around Canada, including an Indigenous Nation Movement Youth Forum in February 2013. Tyler Duncan, a 16-year-old Cree Nation youth chief, said, “For the first time basically in history First Nations people look empowered, look strong and they look like they mean something.” They discussed how more youth could join Idle No More. Videos show an Idle No More youth protest at the Manitoba legislature to protect Lake Winnipeg, chanting traditional songs and drumming in 2014.[263] They walked 286 kilometers to the capital to publicize the endangered lake. Indigenous people of various ages hold round dances, flash mobs, and protests to improve life for First Peoples. To stay current see their webpage.[264] Indigenous movements are also active in the US, Mexico, Philippines, Indonesia, Burma, India, New Zealand, and Australia.
Trump Ignited Opposition Groups
Interviews with 1,833 US young adults in February and March of 2017 in all 50 states found that majorities of all ethnic groups disapprove of President Trump.[265] Many question the legitimacy of his election, mistrusting the Russian intervention in the campaign. Their dislike leads a majority of them to oppose his policies online and express their views to public officials—the most popular is Bernie Sanders. Smaller percentages donate money and participate in demonstrations. A majority of people of color approve of protests against Trump, but only 47% of white respondents approve. The Millennials also dislike Vice-President Mike Pence. Their top concerns are about health care, education, racism and immigration, although white respondents don’t list racism in their top three issues, which are health care, the environment, and education.
Existing movements coalesced to resist Trump’s policies, including activists trained in the Occupy movement of 2011, the Working Families Party that works on income inequality, environmentalists, the $15 minimum wage movement, Black Lives Matter, Latino United We Dream, Planned Parenthood, and the DAPL pipeline protests—referred to as isolated “silos.” Move.On.org continued its online advocacy for liberal causes, while groups sprung up embracing interlocking issues in contrast to earlier “silo” social movements for civil rights, feminism, or the environment. Some of their members say “resist” instead of goodbye at the end of a conversation. Coalition groups included Demand Progress, Democracy for America, People’s Action, and the Latinx (the inclusive term for Latino/Latina) Presente Action.
Women organized the largest demonstrations and included younger multi-ethnic leaders. The Women’s March on Washington and sister marches continued organizing after the huge marches the day after Trump’s inauguration. Slogans from international marches are quoted online.[266] Women’s groups such as NOW said they didn’t have a voice in the White House; Trump didn’t staff the White House Council on Girls and Women and supposed advocate for women entrepreneurs Ivanka Trump didn’t advocate for it. She also defended her father’s decision to end a rule to prevent pay discrimination by requiring large employers to report wage data to the EEOC (Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.) [267]
Thousands of Indivisible chapters mushroomed around the country, focused on organizing protests at Congressional offices, based on a 26-page article written by former Congressional staffers who analyzed the Tea Party tactics of focusing on local members of Congress. The Town Hall Project 2018 updates a Google spreadsheet to list town-hall meetings with Congress members. In the first Congressional recess after Trump’s inauguration Moveon.org reported that more than 100,000 often angry people joined more than 600 events to lobby Congress members in “Resistance Recess.”
Activist Van Jones organized the #LoveArmy a month after the election, quickly attracting 100,000 people who signed up online. He said he’s talking about “mama bear” love to defend Dreamers, Muslims, Blacks, and women—especially providing information to students at historical black and tribal colleges. The group organized study circles to teach “effective defenders.” Other progressive groups include MoveOn.org and Resistance.Org, all united in resistance to Trump’s fascist politics. The ACLU organized People Power volunteers to “mobilize in defense of our civil liberties, volunteers will build local communities that affirm our American values of respect, equality, and solidarity.” Groups like the Community Learning Partnership train community college students to become the next generation of local leaders, with Community Change Studies courses including internships in over 12 colleges (75% of those enrolled are students of color).[268]
Trump lost his battle with the courts over his executive order Muslim travel ban and then lost his first major legislative effort, blaming the Democrats although their votes weren’t needed to pass the bill. Although Republicans campaigned for seven years to defeat the Affordable Care Act, once they had control of Congress and the White House they were unable to get the votes to repeal and replace what they call Obama Care. The defeat seems due to three tactics, which can be applied in other struggles. One, large grassroots protests at town hall meetings following the Indivisible guide, plus letters and phone calls. Two, the unity of the alt-right Tea Party/Freedom Caucus that doesn’t want government involvement in health insurance, and three, the ineptitude of Trump who admitted he didn’t understand how to work with Congress members. He even threatened some conservatives with, “I’m gonna come after you,” if they didn’t vote for Paul Ryan’s American Health Care Act. In response to the failure, Sanders proposed a Medicare-for-all single-payer program and California legislators initiated a similar state government bill. In a divided USA, which side will prevail?
Never Again Movement
About 30,000 American die each year due to the use of firearms in the most heavily armed nation on earth—the second biggest cause of children’s deaths (after auto accidents). After the Valentine’s Day school shooter killed 17 people at his former high school in Parkland, Florida, students leaped into action—unlike previous school shootings such as the 1999 Columbine High School shootings. Student Cameron Kasky said, “We’re going to lead the rest of the nation behind us. This time we’re going to pressure the politicians to take action. This isn’t about the GOP. This isn’t’ about the Democrats. This is about the adults. We feel neglected. At this point, you’re either with us or you’re against us.” Students concluded it’s up to them to make change because adults f…..ed up.
Within a week the Marjory Stoneman Douglas High students announced a national march in Washington, D.C. to be held on March 24, organized hundreds of students to meet with state legislators, raised millions of dollars on GoFundMe, designed T-shirts, organized a Facebook and other social media pages, wrote op-eds for newspapers such as the New York Times, appeared on TV news shows on CNN, MSNBC, Fox, and Bill Maher’s’ HBO show, etc. They worked with CNN to organize a televised town hall including their Senators, a sheriff, and a representative of the NRA. Some met with President Trump in the White House where he proposed arming teachers to make schools “harder,” a response met with derision. (In a meeting with legislators in the White House he joked that they were afraid of the NRA, probably in response to student reiteration of the theme. Then he met with an NRA lobbyist and backed down on gun control.)
The Never Again movement put the powerful NRA on the defensive, as its head Wayne LaPierre resorting to scare their supporters with fears that Democrats would “European socialism” if elected in 2018 and beyond. It appears that many of the student leaders are in Advanced Placement classes and debate clubs where they studied gun control issues and the school newspaper the Eagle Eye wrote about mental health issues.
Slogans
Enough
Your silence is killing us
Am I Next?
Protect our children
Never again
Vote them out
Do something now
Don’t let my friends die
Guns don’t kill people….umm yes they do
My friends died for what?
Don’t Let My Classmates’ Deaths Be in Vain
Discussion Questions and Activities
The US is touted as a land of opportunity where hard workers can achieve the American Dream. What caused the decline into the most unequal of developed nations?
Why did Occupy Wall Street attract so many demonstrators so quickly and why did the Occupation movement stop? Was anarchist philosophy helpful or harmful? What impact did the Occupy movement have?
US youth of color are especially prominent in recent social movements. Why?
What can the Quebec student uprisings teach activists about successful organizing?
Activities
Compare and contrast organizing techniques used in Occupy Wall St. the Quebec uprising as seen in videos, and recent campus protests.[269]
What themes do you see in the Youth Activism Project database, comparing North America with other regions?[270] Also check out the WE Movement, started by two Canadian brothers, including WE Charity, ME to WE Social Enterprise and WE Day.[271]
Get involved with an activist youth organization such as Youth United for Global Action and Awareness, the international group Youth Coalition for Sexual and Reproductive Rights and the Coalition of Adolescent Girls. [272]
Conclusion
Educated young people will lead our future in an egalitarian direction. Activists want to create a new person in a new cooperative non-capitalist world. They’re dissatisfied with the economic status quo and want change. They realize that elected representatives often serve their funding sources rather than the people. Confident youth exchange information and encouragement online to create change while they scorn media-designated leaders and stars. They’re more comfortable with women in activist roles and more accepting of people with different backgrounds than earlier generations of rebels. Most (87%) of the world’s young people are growing up in developing nations in a world with a growing gap between rich and poor and undergoing harmful climate change, as acknowledged by the head of the conservative International Monetary Fund, Christine Laguarde. A large majority of youth experience “lower levels of wellbeing” according to a report on global youth wellbeing in 30 countries. [273]
Of course, many youth are apathetic, lacking hope they can change the economic system, sucked into their video games or in a cycle of poverty, feel overwhelmed by global problems, content with signing an online petition and consumed by many hours of study. Village youth I talked with aren’t aware of global issues like climate change, not literate or online, left out of the support network of educated young people. Therefore, middle class youth tend to lead recent protest movements with few exceptions such as a woman’s movement led by teenagers living in rural Southern Brazil in the 1980s. The girls led their movement, despite the patriarchal tradition of fathers’ restricting girls’ ability to go outside their homes.[274] The feminists were encouraged by educated liberal Catholic priests and nuns.
Youth are more egalitarian than their elders and are less likely to judge people by their ethnicity, sexual preference or gender. More young women graduate with university degrees than men, so more women will move into leadership positions. Studies generally find that women politicians take more action to actually help families and girls are more egalitarian than boys. Youth activists influenced the priorities of global leaders as seen in President Obama’s State of the Union address in 2012 with its focus on economic equality after Occupy Wall St.
The Arab Spring and global Occupy Movements led by youth show us their resistance to hierarchies and fixed positions, valuing freedom of expression, direct democracy and consensus decision-making. Students in the US are taught to be sensitive to diversity leading some to accuse overprotected college students of being so afraid of being politically incorrect they lack humor. Some universities even ask faculty to include “trigger warnings” about textbooks or films that might create discomfort, provide “safe spaces” for minority students, and hire diversity officers to provide “safe spaces” and sensitize students to racist and sexist “microaggressions.”[275] Another politically incorrect attack is on “cultural appropriation” when white authors write about people of color or white women wear cornrow braids.[276] They substitute the term “first year student” for “freshmen.” A self-described liberal, Lionel Shriver (a woman born in 1957) faulted the “identity politics movement” as an “assertion of generational power.”[277] Young people compete to see “who can be more righteous and aggrieved” over offensive statements such as “Asians are good at math,” resulting in restrictions on freedom of speech.
Generally, down to earth, young people are interested in cooperative gardening to produce healthy food. They value relationships more than material success, including a lasting marriage and most importantly to them– being good parents. The generation gap is smaller than it was with Baby Boomers and their parents. They feel close to their parents and they are willing to work cooperatively with various age groups, enhanced by their open-mindedness and acceptance of diversity.
An ah ha moment for me was that realization that ageism is at play in academic circles, elaborated on in Ageism in Youth Studies: The New Ism, 2017. Most of the academics who read drafts of the book erroneously said many books were written about youth activism and cited books that didn’t focus on youth at all, indicating that a blind spot or bias was at play. Some publishers and a TEDx tryout group told me that readers aren’t interested in youth. This phenomenon is the same as sexism that kept scholars of both sexes from focusing on women’s contributions, until feminists pointed it out in the second wave of the woman’s movement. I wrote my dissertation on the religious ideas of the 19th century novelist Harriet Beecher Stowe. Her novels clearly focus on the saving grace of virtuous women but no one had discussed the very obvious theme due to the sexist blind spot. Even books describing bias against young people don’t include their actual voices, just like history books included few women’s or people of color’s voices. The focus on great men is corrected by doing “history from below” and “Standpoint” theory approaches to research by including the thoughts of actual participants—in this case, youth.
It’s astonishing that youth were able to quickly overthrow entrenched dictators in the Arab Spring. They’re masters of selling their brand of democracy and mobilizing mass support, but they failed to design alternative governments, influenced by anarchist thinking to be anti-state and anti-politician. However, two Greek professors observed, “If nothing else this ‘staging’ of democracy throughout the squares of the world has regenerated the political imagination of thousands of people, putting a halt to widespread pessimism and fatalism.”[278] The main villain is global neoliberal capitalism that is increasing rather than reducing its control, as evidenced by the Citizens United Supreme Court decision in the US and the fact that 62 people own as much wealth as the poorest half. The result of the power of oil companies and other corporations is increasing inequality and environmental destruction.
Horizontalism’s solution of implementing small utopias in the cracks of the existing capitalist solution will take a long time to make broad change. With the failure of communism in the USSR and China, no national models exist of successful anti-capitalist revolutions that implement more equality for the people but local models of direct democracy exist as in Kurdish Rojava. That’s a huge task ahead of us. When searching for egalitarian models, I always look to Scandinavia as state governments doing the most for its citizens. In reports of well-being and happiness, they’re always in the top tier. Some radical youth decided to run for office to change government in Chile and Quebec and leftist parties with young leaders emerged in Spain’s Podemos and Greece’s SYRIZA party. This may be the future trend away from anarchism.
Some developmentalists disagree with generational scholars who think there are distinctive age differences shaped by different historical events. It’s true that all adolescents face the task of shaping their adult identity and values, but young people shaped by access to information and communication technologies are different from previous generations. Baby Boomers said don’t trust people over 30, while Gen Y and Gen Z value their parents because they are cynical about other authorities, political and religious and are interested in historical heroes and heroines. For example, Millennial composer Mohammed Fairouz evokes John F. Kennedy, Anwar Sadat, Seamus Heaney and Yehuda Amichai in his music.[279] Young people have access to news about scandals concerning politicians and religious leaders, transferring respect for elders to ones they know and love. Youth are more egalitarian than previous generations, raised on media coverage of successful women and people of color. Marshall McLuhan is correct that the characteristics of the media we imbibe influence us as well as the information it conveys. Not only does the speed of communication make Generations Y and Z impatient with old ways of doing things, but it connects them to each other in a global youth support group for change that shares tactics of disruption.
A surprise for me was how similar media-connected educated youth are globally. We could construct a profile of a young person in any urban area where youth wear jeans and T-shirt, listen to hip-hop on headphones, text on smart phone, are disgusted with authorities’ lack of integrity, and informed about global problems. They create “glocal” or hybrid cultures, such as hip-hop songs in local languages and youth slang combining various languages and abbreviations. In contrast, young people in rural areas in developing countries where most youth live are raised more traditionally, often poorly educated and not aware of global issues. I’m thinking of children I interviewed in rural Indonesia and Pakistan who don’t know about climate change. If Facebook’s Gen Y Mark Zuckerberg succeeds in his goal to provide Internet access to everyone, rural areas will have access to global information sources that provide the foundation for changemaking.
We all know that our main problem is our planet is in jeopardy because of global warming with increasing carbon and methane emissions. A UN survey reported that young people often didn’t make the connection that their lifestyle has to change in order to save the planet. This means not using fossil fuels and not eating meat that’s responsible for 70% of agricultural emissions and over a third of methane gases. We’ve seen that educated SpeakOut youth are more altruistic and informed than older generations at their age. Will they be able to transform the revolution of rising expectations to consuming less and acting locally?
Please email gkimball@csuchico.edu to share your observations about how Gen Y and Z will shape our future and report green local solutions to human problems—the topic of my next book.[280]
[21] Rakesh Kochhar and Richard Fry, “Wealth Inequality has Widened Along Racial, Ethnic Lines Since End of Great Recession,” Pew Research Center, December 12, 2014.
Ruth Milkman, Stephanie Luce and Penny Lewis, “Changing the Subject: A Bottom-Up Account of Occupy Wall Street in New York City,” Russell Sage Foundation, 2013, p. 14, p. 6.
[46] Ruth Milkman, Stephanie Luce and Penny Lewis, “Changing the Subject: A Bottom-Up Account of Occupy Wall Street in New York City,” Russell Sage Foundation, 2013, p. 22.
[60] James Rowe and Myles Carroll, “Reform or Radicalism: Left Social Movements in the Battle of Seattle to Occupy Wall Street,” New Political Science, March 2014.
[76] James Rowe and Myles Carroll, “What the Left Can Learn from Occupy Wall Street’s Swift Rise and Current Impasse,” forthcoming Studies in Political Economy, Vol. 96, p. 12.
[93] James Rowe and Myles Carroll, “What the Left Can Learn from Occupy Wall Street’s Swift Rise and Current Impasse,” forthcoming Studies in Political Economy, Vol. 96.
[106] Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, eds. The Future We the People Need: Voices from New Social Movements. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, February 2013, p. 102.
More specific solutions are suggested in Kevin Zeese and Margaret Flowers, “Economic Democracy: Creating the World We Want,” Centre for Research on Globalization, February 23, 2014.
International revolutionary organizations: Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, Sandinistas, South African Student Movement, Young Lords, Zapatistas, and FRELIMO: The Mozambique Liberation Front.
In the US: Black Panther Party, Brown Berets, and Left Roots.
[190] Barbara Reynolds, “I Was a Civil Rights Activist in the 1960s, But It’s Hard for Me to Get Behind Black Lives Matter,” The Washington Post, August 24, 2015.
[209] Fletcher Winston, “Decisions to Make a Difference, The Role of Efficacy in Moderate Student Activism,” Cultural and Political Protest, Vol. 12, Issue 4, 2013.
DOI: 10.1080/14742837.2013.82569
[210] Keegan O’Brien, “Making Sense of the Boston Public Schools Walkout,” Student Nation, May 2, 2016.
[221] Tanya Golash-Boza and Benigno Merlin, “Here’s How Undocumented Students are Able to Enroll at American Universities,” The Conversation, November 24, 2016.
[222] Yale’s March of Resilience and Claremont McKenna after controversies about racist Halloween costumes and other racist incidents; Purdue’s People of Color student group called for the president to resign,; Princeton’s campaign to remove segregationist Woodrow Wilson’s name from buildings; Amherst, Guilford, Cincinnati, Clemson University, Washington and Lee ‘s removal of confederate flags; Johns Hopkins, Northwestern, and Georgetown protest to remove the names of slave owners from buildings; “Smith Stands with Ithaca and Mizzou;” and other protests at University of Georgia, University of Maryland, Colby College, Emory, Virginia Commonwealth, University of Kansas, Kalamazoo College, Marquette University, University of Pennsylvania, Alabama at Tuscaloosa, and Wright State.
[223] Tareq Radi, “Criminalizing Student Organizing On-Campus,” Popular Resistance, December 13, 2015.
[254] Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, eds. The Future We the People Need: Voices from New Social Movements. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, February 2013, p. 112.
[273] Nicole Goldin, The Global Youth Wellbeing Index, Center for Strategic & International Studies and International Youth Foundation, April 2014, p. 2.
[274] Jeffrey Rubin and Emma Sokoloff-Rubin. Sustaining Activism: A Brazilian Women’s Movement and a Father-Daughter Collaboration. Duke University Press, 2013.
Educated young people will lead our future in an egalitarian direction. Activists want to create a new person in a new cooperative non-capitalist world. They’re dissatisfied with the economic status quo and want change. They realize that elected representatives often serve their funding sources rather than the people. Confident youth exchange information and encouragement online to create change while they scorn media-designated leaders and stars. Most (87%) of the world’s young people are growing up in developing nations in a world with a growing gap between rich and poor and undergoing harmful climate change, as acknowledged by the head of the conservative International Monetary Fund, Christine Laguarde. A large majority of youth experience “lower levels of wellbeing” according to a report on global youth wellbeing in 30 countries. [280] With the spread of cell phones, they learn about life styles they desire, insuring that the wave of uprisings and unrest will continue.
Of course, many youth are apathetic, lacking hope they can change the economic system, sucked into their video games or in a cycle of poverty, feeling overwhelmed by global problems, content with signing an online petition and consumed by many hours of study and/or work. Village youth I talked with aren’t aware of global issues like climate change, not literate or online, left out of the global support network of educated young people. Therefore, middle-class youth tend to lead recent protest movements with few exceptions such as a woman’s movement led by teenagers living in rural Southern Brazil in the 1980s. The girls led their movement, despite the patriarchal tradition of fathers’ restricting girls’ ability to go outside their homes.[280] The feminists were encouraged by educated liberal Catholic priests and nuns.
Young people are more comfortable with women in activist roles and more accepting of people with different backgrounds than earlier generations of rebels. Youth are more egalitarian than their elders and are less likely to judge people by their ethnicity, sexual preference or gender. Globally, more young women graduate with university degrees than men, so more women will move into leadership positions. Studies generally find that women politicians take more action to actually help families and girls are more egalitarian than boys, as discussed in Brave:The Global Girls’ Revolution.
The Arab Spring and global Occupy Movements led by youth show us their resistance to hierarchies and fixed positions, valuing freedom of expression, direct democracy and consensus decision-making. Generally down to earth, young people are interested in cooperative gardening to produce healthy food. They value relationships more than material success, including a lasting marriage and most importantly to them–being good parents. The generation gap is smaller than it was with Baby Boomers and their parents. They feel close to their parents and they are willing to work cooperatively with various age groups, enhanced by their open-mindedness and acceptance of diversity.
Some developmentalists disagree with generational scholars who think there are distinctive age differences shaped by different historical events. It’s true that all adolescents face the task of shaping their adult identity and values, but young people shaped by access to information and communication technologies are different from previous generations. Baby Boomers said they didn’t trust people over 30, while Gen Y and Gen Z value their parents but are cynical about other authorities, political and religious. Some are interested in historical heroes and heroines; Millennial composer Mohammed Fairouz evokes John F. Kennedy, Anwar Sadat, Seamus Heaney and Yehuda Amichai in his music.[280] Young people have access to news about scandals concerning politicians and religious leaders, transferring respect for elders to ones they know and love. Marshall McLuhan is correct that the characteristics of the media we imbibe influence us as well as the information it conveys. Not only does the speed of communication make Generations Y and Z impatient with old ways of doing things, but it connects them to each other in a global youth support group for change that shares tactics of disruption, discussed in Global Youth Activism and Goals and Tactics for Changemaking.
An ah ha moment for me was that realization that ageism is at play in academic circles, elaborated on in Ageism in Youth Studies: The Maligned Generation (2017). Most of the academics who read drafts of the book erroneously said many books were written about youth activism and cited books that didn’t focus on youth at all, indicating that a blind spot or bias was at play. Some publishers told me that readers aren’t interested in youth. This phenomenon is the same as sexism that kept scholars of both sexes from focusing on women’s contributions, until feminists pointed it out in the second wave of the woman’s movement. I wrote my dissertation on the religious ideas of the 19th century novelist Harriet Beecher Stowe. Her novels clearly focus on the saving grace of virtuous women but no one had discussed the very obvious theme due to the sexist blind spot. Even books describing bias against young people don’t include their actual voices, just like history books included few women’s or people of color’s voices. The focus on great men is corrected by doing “history from below” and “Standpoint” theory approaches to research by including the thoughts of actual participants—in this case, youth.
It’s astonishing that youth were able to quickly overthrow entrenched dictators in the Arab Spring. They’re masters of selling their brand of democracy and mobilizing mass support, but they failed to design alternative governments, influenced by anarchist thinking to be anti-state and anti-politician. However, two Greek professors observed, “If nothing else this ‘staging’ of democracy throughout the squares of the world has regenerated the political imagination of thousands of people, putting a halt to widespread pessimism and fatalism.”[280] The main villain is global neoliberal capitalism that is increasing rather than reducing its control, as evidenced by the fact that 62 people own as much wealth as the poorest half of the world’s population. The result of the power of oil companies and other corporations is increasing inequality and environmental destruction.
Youth activists’ solution of implementing small utopias in the cracks of the existing capitalist solution will take a long time to make broad change. With the failure of communism in the USSR and China, no national models exist of successful anti-capitalist revolutions that implement more equality for the people but local models of direct democracy exist as in Kurdish Rojava. That’s a huge task ahead of us. When searching for egalitarian models, I always look to Scandinavia as state governments doing the most for its citizens. In reports of well-being and happiness, they’re always in the top tier. Some radical youth decided to run for office to change government in Chile and Quebec and leftist parties with young leaders emerged in Spain’s Podemos and Greece’s SYRIZA party. This may be the future trend away from anarchism.
A surprise for me was how similar media-connected educated youth are globally. We could construct a profile of a young person in any urban area where youth wear jeans and T-shirt, listen to hip-hop on headphones, text on smart phone, are disgusted with authorities’ lack of integrity, and informed about global problems. They create “glocal” or hybrid cultures, such as hip-hop songs in local languages and youth slang combining various languages and abbreviations. In contrast, young people in rural areas in developing countries where most youth live are raised more traditionally, often poorly educated and not aware of global issues. If Facebook’s Gen Y Mark Zuckerberg succeeds in his goal to provide Internet access to everyone, rural areas will have access to global information sources that provide the foundation for changemaking.
We know that our main problem is our planet is in jeopardy because of global warming with increasing carbon and methane emissions, but a UN survey reported that young people often didn’t make the connection that their lifestyle has to change in order to save the planet. This means cutting down on use of fossil fuels and eating meat that’s responsible for 70% of agricultural emissions and over a third of methane gases. We’ve seen that educated SpeakOut youth are more altruistic and informed than older generations at their age. Will they be able to transform the revolution of rising expectations to consuming less and acting locally?
Please email gkimball@csuchico.edu to share your observations about how Gen Y and Z and report green local solutions to human problems—the topic of my next book.[280] Look for updates to this book on the Global Youth SpeakOut page on Facebook and WordPress and new interviews on the YouTube channel.
Shanghai boys on the subway. Notice his jacket says “Future”
Great works such as The Animal Farm and truth-telling sites like the Vietnamese BBC never have a chance to reach Vietnamese people. I did not even know that there were freedom of expression advocates being house arrested, attacked or jailed secretly. The amount of information hidden by the government is just unbelievable! Therefore, my childhood was perfectly happy and simple. It doesn’t mean that I turn my back to my country. No matter where I go in the future, that’s the only place that I would call home. Khue, 17, f, Vietnam (going to school in the US)
We don’t need no thought control. Leave them kids alone.
Hong Kong protesters’ signs quoting the British rock band Pink Floyd
If students don’t stand on the front line of democracy, who else can?
Joshua Wong, 17, m, Hong Kong
We are the post-90s, you say we are immature, we are rebellious, we are wild. But we are definitely not brain-dead! In fact we are passionate, we are rising, we are ready to take on responsibility. Student demonstrators against the arrest of a Chinese civil rights lawyer in 2014.
Contents: Vietnam, China, Hong Kong, Taiwan
Communist countries replaced a philosophy of proletariat solidarity with materialism and nationalism led by a few patriarchs, Vladimir Putin in Russia and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Both approaches inhibit youth activism for freedom of expression. Youth activists recently led political movements in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea. All are motivated by economic recession and fears for their future careers, lack of affordable housing and a moral concern that elders are undermining democracy.[1] A smaller generation than older ones means more older voters have political power. Youth unemployment is higher than for older workers and their jobs are more precarious. . A Japanese survey of people ages 15 to 34 reported that 40% depend on their parents as their main source of income.[2]
Vietnam
In Vietnam the communist government sentenced democracy activists and bloggers to long jail terms in 2012 and 2013 for spreading “antigovernment propaganda.” It fined a state-run newspaper for “untrue information” included in a 2014 article stating that four of history’s famous communist leaders were notorious dictators: Lenin, Stalin, Fidel Castro, and Mao Zedong. A blogger was sentenced to 15 months in prison for “vilifying and smearing” leaders. The government invested in an Internet social network to educate young people in “patriotism and the love for the nation and the love for the government.” To get uncensored news, people turn to Facebook with 22 million members out of a population of 90 million people. About 100,000 students are studying abroad and learning new ideas.[3] Lily is one of the many middle-class teens studying abroad, as she discusses on our video.[4] A Vietnamese foreign policy expert explained these connected youth are demanding to be heard in policy decisions. A student, 19, told reporter Thomas Friedman, “We get many different sources of information from the world. It opens eyes.”
Khue, 17, answered my question about growing up in of the few (Laos, China, North Korea, Cuba) at least partially communist countries—Vietnam. Her comments are similar to those I heard from Chinese teens. She attends high school in the US.
I never learned about Marx’s ideology for it’s only taught in university. However, my friends and I were taught about Hochiminh’s ideology, which is basically based on Marx and Lenin. As you can imagine, everything is one direction. It’s different from how I learned about Christopher Columbus’s discovery, as well as his cruelty, in my US history class in the States. I was taught only good or victorious things about Hochiminh and the party. There were communistic organizations for youths, which every student must join and I didn’t like them because I had to learn, again, about Hochiminh and other soldiers/politicians’ victories.
In my country, we have a saying, C.O.C.C, an abbreviation for a phrase describing people who don’t have much talent but loftily sit on the top. Actually, this happens to many people and everywhere that I witnessed at a very early age. When I was younger, I usually felt angry and unfair when thinking about that, but speaking against the government is something to fear here. In short, I think the system has created people like me, who choose to secure their life by either shutting up or going abroad, not changing the system even though we see its weakness.
When I came here to the US, I started to notice that many books were never translated into Vietnamese because of their contents and many websites were prevented in advance by government-controlled Internet. Great works such as The Animal Farm and truth-telling sites like the Vietnamese BBC never have a chance to reach Vietnamese people [similar to China]. I did not even know that there were freedom of expression advocates being house arrested, attacked or jailed secretly. The amount of information hidden by the government is just unbelievable! Therefore, my childhood was perfectly happy and simple. It doesn’t mean that I turn my back to my country. No matter where I go in the future, that’s the only place that I would call “home.”
Similar to other Asian countries, students complain about 12-hours-a-day spent studying. Middle-class preschoolers study in computer rooms and learn English from an early age. Wealthy Vietnamese aim to send their children to colleges abroad, including Moscow. Quinn, a young Vietnamese man living in the US, told me after a visit back home in 2010, “There’s still a big gap between the poor and the rich. The education system is not strong. They are still trying to figure out how to change it. The rich families send their kids to rich schools or half and half: community and private. Poor kids struggle to keep up with community schools or drop out and work.” Returning home in 2014, Khue emailed,
This year, I am amazed at the rapid influence of Starbucks, McDonalds and foreign supermarkets after their debuts last year. Also, the city is under a big construction for the new pedestrian area and first subway system. I agree with Quinn that there is still a very big gap between the rich and the poor. The education system, as well as the healthcare system, tries, sometimes fruitlessly, to mimic the developed countries without any long-term strategy. Therefore, many families choose studying abroad, and you hear the term “ethical degradation” a lot.
Reporter Roger Cohen found that hypercapitalism without Western checks and balances produces “new Asian elites, often party-connected, whose dream is an American lifestyle and education for their children.”[5] On the other end of the social spectrum, he saw Vietnamese women on bicycles searching through the trash of the rich looking for items to sell. It’s paradoxical that communist countries like Viet Nam and China focus on capitalist entrepreneurship, profit making, and consumption rather than the good of the proletariat.
China
Asia is the region with the fastest growing economies, including emerging markets in Indonesia, Vietnam and Philippines. China is the single largest contributor to world economic growth, averaging 10% growth during the three decades from 1980 to 2015, compared to global growth of 3%. It contributed a quarter of global expansion in 2015 and was forecast to grow faster than the US economy in the future. (However, India is moving ahead with the fastest economic growth, the largest youth population, but inhibited by the most polluted cities, inadequate infrastructure and as numerous as the US population lifted out of poverty and a number of billionaires second only to the US.[6] The government almost doubled life expectancy since 1950 with public health programs. With nearly $4 trillion in currency reserves, China is the world’s second largest economy,[7] the largest owner of US debt, and second only to the US in its investments abroad.
However, the slowdown in its economy and stock market crashes in 2015 negatively impacted economies around the world that rely on Chinese purchases of their raw materials such as oil. China’s debt load is a higher percentage of GDP than in Germany or the US, rising to $28 trillion by 2014.[8] The debt almost quadrupled between 2007 and 2015. Autocratic nations’ economies grow faster than democratic ones up to the level of income per person where China is now, indicating growth will slow without reform and improvement of poor quality rural education.[9] With economic slowdown, predictions were 20% to 30% of the 6.8 million recent college graduates won’t find jobs: About 700,000 graduates in 2012 were unemployed the following year.[10] Unlike Western countries, educated youth are more likely to be unemployed than less educated youth, with an unemployment rate of 10% for all youth aged 16 to 24.[11]
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has over 80 million members, millions of soldiers. The CCP survey of 25,000 students at 140 universities reported that about 80% were willing to join the party’s more than 80 million members.[12] The party explained that a small number of young people join for selfish reasons “due to the rampant materialism and consumerism of modern society,” but the main draw is the party gives an answer to the quest for the meaning of life. Since its inception, the CCP maintains that it has been a youthful party because, “The Party’s faith and belief gives young people a wider, more meaningful, more stirring and more forceful answer to a certain degree.” A survey revealed that young university graduates’ top job choices are to work for the government or state-owned businesses that favor CCP members. See young Chinese for yourself on my video interviews with a student from a well-to-do family in central China, students in a Shanghai international school, and my main contact, Yuan.[13] I started corresponding with him via email when he very thoughtfully answered the book questionnaire as a college freshman and now he’s 28 in graduate school in Europe. Some of our correspondence over the years is on the book website.[14]
In the largest youth uprising, young Red Guards led the Cultural Revolution from 1966 to Mao’s death in 1979, fighting against old traditions and power bases. At first a student had to be from a “red” family of elite CCP cadres and members of Young Pioneers, but then students from other families were allowed to join, even “black” former rich families.[15] One of their first posters stated, “Beat to a pulp any and all persons who go against Mao Zedong Thought.” “Snake demon” teachers accused of bourgeois thinking were subject to humiliation like wearing dunce hats, having their homes looted, being beaten, and even murdered. The CCP shut down all classes so students could devote themselves to the Cultural Revolution, one of the few times in history government backed a student revolt.
Two years after Mao’s death in 1976, CCP party leader Deng Xiaoping decided to reform the economy but not the one-party political system. He allowed more local elections, public hearings, term limits and required retirement age for top leaders for the first time in thousands of years. Innovative local democracy efforts were awarded, such as a public poll to evaluate local government performance, livestreaming public meetings on the Internet or childcare for immigrants. “Accusation centers” and confidential phone lines permit anonymous complains about party members, although corruption is still pervasive. The CCP gave Chinese new freedoms to move, own property, choose their career, go on the Internet (albeit censored) and gave up the campaign for “socialist purity.”
The People’s Republic of Amnesia by Louisa Lim (2014) describes how young Chinese nationalists don’t know their history, such as when over 3,000 students conducted hunger strikes for democratic reform. Most Chinese young people don’t know about the Tiananmen Square massacre of June 4, 1989 and that “June 4” is deleted from the Internet in China. Students called for Deng Xiaoping, the architect of capitalist reforms, to resign. They built a tent city in the square, making art (a 37-foot sculpture called the Goddess of Liberty) as in other global uprisings. Reporter Nicholas Kristof witnessed the Chinese army crush the student democracy movement, “shooting at anything that moved.”[16] He said the protesters demanded not just rice, but rights. It was the most polite protest movement he’s ever seen with protesters thanking police and returning lost shoes to their owners as student marshals controlled the crowds. Rickshaw drivers risked their lives to pick up bodies of injured or dead demonstrators.
Youth discontent helped fuel the democracy protests in the square, famous everywhere but China. Former US military officer Colonel Robert Helvey (a member of the Defense Intelligence Agency of the Pentagon) used Gene Sharp’s tactics to train Chinese student leaders in Hong Kong in techniques they later used in Tiananmen Square. Students demonstrated against corruption and nepotism, encouraged by party chief Hu Yaobang’s statement that modernization required democracy. Hu was ousted in early 1987 for failing to crack down on students. Thousands of peaceful Beijing residents went to the streets to stop the 200,000 troops from harming the million students and other demonstrators who protested corruption and call for freedom of the press, to no avail. They also gathered in squares in other cities to call for freedom of speech and elections.
When the USSR fell apart in 1991, the CCP sent teams of researchers to study the former republics to find out how not to repeat Russian mistakes. They also sent thousands of officials to study abroad in outstanding universities in the US, England, Japan, Russia, and so on. Deng didn’t want Chinese perestroika as led by Gorbachev because he warned in 1992, “Liberalism and turmoil destroy stability.”[17]
Millennial Eric Fish went to Nanjing, China, to teach and study in 2007. He described his students as apolitical and submissive, part of the 250 million Millennials.[18] The People’s Liberation Army indoctrinates freshmen university students of both sexes in weeks of military drill and patriotism. However, he found brave young protesters an argued that activism is increasing with a disillusioned Millennial “Want Generation” no longer pacified by a growing economy and nationalistic education.[19] When a civil rights lawyer was arrested in 2014, a dozen students posted a photo of themselves on Sina Weibo (a hybrid of Twitter and Facebook) holding Pu Zhiqiang’s photo, with the caption, “We are the post-90s, you say we are immature, we are rebellious, we are wild. But we are definitely not brain-dead! In fact we are passionate, we are rising, we are ready to take on responsibility.”[20]
Helen Gao is a Beijing journalist who compares her generation born in the late 1980s and 90s with the more liberal youths growing up at the start of economic reform led by Hu Yaobang in the 1980s the hero of the liberals.[21] To prevent similar democracy rebellions like the Tiananmen Square in 1989, Gao said the government “kept politics out of our lives.” The goal was to acquire one the refrigerators that became available with the increase in electrical grids in the late 1980s and eat at a new Kentucky Fried Chicken restaurant. Gao said she and her peers studied hard and on weekends tried on jeans and sneakers in malls or sang Chinese and Western songs in karaoke parlors. They focused on memorizing information from texts for all-important two-day gaokao college entrance exam and then on finding a good job, not on social issues. They know what their textbooks tell them, although they mocked Marxist philosophy in private. They don’t know about Tiananmen, rebels like artists Ai Weiwei or “barefoot lawyer” Chen Guangcheng, repression of Tibetan Buddhists, or military crackdowns against Muslim Uighurs in the autonomous region of Xinjiang.
Gao also reported that Chinese people are reading fewer books than they used to, averaging 15 minutes a day on reading, compared to almost 100 minutes watching TV and 45 minutes on the Internet.[22] Gao’s dismal portrait of superficial Chinese youth makes me appreciate thinkers like SpeakOut respondent Yuan. He emailed about a friend who teaches middle school, “She said if I ever go to her school, which is a traditional Chinese school that crams students with exam answers day in and day out, I would freak out,” although he attended such schools as a boy in central China.
The percent of students from rural areas who made it to prestigious universities decreased although China experienced the largest rural to urban migration in history; about 300 million farmers moved to cities in the past two decades. Only 10% of students from the countryside attend prestigious Peking University, down from about 30% rural students in the 1990s. Rural schools often lack qualified teachers and modern buildings, and their poorly educated grandparents care for about 60 million “left-behind” children while their parents work in cities. Children who migrate with their parents don’t have the right to go to public schools because of the hukou system that links services to birthplace.
In late 2014 the government discussed gaokao reforms to raise quotas for student from poorer regions, spreading out the exams to three different times and considering “moral character” in university admission. It threatened to jail cheaters on the test for up to seven years. Expansion of universities to house more than 26 million students in 2015 is part of President Xi’s slogan the “China dream.” In 2016 the government planned to admit more students from poor regions (about 6% of spots in the best schools that lead to the best jobs) into the higher quality universities in prosperous urban areas, leading to demonstrations against the plan by parents in those cities.[23]
Elite urban high schools often require “voluntary donations” for admission and students pay for after-school tutoring. The typical undergraduate at Tshinghua University (China’s MIT) is urban, went to high school, watches US TV series like The Big Bang Theory and House of Cards and has parents who are civil servants and teachers.[24] Gao gives the example of a 16-year-old girl she knows who attends a private school costing around $24,000 a year. The girl’s mother prepared her to study in the US by playing her English tapes of Disney movies and hosting exchange students from the US. In 2014, more than 274,000 Chinese were studying at US universities, and less than half will return to China.[25] They like the freedom to dialogue in class and the emphasis on critical thinking, stating that Chinese teachers sound like they’re reading a book. A Stanford University study of computer science and engineering students found that Chinese university students lose their advantage in critical thinking skills over US and Russian students, although they start university two or three years ahead of their peers.[26]
By 2017, Chinese high school and college students were almost half of international students in the US, contributing over $11 billion to the US economy in 2015.[27] The “parachute kids’” parents want to save their offspring from the pressure of doing well on the college entrance exam and want them to have more creativity in the classroom. The benefits are mixed: One of the Chinese students was told “Cool kids never study,” and started lifting weights to build muscle to attract a girlfriend. At the same time, President Xi campaigns against foreign influences in China.
Recent Activism
Recent graduating classes belong to the much less political jiu ling hou or post-90s generation. Similar to their Western peers, their critics stereotype them as self-centered, naïve, spoiled, rebellious, lazy, promiscuous and confused. Their fans describe them as intelligent, innovative, curious and tech-savvy.[28] They’re the majority of the 632 million Chinese with online access and two-thirds (69%) of 18 to 29 year-olds have a smart phone.[29]
Youthful rebellion is minor in China now with feminists the most outspoken, described in my Brave: The Global Girls’ Revolution. Interviews with older feminist activists are available online.[30] Graduating university seniors celebrated by posting naked photos running or standing in front of their university with the sign “you f***ed my youth.”[31] The photos garnered much criticism but a young blogger posted, “This picture shows the spirit of fighting for freedom in this so-called ‘harmonious’ country.”
The Chinese government acknowledges “social conflict” associated with the growing gap between rich and poor and urban and rural areas and the need to fight corruption, as mentioned in the final address of President Hu Jintao to the National People’s Congress in 2012. While he was speaking, petitioners seeking justice where sent back to their hometowns, activists questioned, lawyers placed under illegal house arrest and thugs hired to harass protesters.[32] Thousands of petitioners travel to Beijing or provincial capitals to report injustices but are often harassed by officials. President Hu said that the CCP must “make people’s democracy more extensive” as they travel the path of socialism but, “We will never copy a Western political system.” The CCP warned in 2015 that Western values such as constitutionalism, judicial independence, respect for civil society and press freedom are a “ticket to hell” and warned against them infiltrating into university classrooms.[33]
After the Tunisian Jasmine revolution, small protests called “Jasmine Rallies” were planned in China in February 2011, advertised on www.Boxun.com and other sites. They demanded, “We want food, we want work, we want housing, we want fairness.” A blogger posted after Mubarak resigned in 2011, “Even though the people we are watching are Egyptians…our ears are ringing with the echoes of history. This is the sound of the German people tearing down the Berlin Wall, of the Indonesian students taking to the streets, of Gandhi leading the people down the road of justice.”[34] A group called “Organizers of China Jasmine Rallies” posted a message for people who “have a dream for China” to stroll at 2:00 PM on Sundays in specific locations in more than a dozen cities, such as McDonald’s in Beijing. This tactic of strolling was used by Poland’s Solidarity movement in 1980 instead of a demonstration in one place because how can police arrest you for strolling? Before the first Sunday stroll, dozens of activists and human rights lawyers were detained or put under house arrest.
The word jasmine was blocked on the Internet, flower stores were prohibited from selling the flower, and people referred to it as “that flower.”[35] The CCP is the most powerful political organization in the world, yet they were afraid of a flower symbol. Texters weren’t able to send to multiple recipients and Facebook remained blocked. An editorial in the Beijing Daily dismissed the Arab Spring protests as “a self-delusional ruckus,” but the government increased media censorship and excluded reporters from areas where gatherings might occur. Security forces detained hundreds of activists, harassed foreign journalists, and occupied protest sites to prevent a Jasmine Revolution in 2011. Activist Zhu Yufu was jailed for attempting to subvert the state with his poem called “It’s Time.” A translated excerpt is:
It’s time, Chinese People!
It’s time,
The square is ours,
The feet are ours,
It’s time to use our feet to go to the square and make a choice.
In 2011, cameras were installed on squares where demonstrators might gather; the government banned most foreign films and increased censorship of journalists, and jailed more dissidents. It routinely blocks Western social networking sites although some Internet users find a way to use proxy services to get around the blocks. Banned keywords blocked from display on search engines include “occupy” followed by the names of Chinese cities. Novelist and blogger against censorship, Murong Xuecun (born in 1974) reported, “I have seen China change. I have seen the Internet awaken its people.”[36] Yuan emailed this account of Chinese reaction to the Arab Spring:
They briefly reported the fact that there was protest and government change [in the Middle East] and not much details as 99% of the results focus on the economics aspect. Not much update after early February. There are one or two stories about the current Egypt, but no analysis. Of course the news of demonstrations in China are blocked. I can’t open the pages of the search results. I used proxy to read something.
China has the world’s most sophisticated techniques to censor the Internet from “hostile foreign forces,” according to Al Gore, as well as the most Internet users—more than 500 million people. China had the worst score for Internet censorship out of 65 nations according to a study called “Freedom of the Net 2015.” it blocks Google, Facebook, Twitter, and The New York Times and jails dissenters for “picking quarrels and provoking trouble.”[37] Researchers can’t reach academic sources such as Google Scholar. Historic photos of Mao’s generation are altered to leave out leaders who fell into disfavor; a Sina Weibo tweet went viral showing the before and after photos.[38] Chinese activists use their phones and social media to get around censorship, substituting images for censored words, and using walkie-talkies. Instead of searching June 4th, the anniversary of Tiananmen Square massacre and the most taboo topic, activists used Six Four or May 35, but those too are blocked. Censors try to disable software such as Astrill and other virtual private networks (VPNs) used to get around the Great Firewall. Thousands of “stability maintenance” offices are staffed by around 300,000 government employees who hire neighborhood informants to nip protests in the bud. Some of these problems are illustrated in the Chinese film A Touch of Sin (2013, English subtitles), including one man’s campaign against the village chief who got rich selling the village’s collective property.
A Chinese observer commented online about lack of activism:
As long as the government continues with its censorship of the Internet, it will be extremely difficult for a Jasmine Revolution to take root in China. Continued censorship has meant, sadly, that many ordinary Chinese have little interest in domestic or international affairs, and are only interested now in how to make money. With this in mind, it’s hardly surprising that so many foreign observers have argued that the biggest success for the Chinese government as a result of 30 years of economic reforms is that people are now simply chasing money, and have forgotten about chasing political ideals.[39]
The fires of Chinese youth rebellion burn low partly because it’s difficult to get past government censors and security forces; the 2012 security budget was $111 billion, more than spent on the military. Also, the employment rate is high, keeping discontent low. Youth unemployment was only 7.6% in 2012, compared to 25% in Europe’s “lost generation,” rising to 10.5% in 2014.[40] Only Southeast Asia has such low youth unemployment. Youth are busy working long hours and have hope they can be upwardly mobile, despite corruption and large gaps between the rich and the poor. A young Shanghai English teacher told CNN’s Anthony Bourdain that youth don’t have dreams other than to buy an apartment and a car. They’re so obsessed with their cellphones, it’s common to see a couple in a restaurant not talking to each other as they look at their phones—a global addiction. (He also said US TV shows are very popular, naming House of Cards, a show about politics.) Asian American novelist Kevin Kwan described “wealth porn” in his novels about newly rich Chinese young people who conspicuously consume in Crazy Rich Asians (2013) and China Rich Girlfriend (2016).
Citizen protests are common, usually about local officials’ corrupt actions and the environment. The government estimated that citizens initiated around 180,000 “mass incidents” of protests and demonstrations in 2011 to oppose pollution, corruption, unfair prison sentences, land thefts, and unsafe food, stimulating a bigger budget on international security than defense.[41] The largest protest since 1989 occurred in coastal Xiamen in 2007 against a proposed chemical plant. It succeeded in stopping the construction and sparked youth-led environmentalism such as a student-led demonstration against a copper plant in Sichuan. Many universities have environmental clubs and NGOs, coordinated by the China Youth Climate Action network.
A vehement protest by a fishing village called Wukan succeeded in their demands at the end of 2011, refusing to allow the sale of their farmland to developers—a frequent problem in rural areas with thousands of protests against rural land grabs.[42] What’s unusual is the villagers threw out their corrupt local government and police and built barricades around their town, temporarily establishing self-government. A 27-year-old villager, Zhang Jianxing posted photos of the protests online and explained that due to lack of response to their appeals from government departments, “We were forced to take action ourselves. When we started the whole thing, we knew we had to succeed.” However, the Wukan villagers posted a sign “We are not a revolt. We support the Communist Party. We love our country.”
An advisor to China’s State Council told a forum in 2011 that China averages 500 large-scale protests called “mass incidents” each day over issues like pollution, corruption and land grabs.[43] About half of the large 2013 protests centered on environmental problems.[44] Nearly one-fifth of China’s arable land and most of its rivers, underground water, and lakes are polluted due to industrial toxins, raising concerns about food safety.[45] Only three of 74 Chinese cities monitored by the government met minimum standards for air quality in 2013. Businesses dump their waste at night and bribe law enforcement agencies. Environmental protests increased along the industrialized coast. Villagers in Baha, a village in the southwest, were so fed up with the polluting metalwork factory that they smashed its offices and equipment in 2014, leading to clashes with police. China is both the world’s foremost contributor to global warming and the largest investor in renewable energy. Wealthy people flee pollution by migrating to other countries. Despite poor air quality and indoor wood fires in rural areas, Chinese men smoke one-third of the world’s cigarettes, sold by the government monopoly.[46] Some areas report increases of teen girls who smoke.
President Xi promised to make renewable power 20% of energy production by 2030 and cap greenhouse gas emissions. China planted over 66 billion trees to stop the spread of the desert, using aerial seeding and cash payments to farmers.[47] The government announced a plan in 2013 to invest $16 billion over three years to reduce the capital’s pollution and required that coal be reduced to 65% of energy production by 2017.
Use of Social Media for Rights Campaigns
Protesters use Weibo to communicate with photos and words, with around 600 million Internet users. The censors tried to inhibit this communication tool in 2012 by requiring users to include their id number and real name. By 2014, Weibo lost popularity to WeChat, which is like Facebook in providing messaging among followers, a more private communication and therefore less censored. Also, comments are deleted after a few days. An impetus for the change was the government detained hundreds of popular commentators who had millions of followers on Weibo. An environmental activist, Hu Jia commented, “Weibo and WeChat are gifts from God [interesting word choice in an atheist country]. Despite all the government surveillance, the benefits we get are even greater for people trying to organize society.”[48]
A common saying is if you post something the government doesn’t like you’ll be invited to have tea with the police and asked to remove sensitive material, as I heard in Shanghai. Censors moved to crack down on instant messaging on smartphones in 2014. Yuan says the CCP has eyes and ears everywhere. The government ordered videostreaming websites to shop showing four popular US shows (The Big Bang Theory, the Good Wife, NCIS, and The Practice) in 2014 preferring that views watch national TV. The US shows’ contents were deemed “inappropriate.” Yuan added, “Some news say that means 80% of US TV shows are about to be banned soon.” South Koran shows were also banned in 2017, but Chinese viewers see pirated copies. The most popular TV shows in 2017 were produced on the mainland.[49]
A daring newspaper called the Southern Weekly called for a strike in 2013 to protest censorship of its editorial advocating constitutional rights, sparking support from university students, celebrities and others who spoke out online in favor of free speech.[50] The newspaper reported that 1,034 of its articles were censored in 2012, leading to national discussion. Hundreds of people demonstrated outside the paper’s headquarters in Guangzhou carrying signs and flowers calling for less censorship. Author Eric Fish was “shocked by the fearlessness of the young protesters,” as police took photos of them. Actress Yao Chen (age 33) posted a quote from Russian dissident Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, “One word of truth outweighs the whole world” along with the Southern Weekly logo. She has the largest fan base with 32 million Sina Weibo followers. The following year, Yang Maodong, a well-known activist in the “rights defense” movement (Weiquan) was arrested, partly because he was one of the Southern Weekly demonstrators.
The government jailed an increasing number of human rights advocates in one of the harshest crackdowns since the Beijing Olympics in 2008, as reported by Amnesty International.[51] In August 2013, the government jailed some bloggers who have millions of followers. An official editorial on the Xinhua website warned that bloggers will be “dealt with like rats scurrying across the street that everyone wants to kill” (similar language was used by Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi). One of those netizens, Murong Xuecun, said the most infamous arrest was jailing a 16-year-old boy who posted “All officials shield one another.”[52] Xuecun and friends joke about who will be next on the government hit list. As part of the crackdown to insure “ideological purification” under President Xi Jinping, Peking University fired an economics professor in October 2013 for being “an extreme liberal” who advocated “freedom and democracy,” according to the government’s Global Times newspaper. The Youth League and its 87.5 million members were also brought under CCP control to reach out to young people more effectively, along with their media channels China Youth Network and Beijing Youth Weekly.
One of the activists jailed in 2013 was Yang Hui, a 16-year-old student in Gansu. He was arrested for “creating a disturbance” after he challenged police reports that a man had committed suicide when his family said police beat him to death. In response to public protests, Yang was released after a week. Other young activists were lawyers including an increasing number of women, who joined together to form “China Human Rights Lawyers Group.” The rights movement began in the early 2000s led by intellectuals and is the main focus of the Chinese democracy movement.[53] It works to increase rights through litigation, petitions, blogs and other Internet publicity. Rights lawyers are punished by the government, monitored, detained, and jailed.
President Xi decreed, ”Never allow singing to a tune contrary to the party center.”[54] His Document No. 30 warned in 2015 that Western ideas of free speech, “universal values,” and criticism of Mao threaten the CCP’s survival and should be cleansed from universities and other cultural institutions. In 2015, a 71-year old journalist was sentenced to seven years in prison for leaking Document Number 9, a government strategy paper calling for aggressive silencing of civil society, press freedom, and Western democracy. TV shows were censored further in 2016 with a long list of prohibitions including sex, overly sexual clothing, homosexuality, luxurious lifestyles, and feudal beliefs such as reincarnation, deviance, and vulgarity. Xiao Shu, a writer and visiting scholar at a Taiwan university said, “On the mainland, as long as you control the streets with enough soldiers and guns, you can kill a protest, because everywhere else is already controlled: the press, the Internet, the schools, every neighborhood and every community.”[55] A survey of Chinese young people studying in the US discovered that Chinese media has a negative impact on support for democracy, while foreign media consumption increased support as did social science education.[56]
The most popular blogger in China (some say in the world because of the large number of his readers) somehow gets away with critiquing government corruption, censorship, and exploitation of young workers, as well as poverty, pollution and the education system. Han Han, born in 1982, dropped out of middle school because, “The education system tries to create homogeneous personalities.” He said the education system is as absurd as taking a shower wearing a padded coat. “The problem with our education is that no one will go take a shower naked.” He wrote a best-selling novel about middle school when he was 18, titled the Triple Door, followed by other novels, along with being a racecar driver. “You can write whatever you want on the Internet,” he explained to an interviewer, “so long as you are not afraid.” He stays safe by supporting one-party rule, avoiding direct attacks on the party, and not trying to organize on the streets. Like racecar driving, if you push too hard you crash, he stated, adding that it’s a long process to arrive at democracy, but he believes that if the people change so will the CCP.[57] If the people really want something, they can get it in 20 years at the most, according to Hans.[58]
A hopeful 19-year-old who protested against building a polluting metals plant in the city of Shifang, Li Yonglin observes, “I see Chinese people’s civic consciousness building. Thanks to the spread of information, more people are aware of their rights. . . . The people will not continue believing what the government feeds them and simply follow it.”[59] An example of using media to protest is a vendor who stabbed two municipal officers to death because they arrested and beat him for not having a license—reminiscent of the angry Tunisian vender who set off the Arab Spring. To support him, the Internet was flooded with almost three million comments, similar to this one: “Hero Xia, rest in peace. Your anti-repression spirit will continue to inspire the repressed.”[60] After his execution, his wife and 12-year-old son continued to publicize the case. An exiled blind activist, Chen Guangcheng reported that he reads Internet chatter saying if Ukraine can overthrow their government overnight, it can happen in China.[61] He said the number of demonstrations is increasing along with the number of arrests. He was arrested for opposing forced abortions as a self-taught lawyer. China is “missing” about 24 million girls under age 20 due to selective abortion or infanticide of girls, according to UNPF.[62]
A large strike at the Yue Yuen Dongguan shoe factory was one of the largest strikes, one of 1,171 strikes and labor protests between June 2011 and the end of 2013.[63] In April 2014, workers at the shoe factory protested the company’s failure to pay their full social security and housing allowance and not being able to enroll their children in local public schools. Censors deleted media reporting of the protest. Because unions are controlled by the CCP, workers organize horizontally in their factories and join independent labor rights organizations. University students supported the 40,000 striking workers by posting pro-strike posters as repression of civil society groups increased.
The Beijing Yirenping Center worked for gender equality and fought discrimination against people with HIV and physical disabilities, but was shut down in March 2015. The catalyst was their support of five young feminists who were arrested for planning to demonstrate against sexual harassment on International Women’s Day, arrested for “picking quarrels and provoking troubles.” Maya Wang, a researcher at Human Rights Watch in Hong Kong, explained, ”Even though these organizations have tried to stay within the red lines of normally tolerated activism, the government still sees them as fomenting [foreign backed] color revolutions.”[64] That’s a problem for reformers because the majority of the around 2,00 to 3,000 social justice groups rely on foreign funding. Many of them register as private businesses rather than be sponsored by a state entity as a nonprofit group. By August of 2015 over 250 human rights activists and lawyers were arrested, including Wang Yu who defended the Feminist Five. Will young people find consumerism or freedom more appealing, keeping in mind the economy slowed down in 2015 and the stock market and currency was precarious? Like Russian youth, will nationalism and materialism prevail over democracy? (More on censorship on the book webpage.)[65]
Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s (HK) population of seven million includes more than 78,000 undergraduate students who suffer from increasing youth unemployment and difficulty being socially mobile. Many think of themselves as different from mainland Chinese, illustrated in Hong Kong is Not China Facebook book by an artists’ collective called Local Studio Hong Kong.[66] University education has been more westernized since the 1990s so that human rights and freedom of speech are not considered subversive.
Scholarism—The Alliance Against Moral & National Education was founded by a group of HK secondary school students in May 2011, with no political affiliations, to oppose Beijing’s efforts to control curriculum. Scholarism opposed new nationalistic school courses to generate patriotism by teaching about Chinese political system and history. With more autonomy than on the mainland, HK protesters carried signs in 2012 quoting the British rock band Pink Floyd, “We don’t need no thought control. Leave them kids alone,” shown online.[67] A group of young girls chanted, “We want the truth, we don’t want brainwashing.” Beijing’s proposed curriculum would teach how to respect political leaders, how to “speak cautiously,” be self-disciplined and get along well with others. The international hacker group Anonymous leaked classified education documents in September 2012 when a HK university student emailed me,
In the introduction of patriotic education, there is a guidebook circulated among Primary and Secondary Schools called The China Model, published by Hong Kong Baptist University, funded by the Education Bureau. It described members in power in China as “selfless, progressive and in solidarity with Chinese people,” and US party politics as “a bad fight in which citizens suffers.” It provided a clear picture to media and people to know what it exactly is, though Education Bureau said it is only for reference.
Protests mushroomed to tens of thousands of HK’s chief executive Leung Chun-ying revoked a 2015 deadline for every school to start teaching the new subject. In September 2012, he suggested instead that school principals would be responsible for deciding whether to teach it, leaving them open to pressure from Beijing. Crowds of young people wearing black T-shirts continued to protest around government headquarters. Sam Chan, a 19-year-old college student, said, “We just want to cancel the whole subject…to protect our future and our sons’ futures.” Three days later more than 1,000 university students boycotted class to demand withdrawal of the curriculum. They occupied the park in front of government offices and conducted a hunger strike. I assumed that mainland press wouldn’t cover the news, but checked with Yuan who emailed disguising words from censors, “I did find something. Of course the word p ro te st is taken away, just something about they are delaying the m o r a l edu ca tion.”
Sophie Ping-Ya Hsu emailed from her vantage point in Taiwan,
In previous discussions with some Hong Kong people, I got a sense that the majority was more concerned about stability, grow the economy even more capitalistic, and did not seem that having the right to vote was a top priority. As HK was handed over to China, the HK people started to feel more pressured into looking at themselves and realize that they were unhappy to be subjected to the system of government influenced by China. I didn’t like watching China making false promises to let the people of HK decide for their own leader, but didn’t deliver. I think the last straw for the HK people was when China tried to use its influence to change the school curriculum into a more Chinese-centric one. I feel regret though, that it had to be youth to carry on the responsibility of protecting the region’s interest instead of the entire HK people as a whole. It was regrettable to see police violence, the elder generation and the working-class react the way they did. I was appalled by seeing women being sexually harassed as a suppression tool for their beliefs.
A poll conducted in December of 2013 found that 82% of people in their 20s were dissatisfied with how Beijing managed HK, compared to 52% of all residents surveyed.[68] A former government official explained that students “are more sensitive to this great division of wealth.” Another executive explained, “Hong Kong nowadays becomes corrupt, and becomes not performance-driven but relationship-driven.”
More than a fifth of the electorate, almost 800,000 HK citizens, voted mostly online in an unofficial referendum held in June 2014 in favor of choosing their own chief executive without Beijing’s approval of the candidates. They referred to the Basic Law that was supposed to stand at least until 2047, the principle of “one country, two systems” established after Britain turned control over to Beijing in 1997. The movement was called Occupy Central with Love and Peace, led by professors and students. Law professor Benny Tai asked the crucial question, “How can a government govern if the whole society refuses to cooperate with you?” Leaders called for 10,000 protesters to blockade the financial district if Beijing didn’t abide by the referendum and remove Beijing control of nominees. Student members of Scholarism encouraged a big turnout for the vote and marches, and helped formulate one of the three proposals on the ballot.
Joshua Wong, 17, a well-known co-founder of Scholarism along with two other high school boys, said on video that “us students hold the key to the future,” and are willing to risk legal consequences to push for democracy in civil disobedience.[69] He explained that to change society, they need to use activism rather than words to influence politicians. He was inspired by previous activism that he learned about on the Internet. Wong became an activist at age 14 when he founded Scholarism with secondary-school students opposed to Beijing’s attempt to impose political curriculum. He was raised in a middle-class Christian family. He described his parents as, “They are not helicopter parents and do not spoil me. . .. They have given me freedom, which has shaped Joshua Wong as he is now.”[70] He attends the least prestigious university because, “Teachers have always said my only strength is talking and that I talk very fast.”
Protesters used familiar slogans in 2014, “power to the people” from the 1960s and “the people want….” and “Democracy Now” heard in the Arab Spring. They chanted, “our own government, our own choice.” Wong said the people want “to fight for civil nomination,” where the voters decide their representatives, not Beijing. At age 18 Wong was portrayed as Batman on a banner hung from a bridge. He was featured in a documentary, Lessons in Dissent (2014)[71] and a TIME magazine cover titled “The Face of Protests.” The people are willing to dream with the students who have more time and energy, he said. He went on a hunger strike to force the government to talk with protesters about reforms, saying, “We will use our bodies to wake people up.” His generation wants a say in their future, believing that they have to do radical action because leaders do nothing: “I don’t want to follow the games of adults” and chit chat.[72]
Wong is an example of framing political issues with youthful identity and scholars’ observations that young HK activists tend to be more confrontational and rebellious than their elders, using new forms of protest in “transgressive contention.”[73] Of course Wong rejects being called the leader, because “If Hong Kong just relies on me, the movement will fail.”
The Chinese government withdrew a promise to allow free elections in 2017, resulting in protests in September 2014. After the referendum, the biggest march in a decade was held in the financial district, mostly young people, and was extended to an overnight sit-in. Organizers claimed 510,000 people participated. Police arrested 511 of them. The Hong Kong Federation of Students organized the sit-in, chanting, “Hope [or change] is with the people,” “Say No to Communist China,” and “We need to fight to make change.” The Federation posted their photos on Facebook.[74] Five members of the Civil Human Rights Front were arrested for blocking traffic, etc. I asked Yuan if he had heard about these protests: “Not hearing anyone talking about the H K pro tests. I just got the news from you. Google is totally gone now. It was blocked but now, gone.”
Protests continued on September 22 with over 80,000 demonstrators, again mainly students, on the streets and in front of government buildings and around the city. They boycotted classes for over a week. Leading organizations were the Hong Kong Federation of Students and Scholarism. The crowd was young and angry about growing inequality and increasing cost of living. One of them told BBC TV, “We won’t go home until we’re free at last,” in the spirit of Martin Luther King, Jr. The president of his university student union said, “University students must shoulder the responsibilities of these times” and a member of the legislature, age 62, said, “Now the younger people have taken control and used their advantage of surprise.”[75] The larger coalition called Occupy Central with Love and Peace supported the student-led protest.
Police responded with tear gas, pepper spray, long-barreled guns and arrested hundreds of demonstrators, displaying banners saying “Disperse or We Shoot.” Innovative students wore raincoats and swim goggles and carried umbrellas to protect against tear gas. My HK student contact emailed,
The dramatic effect of tear gas has to be contextualized into Hong Kong protest history, that it is about the reminiscence of June 4 incident in Beijing, which is in commemoration every year in Hong Kong. The first time tear gas was used against locals was after 1984 protesting against the spike in first registration tax of taxis. The last time police used tear gas is during the 2005 WTO conference.
The demonstrations were called the #UmbrellaRevolution, the term coined by Adam Cotton in New York on Twitter, with hashtags like “Umbrella is Everywhere.” They also used #OccupyCentral. Although more than 200,000 demonstrators protested on the streets of HK on the peak day of September 29 with over 2,000 tents, most of the US media ignored the 75-day occupation. Protesters photoshopped a photo of President Xi Jinping holding an umbrella at various protest sites, portrayed on TIME magazine’s October 19 cover and widely reposted. It survived for more than 24 hours on WeChat, China’s most popular messaging app without being censored, but more than a dozen netizens in Hong Kong were arrested and charged with using a computer with “criminal or dishonest intent.” Some of them were accused of assisting Anonymous Asia’s call for attacks on HK government websites. The international hacker group Anonymous warned on October 1 they would attack the HK government’s websites if protesters were harmed or harassed.
Protesters waved cell phone lights to create a visual effect at night, wore black T-shirts with yellow ribbons to symbolize hope, and held up their arms in the “don’t shoot” gesture that spread around the world from Ferguson, Missouri, after police shooting of teenager Michael Brown in August. Another international reference, a yellow banner quoted John Lennon’s song, “You may say I’m a dreamer. But I’m not the only one.” New songs were created such as “Raise the Umbrella.” They picked up their trash and recycled it and handed out bags of snacks and water.
Beijing said the protesters were “a gang of people whose hearts belong to colonial rule and who are besotted with ‘Western democracy,’” influenced by the UK and the US and by activists in Taiwan.[76] The government heavily censored any reference to the youth uprising on the mainland by removing key words from sites like Weibo and blocking Instagram. To prevent mobile phone networks from being disabled by the government after a malware attack, students used FireChat, an app that relays messages from phone to phone, a flashpoint mesh network transferred from node to node. The app was also used in Taiwan and Iran earlier in 2014.
Protesters feared the Chinese army would be sent in a repeat of Tiananmen Square: A sign read “A good day to die in Hong Kong.” Senior officials refused to meet with the Hong Kong Federation of Students and chief executive C. Y. Leung refused to obey demands that he resign for being under the thumb of Beijing. During the 2015 New Year celebrations of the Year of the Sheep, he asked that people be “more mild and gentle” like sheep. Protesters displayed posters of Leung with fangs like a devil and decided not to meet with officials on October 3 in order to protest clashes with protesters and opponents where some students were beaten or sexually molested while police stood by. Hi opponents refer to Leung as 689 because that’s the few number of votes he received from the selection committee to be Chief Executive in 2012. After several months of occupation, in early December the older leaders of Occupy Central with Love and Peace asked the students to take their tents and leave the streets, not wanting to alienate residents and risk violent clashes with police. My informant emailed after reading this section:
As you reported, till 3 October, from participants’ point of view, the scale of movement is in fact far larger than what Occupy Central with Love and Peace expected. Hong Kong Federation of Students, which united universities in Hong Kong territory, worked as the representative and central coordinator throughout the movement, among pacifists and radicals.
A survey of 1,562 demonstrators in October 2014 found that over three-quarters were between 18 and 39; over a half had university educations, a third were under age 25 and 26% were students.[77] Umbrella Square at the Admiralty site was mainly students. What motivated them was the right to elect their own representatives, they felt ignored by the government and they were angry with police, in that order.
The authorities got court injunctions to clear the streets of tents, art, and a classroom in December 2014, after cleaning the Admiralty camp on November 18 and the Mong Kok camp on November 26. Authorities cleared the third site at Canton Road on December 11 after 75 days of occupation and thousands of tents, peaking on November 1, as seen in photos.[78] Students chanted, “We’ll be back,” “I want true democracy,” and “It’s just a beginning.” They left sticky notes on the Lennon Wall, a side of the government building facing the camp that was covered with notes. Police said 209 people were arrested for unlawful assembly and obstructing police officers. Despite the end of the three occupation sites, the students and their allies organized the biggest challenge to Beijing in decades. Student leader Nathan Law, 21, said although they didn’t achieve their goal of free elections, they awakened consciousness that “will help us fight in the future.”[79]
They marched again carrying yellow umbrellas on February 1, 2015, demanding democratic representation in “general elections.” By 2015 over half of undergraduate students favored independence from Beijing.[80] People called them children, “but they were the only ones who showed any leadership,” said political commentator Frank Ching.[81] Authorities again blamed hostile outside influences that were part of the “color revolutions,” similar to Turkey’s and Russia’s leaders’ tactics.
Wong, age 18, and two other democracy leaders, Alex Chow and Nathan Law of the Federation of Students, were arrested in August 2015 and faced prison sentences for leading 79 days of sit-ins. They were charged with inciting unlawful assembly. Wong’s comment was, “I believe we will have another Umbrella Movement. What matters is that we better prepare ourselves for the next one.” Derek Lam, a member of Scholarism, was charged with assault for breaking into a square. Earlier Wong was barred from entering Malaysia in May to speak about the Umbrella Movement, as the government feared his influence on restive young people. (Three months later, students in yellow T-shirts turned out for protests in Kuala Lumpur to demand that Prime Minister Najib Razak resign due to corruption scandals. A primarily Muslim nation, Razak said the protests were harem, forbidden.) Some activists in the Umbrella Movement ran for district council elections in 2015, which at that time had pro-Beijing majorities. One of the candidates, Steve Ng said, “It felt like once the Umbrella Movement was over, we didn’t know which way to go from there. I wanted to see if I had the ability to continue to push the democratic movement.” [82]
The first major demonstration in 2016 involved thousands demonstrating against the disappearance of the fifth bookseller who sells literature banned on the mainland. Protesters marched through central HK and stopped in front of government buildings, sure that Beijing had kidnapped the men. Agnes Chow’s Facebook video to protest disappearance of the booksellers went viral.
Chow and Wong, both age 19, organized a new political party called Hong Kong Demositsto in 2016 to push for self-determination for HK with one vote per one person, raising money for Demosisto at gatherings like the observance of the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989. Tens of thousands marched on the annual anniversary of Tiananmen, demanding that the CCP change its condemnation of the demonstration as a “counterrevolutionary riot.” In Victoria Park they were accompanied by the Goddess of Democracy facing Chairman Mao’s portrait. Co-founder Agnes Cow is shown in a poster seen on this book cover holding a bow and arrow like Katniss Everdeen, the hero of The Hunger Games. The title of the poster is “The Younger Games.” The four characters in old Mandarin that mean “the people will surround the city.” The first two words can mean “people” or “people’s determination/will.” Other young activists formed the Hong Kong National Party to achieve independence from the mainland, meaning the pro-democracy advocates lack unity.
Wong was convicted of “illegal assembly” in July 2016, along with Alex Chow and Nathan Law, sentenced the following month to public service for unlawful assembly, which he appealed. Nathan Law (age 23) successfully ran on the Demosisto party in September 2016 elections, advocating “self-determination” for HK. Law said, “Young people have a sense of urgency when it comes to the future,” and want change. At age 19, Wong was too young to run. The pro-democracy or “localists” advocates won 30 out of 70 seats in the legislature: Only 40 seats are elected by the public while special-interest groups like businesses elect 30 legislators. Thousands of protesters protested Beijing’s November 2016 ruling to prevent two pro-independence legislators from taking their seats. They revived the use of yellow umbrellas. Some who were frustrated with lack of results from previous protests threw bricks.
Another young woman leader was elected to the legislature: Yau Wai-ching became an activist in the Umbrella demonstrations when she saw high school students demonstrating in in the streets. At 22 she was working in an office job. She explained, “I thought I had to fight, to have a war with the government,” rejecting the “festival” atmosphere of the demonstrations by the main government buildings. Her colleague Baggio Leung reported she changed from a “quiet nerd” when she first started demonstrating into an outspoken leader.[83] She joined Youngspiration, a group formed after the Umbrella Revolution. The group sponsored nine candidates for the 2015 District Council elections, including Yau. She lost by only 300 votes and won in September 2016, at 25 the youngest woman ever elected to the council.
Yau and her fellow Youngspiration candidate, Baggio Leung (age 30) caused a firestorm when they demonstrated their desire for independence from Beijing by changing the oath of office, more typical of young activists than older ones. Yau mispronounced “People’s Republic of China” as “people’s re-fucking of Cheena,” a derogatory pronunciation used by the Japanese during their conquest during World War II. The two would-be legislators also carried flags that stated “Hong Kong is not China.” Beijing refused to recognize the two young people as legislators, judging their oath illegal. The government’s anger was compounded by the two democracy advocates’ visit to Taiwan the previous month to meet with pro-independence students. Yau considers Taiwan a better custodian of Chinese traditions and Confucian values than the CCP. The People’s Daily called the two “pustules” that had to be removed and they were called fascist traitors. To protest this interference, more than 2,000 lawyers and activists marched in silence dressed in funereal black. Some protesters shouted “Hong Kong independence.” Updates are available on the Facebook page Hong Kong Democracy Now.[84]
Taiwan
Taiwan is not a former communist country and Hong Kong is shaped by British rule from 1841 to 1997, but I included them in this chapter because of their Chinese populations. A student protest occurred in Taiwan from March 18 to April 10, 2014, in Taipei. A predecessor was the Wild Lily student movement, a six-day demonstration for democracy in 1990, with the lily as their symbol. In 2014, they opposed a trade agreement that students feared would lead to closer ties to China, and would favor large corporations, undermine their democracy and jeopardize their future job prospects. They opposed the Kuomintang Party for adopting the deal without bipartisan discussion. Sophie Hsu from Tapei, explained after reading this chapter, “It is important to note that this revolution was not anti-Chinese, but a growing generation in Taiwan that strongly supports democracy and stands against any type of government action undermining it.” She emailed,
The Sunflower Movement in 2014 was a result of the government’s policy failure, especially its economic ones. The general public, especially youth, seeing their employment opportunities lessened with lowering wages and rising housing prices, became extremely disappointed by the government throughout the years, especially from the end of 2012. The government spent too much emphasizing the benefits for opening trade, mostly with China, but did not resolve the issues of unemployment, rising food costs, skyrocketing housing prices and lowering wages.
In addition, out of fear that the public would oppose strongly against the trade deal with China, they passed it in the legislature with a lack of care for democratic procedure. Therefore, the people reacted mostly to let the government know that Taiwan has struggled and fought hard for democracy, the government must not forget that this is the system that the people wanted for Taiwan.
The media called it the “Sunflower Revolution” because students carried the flowers as a symbol of hope and shining light on secret negotiations. They marched with banners stating: “If we don’t rise up today, we won’t be able to rise up tomorrow,” “Save democracy,” “Free Taiwan,” and “We will let the world know you suck [President Ma Ying-jeou]” (see their signs and mod clothes[85]). Hundreds of thousands of demonstrators marched. Punk bands played at rallies and several hundred students occupied the parliament building for 23 days. A number of student groups worked together in the Sunflower Revolution, including the Black Island Youth group.
When police surrounded the building to prevent food and water getting to the occupiers, a large crowd kettled the police, chanting, “If the police don’t move, we won’t move.” Supplies were lifted up through a second story window. Many were injured as police extracted the demonstrators and student union groups from major universities called for a national strike. Students cleaned the building when they left on April 10, then formed a new organization called Taiwan March. The speaker of parliament promised to introduce a law to monitor agreements with China. The pro-Beijing Nationalist Party did poorly in November 2014 elections and President Ma said he would make changes.
One of the leaders of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests was a Peking University student named Wang Dan, age 20. He organized a group to demand democracy using sit-ins, boycotts and hunger strikes. He was sent to prison at the top of the list of “black hand” organizers, then went into exile to the US where he earned a Ph.D. at Harvard. He became a professor in Taiwan where in 2014 he said that Chinese “democratization is still far off.”[86] Wang feels the most important contribution he can make is to ensure that the “ideals and passion of youth” are kept alive. Some of his students were active in the Sunflower Movement in Taiwan, which he said demonstrated the force of “people power” for democracy. Wang observed, “Following the student movement, Taiwan has seen a new generation of youth who are concerned about public affairs and are no longer indifferent.”
The issue of economic ties with China and sovereignty played out in the 2016 presidential elections, between two women candidates, along with the state of the economy. The new president, Tsai Ing-wen, emphasized Taiwan’s democracy and independence, supported by enthusiastic young people. Her opposition party became the majority party for the first time. Voters rejected the Beijing-friendly party that led for the previous eight years. As well as being the first woman president of Taiwan, she’s also the first of Hakka of aboriginal descent and the first unmarried president. She promised young people that she would address their economic insecurity with a new model of economic development. In addition, a new youth-oriented party developed out of the Sunflower movement when death metal band star Freddy Lim started the New Power Party (he also directed Amnesty International in Taiwan). He was elected to the legislature in 2016 despite his opponents criticizing his long hair and advocacy of lowering the voting age from 20 to 18. He wants Taiwan to stay independent from the mainland, to avoid having freedoms eroded as is occurring in Hong Kong.
Chun Yi, a 22-year-old young woman wrote on the Goodreads feminist book club in 2016, “I got to know feminism after the Sun-Flower Movement on March 18, 2014, which inspired and encouraged me. I met new people who showed me lots of new things including international relations, sociology and, most important of all, feminism. Feminism attracts me not only because I’m female but also it gives reasons and solutions to many social issues including decreasing birth rate and increasing crime rate. One can’t make her life better without knowledge of feminism.”
Japan and South Korea
In Japan, the Fukushima nuclear plant disaster of 2011 generated protests against the government. Japanese young people protested Prime Minister Abe’s 2014 plan to permit the country’s military to engage in offensive action in violation of the constitution. The main groups, Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy (SEALDs) and Teens Stand Up to Oppose War Law, aim to protect democracy with street demonstrations, livestream broadcasts, humor and slogans written in English. They use horizontal organizing like other global youth activists.
SEALDs called for unifying opposition parties “who share liberal values such as constitutionalism, social security and peace diplomacy. This unity will create a new political culture which encourages citizen’s political participation and revitalizes representational democracy.” Secondary school students joined university students in the protests, but couldn’t prevent passage of Abe’s law. Youth also protested a tax raise that went into effect in 2017
In South Korea, an online letter posted at the prestigious Korea University in 2013 protested the lack of youth representation in government and neglect of their concerns about job prospects. They coined the phrase “Hell Joseon” about the lack of social mobility, a reference to a dynasty known for inequality and the current need to have family connections to advance. Another new term is “Sampo Generation,” meaning they have to give up marriage and parenting because of economic problems. Youth also protested restrictions of freedom of speech under the banner of the National Security Law. President Park Geun-hye’s conservative party suffered a surprise defeat in April 2016 elections because of the large turnout of voters in their 20s and 30s. Youth groups organized frustrated young voters to go to the polls. They turned out to protest presidential corruption in what was called South Korea’s Umbrella Revolution, a reference to Hong Kong democracy movement led by youth. The first female president was impeached in 2017.
Russia’s teens weren’t afraid to protest government corruption in 2017, looked at as a new generation. Will Chinese teens follow in their footsteps and rebel against pollution and corruption?
Discussion Questions and Activities
Russia and China have replaced Communist ideology and social supports with nationalism and consumerism. Agree or disagree? Which country would you rather live in? Why?
Why hasn’t China had large youth-led uprisings when masses of people are unhappy about pollution and environmental destruction and growing numbers of college graduates can’t find jobs?
Activities
Read Yuan’s emails and compare and contrast his issues with young people you know.[87]
Films
Analyze the Urban/Rural Divide in these films
Balzac and the Little Chinese Seamstress. During the Cultural Revolution, two intellectual city boys are sent to the countryside. We see the impact of the country on them, and visa versa, especially the young seamstress who falls in love with reading the forbidden books they secretly brought with them. 2005
Mao’s Last Dancer: An Australian film about a peasant boy—the sixth son in his family—who was raised during the Chinese Cultural Revolution, trained in Beijing to be a ballet dancer. The film is based on his autobiography, with flash backs from his rural boyhood to dancing in Texas. 2009
Owl and the Sparrow. A 10-year-old orphan girl lives on the streets of Saigon. American director. 2006
Endnotes
[1] Paul Park, Maeve Whelan-Wuest and Katharine Moon, “Youth and Politics in East Asia,” Brookings Institution, June 30, 2016.
[6] Nick Jepson, “The End of the Long Twentieth Century? The Rise of China and the Possibilities of a New Global Fordism,” Global-E: A Global Studies Journal, July 7, 2014.
[73] Nick Hin Kin and Calvin Hiu Ming, “The Rise of Transgressive Contention by Young Activists: Recent Cases In Hong Kong,” Journal of Youth Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1, January 2014, pp. 57-74.
[75] Chris Buckley and Alan Wong, “Pro-Democracy Group Shifts to Collaborate With Student Protesters in Hong Kong,” New York Times, September 27, 2014.
Chapter 7 Eastern Europe and Russia’s White Ribbon Movement
Central Moscow, December 10, 20111. Protesting election fraud[1]
We are born in independent Ukraine and we are used to freedom and desire of constant development. Liuba, 17, f, Ukraine
Contents: Eastern Europe, Russia
Communist countries replaced a philosophy of proletariat solidarity with materialism and nationalism led by a few patriarchs, Vladimir Putin in Russia and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. Both approaches inhibit youth activism for freedom of expression.
Eastern Europe
Srdja Popovic (age 25) led the Serbian group that evolved into CANVAS, which continues to advise young international changemakers. Otpor (“resistance”) learned revolutionary tactics from Gene Sharp’s books The Politics of Nonviolent Action (1973) and From Dictatorship to Democracy (1993) about non-violent resistance (available online along with Otpor guides).[2] Popovic was also inspired by Gandhi, Martin Luther King, Jr., Lech Walesa in Poland, and the Chilean movement against dictator Pinochet in another demonstration of global idea exchanges in action.[3] A postmodern revolution, Otpor worked to create a lifestyle, identity and brand, a feeling of being heroic and cool. Young men competed to see who could get arrested most often to become celebrity stars. To generate media coverage they used street theater and stunts that made the government look silly. Young Serbians applied images and slogans on stickers and T-shirts, banging pans from their apartments during the state radio news (a tactic used in Argentina and later in other youth-led demonstrations in Spain, Canada and Turkey). They placed women, grandparents and veterans in front of demonstrators so police would feel less threatened. Popovic explained that the essence of Sharp’s teaching was, “The pillars of the regime support it out of fear. The moment the fear factor disappears and people are fearless with the police and hugging the military, you have lost your main pillars” or resources.
Otpor was hired to apply the Serbian formula for regime change in Ukraine in 2004. An unnamed Otpor organizer explained, “We trained them in how to identify the key weaknesses in society and what people’s most pressing problems were—what might be a motivating factor for people, and above all young people, to go to the ballot box and in this way shape their own identity.” Social Movement Theory would say they identify weakness in the elite and citizen discontent as their main resources or assets, along with creating a desired identity as a cool activist.
WikiLeaks’s “Global Intelligence Files” revealed that Popovic and his wife had worked for Stratfor since 2007, a Texas global intelligence-gathering firm whose clients are large corporations and the US government.[4] Popovic said in his defense that all his briefing papers are public and that CANVAS doesn’t take money from governments.[5] CANVAS began to train opposition leaders in Venezuela in 2005: President Hugo Chávez called them the Coup D’Etat group. Popovic went to Texas to present Stratfor with a plan for how to unseat Venezuelan president Hugo Chavez in 2010 and forwarded emails he received from activists around the world to Stratfor. Otpor was assisted by the CIA funding in their work to oust Milosevic in Serbia. Otpor and other opposition groups were funded by US organizations including USAID, and NGOs that receive government funding including Freedom House, the National Endowment for Democracy and the International Republican Institute.
Popovic still leads CANVAS in Belgrade. It’s also called the Revolution Academy and stresses discipline and planning as it trains leaders from over 59 countries. Their books are available for free download.[6] CANVAS “advises groups of young people on how to take on some of the worst governments in the world–and in Georgia, Ukraine, Syria-occupied Lebanon, the Maldives, and now Egypt, those young people won.”[7] (A book describes the unemployment problem among young men in Georgia.[8]) It also trained activists in Spain, Morocco, Azerbaijan, Venezuela, Cuba, Zimbabwe, Syria, Iran, Vietnam, Tibet, and Bolivia. CANVAS prefers to work with students because they’re idealistic and energetic. Reporter Tina Rosenberg described recent CANVAS training with Burmese resistance leaders in her article cited in the previous endnote.
Within a week of the start of Occupy Wall St. in 2011, Otpor activists came to New York to assist Americans. CANVAS was also involved in the 2014 Kiev uprising when they handed out a pamphlet previously given to Egyptian activists and paid university students and unemployed Ukrainians to take the bus to Kiev to demonstrate.[9] Serbian journalist Ivana Mastilovic Jasnic accused CANVAS of being a “revolution consultancy” for the US.[10] (More on Eastern European uprisings on the book webpage.[11]) More on Serbia is found in After the Revolution: Youth, Democracy, and the Politics of Disappointment (2014) by Jessica Greenberg.
Austrian professor Florian Bieber pointed out that protests in Eastern Europe opposed the privatization of the commons such as in Gezi Park in Istanbul; Banja Luka, Bosnia; Tirana, Albania; Maribor, Slovenia, and the environmental degradation of the Roșia Montană mining project in Romania.[12] This activism contributed to the fall of the Slovenian government, the resignation of Bulgarian Prime Minister Boyko Borisov and the defeat of unpopular policies such as the Romanian health care bill. In 2013 Bosnians in Sarajevo blocked parliament over failure to act on providing citizen identification numbers and Bulgarian protests centered on high electricity prices and rejection of the appointment of a media mogul as security chief. An Open University was organized to discuss direct democracy.
A 15-year old Serbian boy, Vuk Visjnic succeeded in getting Zoja’s Law passed by parliament in 2015 to help children with rare diseases. Visjnic created an online petition and Facebook page and met with family groups. Unlike the Arab Spring, the Eastern European protests occurred in post-communist democracies with market economies. Over all, the social movements are “realigning the political space” with discussion of corruption and elite power. A film and book, Bastards of Utopia: Living Radical Politics after Socialism (2015) report on Serbian activists from the anti-globalization protests of the early 2000s to Occupy camps, along with After the Revolution.[13]
Ukraine’s Maidan or Euromaiden
Ukraine gained independence after the collapse of the USSR in 1991. Since that date, the US spent $5 billion in Ukraine to develop “a good form of government,” according to Victoria Nuland, Assistant Secretary of State.[14] George W. Bush’s administration spent $58 million to help Ukrainians foment a peaceful uprising against their dictator, although they complained his administration didn’t help sustain them.[15] Journalist Andre Vichek charged that EU spent over $1 billion to foment the Euromaidan uprising including paying demonstrators: “I’m afraid that the West is making the last push to actually destroy and overrun anything standing in its way that is semi-independent or different.”[16]
A problem is the Ukrainian GDP per capita is only about $6,000 a year, a third of Poland’s GDP. Few of the former Soviet Union states developed successful capitalist economies with the exception of Albania, Armenia, Belarus, and Estonia.[17] In the less successful economies, a “get what you can” attitude developed a culture of corruption, as in Ukraine, making it difficult for young people to get ahead. Ukraine is divided by dependence on Russia for its energy supply and nearly 30% of its trade and ties to Europe. Russian influence is strongest in the industrialized and Russian-speaking east, while the west is closer to Poland and the EU, less populated and more agrarian. The south is the only area with a majority of ethnic Russians. As in Russia, oligarchs took control of former state assets after the dissolution of the USSR and got involved in politics to protect their wealth.
Government efforts to cheat in the 2004 presidential elections led to the “Orange Revolution,” the color brand of the opposition. Tens of thousands of Ukrainians, many of them young, camped out in Independence Square for almost three weeks. They used tents and concerts similar to earlier protests in 1986, 1991, and 2000. The tent city occupied by protesters was a precursor for Tahrir Square and other occupations. About a quarter of the population engaged in protest. This movement is compared with Argentina’s protests of 2001 in MappingMass Mobilizations by Olga Onuch (2014.) The youth movement was advised by Serbia’s Otpor and Georgia’s Kmara, and young people from other former Soviet republics came to learn how to lead a “color revolution.” To head off similar movements in Russia, in 2005 the Kremlin created a youth group it controlled called Nashi. Some of the Ukrainian protesters were trained and funded by American NGOs and government agencies like USAID, as in Serbia and Georgia the previous year. Large protests and rebellion by the media against government control resulted in mediation by the EU and a new election.
The president after the revolution, Viktor Yuschenko carried out some democratic reforms but his rivalry with Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko inhibited their ability to reverse economic problems after 2008. This led to a $16.5 billion loan from the IMF with all the usual austerity cuts. Their opponent in the Orange Revolution, Viktor Yanukovych won the 2010 presidential election, tilting Ukraine to the Russian side. He restricted media freedom and put rival politicians like Yulia Timoshenko in jail. He tried to impose unpopular neoliberal measures although public pressure prevented them from becoming law.
Large protests occurred in western Ukraine in 2013 against Putin’s pressure on the government to resist closer ties to Europe with a proposed treaty with the European Union. President Yanukovych rejected a trade deal with the EU at the last moment partly because it would end gas subsidies from Russia. Young people hoped that joining the EU would lead to revolution from abroad to end government corruption. The government was also negotiating a $15 billion loan from the IMF, with the usual strings attached in terms of austerity cuts. After learning that the president dropped the proposed EU agreement, a small group of protesters gathered on Independence Square on November 21, 2013, organized by students, journalists and other activists. November was the ninth anniversary of the Orange Revolution. As students read Facebook and Twitter posts with the hashtag #EuroMaidan, they joined the crowd that grew to 250,000 when opposition leaders coordinated a pro-EU march on November 24.
The main slogan was “Ukraine is Europe.”[18] Police assaulted the protesters camped out in the square on November 30; videos of the events went viral as usual, leading to discussion that the protests weren’t about the EU anymore, but about “saving Ukrainian democracy.” A group of protesters pulled down Kiev’s statue of Lenin and decapitated it. By December 2, more than a million Ukrainians participated in protests around the country.[19] Crowds of over 300,000 gathered in Maidan, Kiev’s central square in December 2013 in the largest protests since the 2004 Orange Revolution. As in other occupations of squares, they built shelters and provided entertainment as well as speeches and services like first aid stations, food stalls, and a church tent. They chanted “Glory to Ukraine” and “Peaceful Protest,” but the police charged them anyway, causing Secretary of State John Kerry to express his disgust. Opposition leader Vitali Klitschko told the crowd, “This is an island of freedom and we will defend it.”
An opposition leader with the nationalist Svoboda Party, Oleh Tyahnybok told the crowd, “It’s not just a simple revolution. It’s a revolution of dignity,” a familiar theme in the global uprisings. Protestors called for end of government corruption. At first police arrests incited larger crowds in multiple cities, as in all the other global uprisings, but growing violence led to reduced crowd size, with women dropping out faster than men. Organizers said in interviews that they struggled to control young male right-wing nationalist protesters who used violent tactics, walking around the square wearing hard hats, bats in hand, chanting nationalist slogans. By this time the crowd was more diverse, including people of various ages, Russian speakers and various party affiliations, according to interviews in the square documented in the previous endnote.
Inspired by the Occupy movement and its organizing methods with tents and masks, the large student movement tried to stay clear of political parties asking them not to display party symbols. As reporter Marina Lewycka said, “For the young people in the square, this whole game of political tit-for-tat is what they reject.”[20] (The endnote includes video documentaries.) These young people grew up in an independent Ukraine and see themselves as Europeans, while another group of protesters is aligned with political parties. However, they didn’t form assemblies in Independence Square as opposition parties took over organizing. An effort to form a liberal “Civic Council of Maidan” didn’t get off the ground and right-wing forces attacked some leftists who carried feminist slogans. Far-right groups joined the protests including Right Sector and Svoboda, critical of the EU for being too liberal. The Freedom Party and Right Sector organized militias that forced police from the streets of Kiev, without a unified left leadership. The EU and Western countries called for an end to violence after 82 people were killed in the protests.
A random survey of every sixth person in Midan from November 26, 2013, to January 10, 2014 (1304 people) reported that although the average protester was middle-aged, 35% were under age 24 and 18% were young professionals age 25 to 30, about half from Kiev.[21] These young people wanted democracy and freedom and blamed the older generations for allowing corruption. Men outnumbered women, 59% to 41%, and the average person had at least some university education. In-depth interviews with 50 demonstrators indicated 30% were center or left activists and 12% from radical right groups. Researcher Olga Onuch observed that smaller protests took place all over the country, but the largest were in Kiev with 800,000 demonstrators by December 1. Most of the demonstrators were motivated by joining acquaintances or family members to defend their rights from the corrupt government, the concept that framed the demonstrations. They shared ideas on “Live Journal,” the most popular blogging site. As in other uprisings, social media reached a large audience but was not as instrumental in bringing people to the streets as personal contacts, and radio and TV was the main source of information about the protests.
Denis, a member of the Autonomous Workers’ Union in Kiev, reported the protesters initially were mainly students and urban “middle classes,” and then over the three months became more “proletarian.”[22] However, the percent of workers was low and they didn’t think of themselves as a class. Denis used Marxist language to explain that the “intelligentsia and petty bourgeoisie were the main social forces supporting Ukrainian nationalism.” He said the collapse of the USSR was replaced by a mixture of nationalism and conservatism in Ukraine and other former republics like Poland, Hungary, and Romania.
Students held up banners in English stating, “Ukraine is part of Europe!” and “Back to Russia? Oh bitch, piss!” The common demand was for Yanukovych to resign, “Get out criminal! Death to the criminal!” He represented the eastern part of the country where people speak Russian, while demonstrators were more likely to speak Ukrainian and live in the western part of the country. The first three post-Soviet Ukrainian leaders wrote a press release stating that, “We express solidarity with the peaceful civil actions of hundreds of thousands of young Ukrainians.” The government sent a mass message to cell phones in use near the protests to intimidate them: “Dear subscriber, you are registered as a participant in a mass disturbance.”
I asked Max about the uprising; he’s a 28-year-old high school teacher in western Ukraine.
I support the initiatives of people in Kyiv Maydan. The vector of protests has been changed after the police violated the rights of people in Maydan. You won’t see many people there during the working days, but the number increasingly changes on weekends. It is a peaceful protest. But we have to be realistic; there are no legal backgrounds to overthrow the government now. [Parliament failed to pass a no-confidence vote to topple the government of President Yanukovych.] In my opinion these events will end up without any changes. The main problem is that the key opposition leader is imprisoned. [He suggested YouTube videos about the president’s corruption.[23]]
The videos Max recommends show many police on the streets and evidence of lavish presidential lifestyle. A more recent video shows the interior after the president fled in a helicopter to Russia in February 2014.[24] When I asked about on police presence, Max said Ukraine is a police state, not just in big cities where they have plain-clothes police, but in small towns too. The west is freer but in the east and south, “They are like North Korea, with access only to governmental TV channels as most of the independent media are blocked. The Internet helps, but propaganda is stronger coming from the authorities.” Anna, 18, one of his students, commented on corruption in her response to the book questionnaire:
I would prohibit bribes and try to decline the level of corruption in my country. I would improve the medical and educational systems by modernization and additional qualification improvement programs. I would decrease the number of unemployed people by rehabilitation of the old closed factories. I would do everything possible to make my country great and developed with European values, a healthy nation with high standards of living.
The government outlawed demonstrations in Kiev involving loudspeakers, tents, banners, and wearing helmets and masks on January 16, 2014. Protesters built barricades in the Maidan, by now a majority of young men with growing right-wing group influence. Everyone agreed that Yanukovych should resign. The crackdown only made the demonstrations more violent, which increased police violence, even kidnapping demonstrators. About 90 were killed, many of them under the age of 25, and about 600 injured in February. Protests spread to other western cities and even to eastern and southern Ukraine, and tents remained in Independence Square. Demonstrators lit firecrackers, beat rhythms on metal sheets, and burned tires as a circular barricade to keep police out. They fought with rocks, bats and firebombs. Women helped dig up paving stones and passed them down a line for fighters to throw at police, similar to Egypt’s rebels. Older women shouted at police, “Killers!” and “Shoot us, kill us, kill us, you bastards.” In negotiations with opposition leaders, Yanukovych promised to reshuffle his cabinet and release some jailed demonstrators. However, the crowd booed opposition leader Vitali Klitschko when he discussed compromising with the president, yelling “Shame!” and “Revolution!” They wanted the president out.
Two weeks later the president agreed to rescind anti-protest laws that outlawed masks, as demonstrators wore masks in defiance. But the government wouldn’t offer amnesty for jailed protesters unless demonstrators stopped their protests against Yanukovych. Protesters also wanted action to prevent election fraud. Thousands of anti-demonstrators tired of the protests rushed a Kiev barricade but retreated after meeting resistance.
Former President Leonid Kravchuk warned that Ukraine was gripped by revolution and on the verge of civil war. On February 18 Vladimir Putin criticized Western countries for backing the Arab Spring to advance their own economic interests, which he said resulting in the rise of religious extremism and backing a fascist coup in Ukraine.[25] Putin offered the Ukraine $2 billion in aid by purchasing Ukrainian bonds and the conflict escalated. Deaths and thousands of injuries escalated as snipers picked off protesters, killing100 people as fires lit up the night sky in Kiev, and a policeman was shot in the head. A protester explained that the difference between protests in 2004 and 2014 was the military didn’t support the current protests. President Obama warned the government not to step over the line and bring in the army while President Putin accused the protesters of being brown shirts, a reference to Nazi troops, and fascist bandits. He blamed the US for fomenting a coup in Ukraine and other critics viewed the struggle as “an energy pipeline squabble” between the US and Russia.[26]
When Yanukovych’s military protectors left him, as they did Ben Ali in Tunisia and Mubarak in Egypt, he boarded a helicopter for Russia on February 23. An activist reported as news spread that Yanukovych had left Kiev, “I have never seen so many people smiling. Everyone is overflowing with delight.” Ukrainians lined up to see his palace with its zoo, tennis court, swimming pool, car collection, and a huge mansion with gold bathroom fixtures. Parliament turned it into a public museum. In a speech given in Russian from Russia, Yanukovych said he was still the elected president and condemned the “bandit coup” that replaced him with a new head of parliament, Oleksandr Turchynov. He is a close ally of Timoshenko and her Fatherland Party, accused of appalling corruption.
The new Prime Minister, Arseniy Yatsenyuk said “welcome to hell’ because Ukraine was bankrupt, “on the brink of a disaster” after $70 billion left the country during Yanukovych’s presidency. Yatsenyuk was 39, a fluent English speaker and member of the Fatherland Party, and one of the new breed of young leaders in Italy, Greece and Spain. Nominees for the new cabinet were introduced to 50,000 people in the square and former Prime Minister Yulia Timoshenko, just released from prison, addressed them. She told the crowd, “You are heroes, you are the best thing in Ukraine! I was dreaming to feel the power that changed everything.” Rumors were that she wanted to be president.
Russia sent troops into Crimea with uniforms with no insignia but Russian license plates on their vehicles. They took over the airport and military bases and public buildings because it has a majority of ethnic Russians and a large Russian naval base. A young Russian woman told me that she didn’t know if Russian troops were in Ukraine because the news didn’t cover it. Russia’s Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev condemned the new Ukrainian government as “Kalashnikov-touting people in black masks,” terrorists backed by the US. Russians also blamed the US for the 2004 Orange Revolution in Ukraine.
Putin got the highest public approval rating since he returned to the presidency in 2012, but said he would step down no later than 2024 in order to follow the constitution. He labeled the revolutionaries in Kiev fascist Nazis backed by the CIA and the EU and said any critics who tried to weaken Russia were like bacteria who sit inside you who would be crushed. Russian parliament member Nikolai Ryzhkov also blamed the West, saying, “They tore apart Yugoslavia, routed Egypt, Libya, Iraq and so on, and all this under the false guise of peaceful demonstrations. So we must be ready in case they will unleash the dogs on us.”[27] Another member of parliament said President Obama insulted the Russian people. This rhetoric led to discussion of a new cold war, complicated by the fact that about 40% of Europe’s natural gas is supplied by Russia, mostly through Ukraine. Despite a cease-fire in 2015 and economic sanctions against Russia, fighting between Ukrainian and separatists supported by Russia continued.
When asked if the revolution made a difference in his life, Max said:
The revolution gave a big push to the volunteer movement in Ukraine. On one side it taught people to be united in the times of trouble. It has taught me to be proud to be Ukrainian more than ever before. As for the other side, it is always the long-terms effects of each revolution that brought us nothing but a collapse of our economy. Prices have increased while my salary is worth less. Everything is organized in a way to destroy the middle class; now we only have poor and really poor, rich and really rich. The government decided to overcome this crisis on the people’s backs and all our oligarchs remained sacred.
And in three years after revolution we kept on asking for aid from the USA, EU and IMF. That’s disappointing. So, I have mixed feeling of being proud to being disappointed. Still I hope that someday “all our enemies will fall as the dew on the Sun” [from the national anthem] and we will have a strong country with content, rich people and happy children.
As for Russians, these people are unpredictable. They say they won’t go farther at noon, but during the night their troops come up closer and closer. I don’t trust Russians and never did.
Russian speakers in the east who want to break away from Kiev seized a dozen cities’ government buildings, formed two “people’s republics,” and held a referendum for autonomy similar to the vote in Crimea that led to Russian annexation. Some workers formed vigilante groups to oppose them and took over positions in several locations. Max reported on the conflict with Russia in September 3, 2014, when I asked him about news reports of a civil war in Ukraine:
Russians were in the East from the very beginning. During my vacation in Carpathians I met a woman from Donetska region. She was very irate with uninvited Russians. They have destroyed her home and she moved to the Western part of Ukraine. There is no civil war in Ukraine. We have people from Luhanska region in my site. The attitude to those people is pretty much the same as to anyone else. Nobody violates their rights and no one cares about their language, which is Russian. So, it is open Russian aggression towards Ukraine. That woman I met in Carpathians told me that there were many people from her region involved in that conflict as so called “rebels,” are drug and alcohol addicted. She also said that 5 people out of 10 will be pro-Ukrainian, 3 neutral and 2 pro-Russian. And answering the question about the presence of Russian troops, not a single person can deny their presence.
Presidential elections were held on May 25, 2014, with few votes for the neo-fascist parties Right Sector and Svoboda much derided by Russian leaders. Petro Poroshenko was elected as a pro-western president, called the “chocolate king” because of his ownership of chocolate factories, one of Ukraine’s richest men. In second place was another wealthy oligarch, former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko. Six months after the encampment began in Kiev, several hundred protesters remained in the camp, suspicious of the government. They planned to stay until reforms were implemented.[28] Although a cease-fire was signed by separatists and the government in September 2014, almost 2,600 people died in ongoing fighting from mid-April to August with about 36 people killed each day, over 10,000 were wounded, and over 190,000 people fled their homes, according to a UN report.[29] The underfunded and corrupt Ukrainian army is crowdfunded on a Facebook campaign called Help the Army of Ukraine led by Anna Sandalova.[30] When she delivers supplies she also kisses unmarried soldiers. The most reliable news is found on the Facebook site “Information Resistance.”
When I was in Moscow when it was part of the USSR I became friends with Andrei, who later married a Swedish reporter and moved to Stockholm. I asked him to critique this section.
I´ve got a feeling that you manage to collect everything which is critical to Russia and Putin. I start with Crimea: I have a friend who before the event in Crimea wanted to buy a summer house there, he went to Crimea, came back and told me that he was amazed that the government in Kiev did absolutely nothing in Crimea during 20 years of independence!! Most, most of the people living there including Tatars preferred to be a part of Russia, they speak Russian, only Russian mass media was popular there and which is more important they think Russian, after 20 years!!!
Gayle, you know very well that I am not Stalinist, not conservative and not against West, but I want to ask one thing: Why it is forbidden to watch Russian TV in the free Ukraine, but you can watch Ukrainian TV in not very free Russia? You should not think that I approve of everything, but it was disgusting to watch high-level apparatchik from the Department of State in downtown Kiev distributing rolls to demonstrators. That does not mean that I support the former president, but if the new leaders are so good they should face the reality. Western mass media is very much one- sided. It is high time to understand that Russia has its own interests.
I asked Max for an update on Ukraine in 2015 when he commented on increase in prices but not salaries, explaining, “Our currency is undervalued for more than 60% due to the mediocre work of the national bank. Everything has been organized in a way to destroy the middle class in the society, now we only have poor and really poor, rich and really rich. Women may feel especially burdened as seen in the joke that kids are raised by a same-sex couple, their mothers and grandmothers.
President Poroshenko admitted in 2015 that a new $17.5 billion loan from the IMF would not help ordinary people, just pay foreign creditors and fund the military to fight the civil war.[31] IMF austerity demands included raising the price of gas in a time when the economy is shrinking, corruption is widespread, and the population is aging, similar to Russia but much worse. Many people expected corrupt officials would siphon off much of the IMF loan. The author of Killing the Host: How Financial Parasites and Debt Bondage Destroy the Global Economy (2015), economist Michael Hudsonargues that selling off public properties to repay IMF debts devastates the people and makes the situation worse—“finance is war.”
Ukraine is another example of how uprisings fought in the name of democracy can lead to destabilization and suffering: After 16 months of fighting, over 6,000 people were killed in the civil war.[32] Corruption continued, along with fighting that killed more than 9,000 people in the eastern industrial area, and a shattered economy, although President Poroshenko declared a crackdown on the oligarchs.[33] Separatists formed the Donetsk People’s Republic that continued to fight Ukrainian soldiers who charge that Russians continued to send military equipment such as tanks.[34] These problems led Prime Minister Arseniy Yatsenyuk to resign in April 2016. Olena Litvishko of the Ukrainian Initiative for Peaceful Protest reported the revolution inspired people with the energy for change but they lack the instruments for change, such as representative political parties.[35] I talked with a Russian-speaking Ukrainian in June 2016 who said nothing has changed since the uprising, that the old guard still dominates parliament. He said communism isn’t relevant to youth; his 16-year-old son doesn’t know who Lenin is and his 21-year-old daughter has visited Europe many times, rather than Russia.
Russia
I visited Russia before the fall of communism when Moscow was drab and dour. People on the streets didn’t smile and when I visited my Russian friend Andrei he told me not to speak English so his neighbors wouldn’t report him to the secret police. After I returned home, the police told him not to correspond with me and jeans I mailed to him didn’t make it to him, as I found out years later after he moved to Sweden and found me on Facebook. Apartments were small and crowded. Women spent a lot of time waiting in line to buy food. To buy something in a drug store, I waited in one line to order, in another line to pay, and another line to pick it up. Clerks used an abacus to add up sales, as some still do today. However, modernization means fewer jobs with one person doing the job that four used to do. Consumer goods were in short supply, including birth control, so abortion was the main form of family planning. Soldiers checked under our train seats and used mirrors to look under the train when I left for Berlin, looking for people who might try to escape from Russia, so much has changed in terms of freedom to travels.
The Dissolution of the USSR
After the USSR dissolved in 1991, Russia went through a decade of turmoil. The documentary Red Army about the Soviet hockey team and the fictional Leviathan show the transition from the USSR to Russia (both 2014).[36]Leviathan won prizes in the West for best foreign film, but its portrayal of corruption and vodka consumption in a small town was seen in Russia as another attempt to attack Russia and the Orthodox Church. The film tells the story of a mechanic whose home is taken over by a bishop and drunken mayor who has a portrait of Putin above his desk.
President Boris Yeltsin privatized many industries in the early 1990s, leading to the rise of nouveau riche businessmen called the oligarchs, as portrayed in Generation P.The popular independent Russian film is based on a bestselling novel, released in 2011 with 40,000 followers on its Facebook page. It takes place in the 1990s when Yeltsin was president. With few women characters, Generation P refers to the “Big Boys,” the oligarchs who control Russia behind the scenes with Mafia-like shootings. A character says, “Communism is out. The only idea left is money.” Another man reveals the resentment towards the US, which he feels hates Russians. He complains about the fact Russians watch US films, ride in their cars, use English words, smoke their cigarettes, and even eat their food (Pepsi and McDonalds), as they continue to do. Saying Russia is a great country, the character wants to reclaim “the Russian spirit” and national pride, just what Putin offered later as he expanded his control of Russia in the name of national pride, spending $50 billion on the 2014 Winter Olympics in Sochi and taking over Crimea, with troops on the Ukraine’s eastern border.
Generation P’s hero is Babylen Tatarsky, who works in advertising. He gets involved in rigged elections and advertising so false he helps create a virtual politician shown on mass media who looks like Putin and gets elected president. Tatarsky feels lost; illustrating hybrid global culture, he turns to a Ouija board for guidance where he channels Che Guevara, uses a mantra given to him by a Buddhist friend, tries cocaine and LSD, drinks vodka, and prays to God. In the end of the film, virtual duplicates of the fake politician increased his presence and power. Writer and director Victor Ginzburg explained, “I was interested in seeing the border between real and virtual in Babylen’s world gradually disappear, ultimately bringing the viewer to a place I hope they will recognize as the world we all live in today” (similar to the US Matrix films about virtual reality). Putin portrays Russia under his leadership standing up to American-led bullying and injustice from the corrupt West in what a Russian journalist calls “an imaginary, media-concocted universe. My countrymen have gone passive.”[37]
The economy collapsed in 1998, but increases in oil and natural gas revenues strengthened the economy and government, enabling Vladimir Putin to be in charge since 2000. The GDP grew and unemployment was only 2.8% in Moscow in 2011, and the state controls 55% of the economy. Putin elevated his friends to be billionaires in crony capitalism, replacing the oligarchs who acquired fortunes under Boris Yeltsin in the 1990s and taking over control of media. Putin said the Internet is a “CIA project.” He also said the fall of the USSR was the major political disaster of the century and a poll by the Levada Center, only 28% felt positive about the breakup of the USSR.[38] The poll was conducted in 2016 when Russians were spending more than half their incomes on food. Nobel Prize winner Svetlana Alexievich reported on how Russians feel after the breakup of the USSR in Secondhand Time: The Last of the Soviets (2016).
Maria, 31, a Russian woman who started school after the breakup of the USSR, describes generational differences in an email from Moscow:
I can say some words about three generations–my parents, me and my nieces and nephews. The education in the Soviet Union was very important; it was the only way to become a successful person. The discipline was strict but the knowledge you got at school was great. For example, my mum speaks German well even now after 50 years later. There were a lot of different workshops at school (art, science and sport). My grandparents had a high status at work, therefore had a lot of benefits – the best clinics, sanatoriums, they even bought food without queues in special shops. It is important to note that they were not in the party (which sounds strange even for Russians, but they just worked hard).
My generation is the most unlucky. I was at school just after the Soviet Union fell. Those were the worst years for my family and for thousands of families in Russia. Money instantly depreciated. My dad (with two higher education degrees) worked in a furniture factory in the nights after his day job, my mom worked as a cleaner after working all day in the publishing house. One winter she fell and broke 10 eggs and it was almost a tragedy. A lot of people got rich those years but not my honest and principled parents. We got humanitarian aid from other countries and we were offended by this. So you see, maybe the fall of the Soviet Union was a long-awaited holiday for some people but not for ordinary families such as mine.
In the 90s all the school workshops were closed. And we saw that education is not the way to become somebody. In those years, the most popular profession was to be a bandit. They were the heroes! But the level of education was still rather high because of inertia.
And now times have changed. My nieces and nephews study in a different cities (Moscow, Voronezh, Nizhniy Novgorod) and I see how different it is. They have a lot of very interesting programs, different workshops, and they go to sport and art academies. In general, the situation has changed. Moscow is the same as other European capitals, i.e. Paris or Berlin. But in the provinces the life is still difficult. My mother-in-law still lives in a house with wood heating (in the country, 1000 km from Moscow). But after living 20 years in the North she can get a flat in any city she wants so we are waiting!
A Russian urban youth trend that emerged at the end of the 1990s is desire to be glamorous in reaction to Soviet drabness and post-Soviet bleakness: “Russian glamour has become the cultural equivalent of unchallenged globalized capitalism.”[39] A Russian scholar wrote that interest in “mass glamour signals the desire for social change, but this longing has been redirected into the sphere of consumption.”[40] Urban women read books and go to workshops to learn how to be fashionable and use their sexuality to marry a rich man, in “the fine art of manipulating men.”[41] Some middle class people spend much of their income to buy imitation fashion brands worn by wealthy celebrities. They read magazines and novels found in bookstores under the category “Glamorous Paperbacks.” Women’s magazines like Gloss provide this type of instruction, as do Russian editions of Glamour and Cosmopolitan, which are mostly advertisements like the English editions. (More on this topic in Brave Chapter 11.)
The Current Situation
The transition from communism to capitalism was difficult with the loss of government services and social security for many. A Pew Research Center survey found that two decades after the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Russians, Ukrainians and Lithuanians were unhappy with the outcome, disillusioned with democracy and capitalism, believing that the wealthy prosper while the average person suffers.[42] A 2013 Credit Suisse report revealed that 35% of Russian household wealth is owned by only 110 people, although only 32% of Russians prefer a democracy to a strong leader and only 42% favor free market capitalism.[43] Young people and well-educated urban adults are more likely to support the multiparty system and free market, while older Russians are nostalgic for the USSR.
Sveta, 34, describes the current situation in Moscow in an email, compared to life in the USSR:
Currently we are living in a different country. On the one hand, the service level (shops, transport, tourism and so on) has become better. We practically don’t have queues in the shops. Besides that Russian people can buy anything and travel anywhere if they have enough money for that. We have more possibilities to choose our own way of life – where to live, study, rest and what book to read and what film to watch and so on. On the other hand, the level of education and economy on the whole has fallen. Most people are too poor and disabled to have an adequate style of life. Only those that make a good salary in the major cities live comfortably.
Most villagers are poor. The retirees and other unprotected sectors of society (large families, persons living alone, disabled persons) present a sizeable part of the poor population in our country. Russia is a country for young, healthy and ambitious people. In the Soviet Union there were much better social programs to protect different social groups. For example, in the USSR an unmarried mother could bring up her child by getting child benefits until the child was 18-years-old. These benefits were enough to buy good food, clothes and get medical care. Now it is impossible for single women to bring up the child using only government assistance. Women are required to get additional money from their boyfriend or relatives. Besides that, currently single mothers don’t have any government-sponsored privileges such as time off work and paid vacation time.
Sveta makes an important distinction between urban areas like Moscow and St. Petersburg and rural areas stuck in the past where roads aren’t passable in winter, wooden cottages are heated with a wood stove or expensive diesel fuel, vegetables come from the garden, clothes are washed in a river, and structures built during the Soviet are crumbling. A truck driver told a US reporter that the people at the top “have their own world. They don’t know what is going on here…in a stagnant swamp. Nothing is changing.”[44] Many children don’t go to school, renewing the tradition of child marriage. Young people with ambition leave villages to go the big cities, but the economic downturn in 2014 made jobs more difficult to find. Even in cities, a report by the Russian Union of Engineers found that 20% of dwellings lack hot water and 10% have no indoor plumbing. Soviet policies such as free higher education and health care are no longer affordable, resulting in budget cuts for teachers and other state employees and closures of health centers in rural areas.[45] However, Putin’s base of support is in rural areas where voters don’t see a viable alternative to his leadership and feel he restored national pride.
As well as an active Internet, big cities display luxury department stores, fashionable cafes, McDonald’s, and pay-as-you-go cell phones. Urban youth have access to smart phones and the Russian counterpart of Facebook that provides free access to most films, TV shows and songs. A young American tourist in Moscow, Hank Leukart discussed TV shows like Glee and House with his Russian friends. He blogs about his travels around the world, including Russia.[46]
Leukart met Pavel, a DJ who grew up in the early 1990s when the first McDonalds opened in Moscow resulting in long lines to try a big Mac. Pavel said they all listened to Michael Jackson and kids watched Sesame Street, but there wasn’t much food to eat. Misha, his wife, added, “every day was like a war” in the 1990s. People formed gangs and some became powerful, one of the reasons Russia is so corrupt. Bribes are part of university admission for some students and a bribe is a common way to get a drivers’ license without taking a test. Leukart commented to his friends about the lack of men at parties and was told by a woman named Vera, “They never come. Russian men are lazy and irresponsible.”
Despite the excellent and majestic marble subways, Moscow is home to four million cars. I wondered if things had changed since I visited the USSR and observed dour expressions on the street and much Vodka drinking. Many Russians scowl constantly Leukart reported and the kind women who befriended him consumed a lot of Vodka—twice as much alcohol as consumed in the US. A young woman named Olga told him, “Our country may have corruption problems, but you can’t buy friendship in Russia.” Maria, who lives in Moscow and studies English, emailed, “We never smile without a reason.” I paid attention today in the subway – nobody smiles, and, yes it looks unpleasant. But if you try to speak with someone, the situation changes at once. I think you can see that Russians are very smiley. Like me.”
Anne Garrels, who reported on Russia for decades and speaks Russian, told National Public Radio, “The issue is corruption, lack of trust in the authorities, lack of trust in the police, and that has to be dealt with because it is utterly corrosive.” A former Russian deputy prime minister, opposition leader Boris Nemtsov estimated that between $20 billion and $30 billion was spent on “embezzlement and kickbacks” in preparation for the 2014 Olympics. The most expensive Olympics, the government spent more than $50 billion but reporters complained about hotel rooms with undrinkable water and flushable toilets.[47] When asked why Putin allowed corruption, Nemtsov said, “Putin is part of a mafia; they do not turn in their own.” Just before he was assassinated in 2015 Nemtsov reported, “Three years ago we were an opposition. Now we are no more than dissidents. The task is to organize a real opposition again.”[48] He referred to Putin’s Ukraine policy as insane.
Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev’s granddaughter, Nina Krushcheva, explained that Putin’s message is the West is out to get Russia with the NATO expansion. She observed, “Gorbachev collapsed the Soviet Union, and Putin is painstakingly putting it back together to have a greater country.”[49] She said that Russia is wrapped up in the past; “We almost don’t have a present.” Putin said in annual speech to the nation in December 2014 that although the West has pursued a policy of trying to restrain Russia for decades, if not centuries, he didn’t want to restore the Iron Curtain. He also said that the collapse of the USSR was a tragedy. I asked my Russian friend Andrei what motivates Putin, egoic love of power or nationalism. He said, “I honestly think that he is mainly motivated by love of Russia. Russia is not only Moscow, St. Petersburg and a few very big cities, but the countryside as well. Russians have become tired of constant humiliation. The only thing that I really do not like with Putin is that he is at the top for the very long time,” alternating between being Prime Minister or President.
CSUC Russian History Professor Kate Transchel’s driver asked her how much it cost in the US to keep a police officer from writing a traffic ticket, to get a business license, or ship something illegal abroad. She said bribery isn’t accepted in the US (although one can look at lobbyist gifts and campaign financing as bribes to legislators). The driver commented, “The US must be very inefficient.” A Russian democracy activist told BBC reporter Paul Mason, “There is no freedom to own property, to do business. There is so much corruption; people don’t work with any real professionalism or sincerity. There is a culture of learned helplessness. There’s is very little trust in society; people are naturally suspicious of each other’s motives.”
Fyodor Dostoyevsky said in the 19th century, “The most basic, most rudimentary spiritual need of the Russian people is the need for suffering, every-present and unquenchable, everywhere and in everything.” If you ask a Russian how are you, they’re likely to tell you’re their troubles, while an American will say “fine,” according to a Russian who lives in the US.[50] The rate of teenage suicides is three times the world average (an average of 1,500 a year) and failed attempts may result in being committed to a psychiatric hospital (only Kazakhstan and Belarus have higher suicide rates).[51] Girls are more likely to commit suicide than boys and suicides are likely to occur during exams and holidays. The major cause of suicide is family problems but few support centers exist.
Russia has a high rate of alcohol consumption and resulting health problems, including adolescent alcoholism. Andrei told me this joke, “75% of the Russian population are happy, 25% do not drink alcoholic beverages!” About half of all deaths of Russians ages 15 to 54 between 1990 and 2001 were caused in some way by alcohol.[52] Transchel told me that social gatherings often end with many of the guests passed out or vomiting: The tradition is to drink until you can’t drink anymore. She said it’s problematic if a guest doesn’t drink, including celebrations at work of an occasion like the boss’s birthday. A Russian language professor at CSUC, Julia Kobrina-Coolidge, modified Transchel’s observations; “I wouldn’t call it a tradition. Sometimes people, especially men, drink excessively. However, it doesn’t happen at every social gathering.” Recognizing this problem, in 2012 the government banned late-night alcohol sales, drinking in public places, alcohol advertisements, and added new taxes on alcohol.
Government Youth Organizations
In the Bolshevik era, youth were an important symbol of a vanguard for revolutionary change. Youth surfaced again in the last years of the USSR to express their dissatisfaction with the youth organization, the Komsomol. Its earliest form was in 1918 but the organization for Russians age 14 and older became uninspiring and staid. Gorbachev again used youth as a symbol for change in perestroika, but conservative authorities criticized youth for listening to western music or using computers, leading to generational tension. After the fall of the USSR, the criticism of the old system was multi-generational so that youth were no longer seen as the vanguard. The shift to a market economy saw reduced government spending on education and public welfare that made life difficult for many young people.
Around 15 years after the dissolution of the USSR youth led the Color Revolution in Eastern Europe that frightened Putin who became president of Russia in 2000. He also feared the influence of NGOs that received western funding. Therefore, pro-Putin youth organizations like Nashi (2005) or Young Guards (youth wing of Putin’s United Russia party) were organized to use “the energy of youth” to oppose western influence and protect Putin from enemies. In 2011 a new leader took over Nashi; Vvacheslav Volodin wanted to build a less divisive and more inclusive youth organization that provided youth with new skills. Around the same time, a youth opposition group called My! organized sarcastic protests with slogans like “Give us censorship” and “Putin our leader.” The most radical group was Vanguard of Red Youth. They put up a banner stating, “Putin, it’s time to leave” and invaded Nashi rallies with anti-Nashi banners. On the right, youth skinhead groups opposed immigrants.
Concerned about the youth-led “color revolutions” in Serbia (2000), Georgia (2003), and Ukraine (2004), Russia proactively created Nashi (Ours), youth organization in 2005, recruiting in the provinces. These nationalistic youth admired Putin for restoring Russian power. A young man living in Moscow, Ash emailed in 2016, “Our government takes the youth policy very seriously, so there is no room for any young organization that would be opposite to the officials.”
Vasily Yakemenko led Nashi, which mobilized more than 50,000 youth in a pro-Putin demonstration in Moscow on May 12, 2005. The Kremlin thought that the US was behind the color revolutions, telling Nashi youth that the Americans wanted to foment revolution. Nashi targeted liberals and fascists. Members were promised special favors in their career path, just as Komsomol did for youth who used it as a bridge to succeed in the Communist Party. Critics in the Solidarity opposition movement accused Nashi of being sexist and authoritarian, and called it “Putinjugend” after Hitler youth. Activist Ilya Yashin explained that if a young person wants a career, they have to be pro-Putin.[53] Yashin’s outspokenness resulted in thugs vandalizing his car, harassing him in public speeches and online, and attempting to trap him into having sex and using cocaine with a woman name Katya who would have videotaped the incident. Pro-Putin youth groups physically attacked anti-Putin journalists, breaking their fingers, and practiced breaking up tent occupations like those used in the color revolution occupations. Although the government controlled Nashi, Maya Atwal argued that some leaders became more autonomous.[54]
Former President Dmitri Medvedev distanced himself from Nashi due to scandals about its “dirty tricks” against opponents. At a rally they stomped on photos of human rights activists and opposition leaders. At their annual summer camp, they posted photo collages of decapitated opposition leaders or their heads superimposed on photos of prostitutes stuffing money in their underwear.[55] They learned to shoot guns and received other military training and were encouraged to have sex and have babies. In 2013 Nashi was renamed the All Russia Youth Forum and redirected to nonpolitical social projects such as fitness, consumer rights, and ending traffic violations. Putin’s United Russia party has its own youth wing.
A 2007 poll reported that 89% of young people didn’t want an Orange Revolution in Russia, as they approved of Putin’s efforts to return Russia to its former power. Macho photos showed Putin hunting shirtless, doing judo with a black belt, shooting a gun and scuba diving, although a young Russian woman told me she had never seen such photos.[56] In a 2007 meeting with German Chancellor Angela Mekel, knowing she is afraid of dogs, he called his black Lab into the room, enjoying her fear. A Russian speaker, she later told reporters, “I understand why he has to do this—to prove he’s a man. He’s afraid of his own weakness. Russia has nothing, no successful politics or economy. All they have is this.”[57] She understands Putin believes the West is decadent in its acceptance of homosexuality and women with beards—a reference to an Austrian drag queen who won the 2014 Eurovision singing contest. In 2016 posturing, Russian jets harassed US jets, such flying a barrel roll over a US jet over the Baltic Sea and passed over a destroyer in the Baltic.
A 28-year-old human rights activist explained that Putin is popular because his generation is “more conservative, more nationalistic, more Stalinist that the generation before it.”[58] Another activist, age 27, said people don’t trust or understand the human rights movement. However, young people demonstrated in Moscow and St. Petersburg when Duma legislators wanted to shut down a cartoon TV station called 2×2 because a religious group was offended by episodes of American TV shows South Park, The Simpsons and Family Guy. Protesters carried signs such as “Putin Kills Kenny,” a character in South Park. The young people won when the station was saved. Like their urban peers in the West, they love their smartphones and surf the Net daily where they can get uncensored news.
A recent survey of young people in 26 cities by sociologist Olga Kryshtanovskaya found “a complete collapse of norms and values” due to the dissolution of the social fabric after the fall of the Soviet system.[59] She reported, “Today’s youth believes that Russia has a glorious past and a bright future, but its present is miserable.” Because of prevailing corruption, they don’t anticipate being able to succeed by working honestly and they blame corrupt bureaucrats for this problem. Many would like to move away from their present area. They tend to look to Putin to solve the problem, not to opposition leaders, because he’s a strong “dragon.” A Carnegie report found that about one-fifth of young people view Stalin favorably. More than 90% don’t trust a political party to represent their interests and many would support “the complete destruction of the system.”
Only 25% of the young people surveyed by Kryshtanovskaya in December 2012 and February 2013 considered themselves liberals or democrats, while many would like to see a “nationalist, monarchist or anarchist party” in power. They younger ones were more likely to believe that Russia is a great power. Only one-fourth were interested in politics or understood government, and 90% don’t know a political party that expresses their interests. Young Russians are critical of both corrupt bureaucrats and the opposition leaders—40% think the opposition is weak, not following Alexei Navalny or others like him.[60] They are increasingly interested in volunteering, “becoming heroes themselves.” An American author of a parenting book who spoke with journalism students at a top Russian university reported that most of them wanted to work abroad. They told Pamela Druckerman that Russian mothers sacrifice for their children so they will care for them when they’re old, to prevent being put in an old-age home.[61]
The head of the Center for Youth Studies in Moscow, Elena Omelchenko observed that a large percent of the youth who support the government do so in hopes of getting a secure job and that there is no clear youth opposition movement. However, she reports, “Since November 2011 Russia has been living in a different climate. City squares, on the Internet, and on Twitter, have become real sites of battle between those showing solidarity for the system and those showing solidarity outside of the system.” She reported, “Young people’s brains are in a mess. Nationalist views coexist with liberal ideas, and homophobia is mixed with aspiration to freedom for all.” Omelchenko and two co-authors described the impact of western culture in Looking West? Cultural Globalization and Russian Youth Culture (2003).
On a positive note, Omelchenko reports youth are increasingly active in charity work, volunteering and environmentalism—similar to their global peers. An associated trend is “an extremely correct way of life, rejecting drugs, alcohol, and sexual promiscuity,” in favor of health measures like exercise. An odd mixture, some neo-Nazi youth follow these “straight edge” beliefs that originated with US punk musicians in the 1980s. Anne Garrels reported in Putin Country (2016) that teens aren’t activists for reasons familiar globally: their priority is doing well on their college entrance exams, chatting with their friends on VKontaite and blogs, playing online games like “Defense of the Ancients” and listening to Western and Russian music.[62]
Putin said that young Russians suffer from a moral vacuum left by the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and they need better cultural education, meaning “they need to be raised with good artistic taste and the ability to understand and value the theatrical, dramatic and musical arts.”[63] This was in reaction to a school shooter in Moscow in February 2014, while a member of the Duma blamed violent American media. The “model student” 10th grade killer called his mother from the classroom after he shot the teacher and his father came to talk him into surrendering.
A horrifying documentary titled Hunted shows young Russians in groups like Occupy Pedophilia tracking down and beating up gay men and posting the violent videos, watched by tens of thousands.[64] This prejudice was heightened by 2013 legislation that prohibited discussing “non-traditional sexual relations” with minors, punished with fines. Attacks on GLBT people are a common method to restrict civil society, not confined to Russia. The nation as a whole struggles to shape a post-Soviet national identity with nationalism and a resurgent Russian Orthodox Church. Putin aimed to be the champion of traditional values, supporting the Orthodox Church, telling women to have three children, opposing homosexuality, censoring Internet use, even signing a law in 2014 mandating heavy fines for using profanity in the arts.
Pavel Durov (born in 1984), was called Russia’s Mark Zuckerberg and a cult figure because he founded the social media giant VKontakte (called VK) in 2006, inspired by Facebook. VK is the largest social network, followed by Odnoklassniki (“classmates”). When an 11-year-old boy named Stepan Saveliev was teased by schoolmates for being a loser for not having “likes” on his Vkontakte page, his mother asked people on Facebook to like Stephan’s page and thousands responded. He also appeared on various TV shows.
When Durov was in charge of his company, the government demanded that he delete the pages of opposition politicians in 2011, to which he responded by tweeting a picture of a dog wearing a hoodie with its tongue out. “I like to make fun of serious matters,” he said. Durov said the authorities also pressured him to remove content critical of Ukrainian policy.
Putin’s allies took control of the company and fired him as CEO, so Durov went into exile with a group of his engineers and his brilliant older brother in 2014, saying, “I consider myself a legal citizen of the world” without property anywhere.” He became what one writer called a global nomad and stays centered with yoga and meditation. He said he was looking for a place to settle that matched their values: “We like freedoms, strong judicial systems, small governments, free markets, neutrality and civil rights.” What he doesn’t like is “bureaucracy, police states, big governments, wars, socialism and excessive regulation.“[65] He said in a 2016 interview, “I believe in small governments or no governments. I think the majority of people want to have big government, a big brother taking care of them.”[66]
Urban youth rely on the Internet for information (i.e., www.slon.ru) rather than state-controlled TV propaganda. They grew up watching American cartoons like The Simpsons, and dream of democracy and a free press, according to German reporter Benjamin Bidder.[67] He quotes a 20-year-old law student who told him, “We no longer live under the heel of the Soviet Union, which imposed its positions on every citizen. Today, we have a free choice.” However, most Russians get their news from state-controlled TV.
Russian-speaker Gary Shteyngart watched the three main channels non-stop for a week in 2014, reporting they’re “indistinguishable in their love of homeland and Putin and their disdain for what they see as the floundering, morally corrupt and increasingly lady-bearded West.”[68] This is a reference to the Eurovision talent show won by a bearded drag queen named Conchita. Criticism continued with a Ukrainian song critical of Russia; a Tartar, Jamala won the Eurovision contest in 2016. Putin stated in his 2014 New Year’s address that “Love of homeland is one of the most powerful, elevating feelings,” but his TV speech was followed by American movies including Avatar and The Chronicles of Narnia. Shteyngart also reported a media trend similar to China’s of portraying unhappy unmarried women in a move to increase the birth rate.
Young Russians get their news from the Internet, scorning state TV as propaganda, but don’t protest if their favorite news sites are closed down. When asked about their heroes none listed an opposition leader, many didn’t have one, and others listed Joseph Stalin, Steve Jobs, Bill Gates and Gandhi—the only political reformer. When a foreign teacher asked them to discuss issues evoked in TED Talks, they said, “The government, which is wiser than us, will decide.” Students told her that although elections are rigged and the government controls mainstream media, Putin provides stability for their country. One issue young men do care about is avoiding the military draft, bribing doctors or draft board members to get out.
Education is problematic now because students are expected to pay fees and give “donations.” Garrels said in Putin Country, “Money is now the key to everything.” Schools only provide basics for free and don’t offer sports programs, after-school programs are fee based. With the ruble dropping in value, teacher pay averaged about $250 a month, requiring a second job such as many hours of tutoring. Good teachers are especially hard to find in villages where parents can’t pay for school fees. Universities used to be free but now departments have various quota systems for paid and scholarship students. Administrators may take bribes and pressure faculty to tolerate students who pay even if they fail or cheat. Faculty salaries are even lower than in secondary schools and even students graduating in fields like business aren’t getting jobs.
In the Russian Winter youth and adults protested together, as they did in the few demonstrations against Russian involvement in the Ukraine in 2011, and against election fraud in 2011 and 2012. Groups like My! dissolved as their members were no longer youths and new youth leaders didn’t come forth. Academic Felix Krawatzek concluded in his chapter on youth activism that with political stability under Putin, “youth mobilization disappeared again, from headlines and streets and rebels silenced.”[69]
Putin organized a new youth group called Network (Set); it’s website launched in April 2016. Unlike Nashi that appealed to working-class rural youth, Network is aimed at the urban middle-class who protested the rigged elections, although some of its leaders are former leaders of Nashi. The head of the St. Petersburg branch explained, “Network offers them an alternative agenda so that draft projects make it onto Putin’s desk.”[70] The group favors Orthodox Christian values, opposes homosexuality, and aims to protect Russian language from foreign influences. A Vice News video includes interviews with some of the members.[71]
Large Anti-Putin Demonstrations
Putin dismantled democratic elections and independent media that emerged under Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev’s glasnost (openness). Putin’s government intimidated critics and journalists and was suspected of ordering that some of them be killed or jailed. He perpetuated systemic corruption and bribes in business transactions. In the largest demonstrations since the fall of the Soviet Union, tens of thousands of protesters led by the usual young urban middle-class people took to the streets in 2011 after charges of ballot stuffing in the December 4 legislative elections. Activists posted many online videos of ballot rigging. They demanded annulment of the recent elections because of fraud by Putin’s United Russia party. In Moscow older secondary school students were required to stay in school until 6 PM to keep them off the street during demonstrations on December 3, and authorities instituted a mandatory Russian exam on December 9 during the time of the planned protest. On December 10 tens of thousands demonstrated in Bolotnaia Square. Putin’s press secretary called for protesters’ livers to be “smeared on the asphalt.”[72] Prior to 2011, protests were local and about narrower issues such as the environment or pension cuts, so the large “Snow Revolution” demonstrations took academics by surprise, similar to the Arab Spring uprisings.[73] Most of the organizers had previous experience with protests.[74]
Another large protest took place on December 24. A poll conducted by the Levada Center on that day found that one-quarter of the protesters were ages 18 to 24, 55% were between the ages of 18 and 39 and 81% had completed some university education.[75] Most (89%) learned of the demonstration from the Internet, mostly from blogs. There were furious about blatant cheating in the December election documented on YouTube. They chanted, “We are not cattle! We are the Russian people!” The regime posted a video on YouTube portraying the protesters as monster orcs from TheLord of the Rings movie trilogy, chanting “Russia without Putin” as they storm into a castle. Again we see the prevalence of western media applied as a global symbol system. Protesters also use YouTube to post satirical humor and music that generates millions of hits. The last Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev commented on radio, “I’m happy that I have lived to see the people waking up. This raises big hopes.” But after Putin’s third presidential election, as predicted, parliament passed repressive bills meant to stifle opposition, along with arrests and searches of activists’ homes.
Led by middle-class protesters, they blamed President Putin’s corrupt United Russia party. Demonstrators chanted “We exist!” and “We are the Power!” Some students demonstrated with tape on their mouths to signify their votes being silenced. Others wore stickers reading “For fair elections” with a picture of Putin crossed out, just as Otpor used a similar image in the Serbian revolution overthrowing Slobodan Milosevic’s regime in 2000. Putin told a summer youth camp that political progress would be slow and evolutionary, not revolutionary. He blamed Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for “setting the tone for some opposition activists.”[76]
President Dmitry Medvedev responded on Facebook that he had ordered an investigation into election fraud, but within hours his post elicited thousands of mostly negative and skeptical comments such as “shame!” and “you’re pathetic.”[77] A doctor wrote, “Leave now, and don’t wait for the Tahrir Spring. It is going to happen, I promise you.” In his final address to parliament at the end of December, Medvedev told them, “We should learn to respect public opinion and not force our decisions on the public.”
The demonstrations took place in around 90 cities, as shown in photos, despite efforts to silence organizing on Twitter.[78] Putin responded sarcastically that the white ribbons worn by demonstrators to demonstrate for fair elections were condoms and that they were paid agents of the West, but as large demonstrations continued he offered reforms to enable more political competition in elections and protesters added condoms to their ribbons. “Mother Mary, drive Putin away” and “Virgin Mary, Mother of God, become a feminist.” Russian Pussy Riot punk band song during 20-second flash takeover of a Moscow cathedral in 2012, punished by two years in a labor camp.
Protests occurred again on February 4 and May 6, 2012. On the eve of Putin’s third inauguration as president, tens of thousands protested in a second Million Man March, carrying banners advocating “Start the Pussy Riot” (a reference to the fearless punk feminist band) and chanting “Russia without Putin.” Ironically, the 12,000 police who monitored the march wore their ceremonial white uniforms, the color symbolizing the protest. A student, 22, was arrested for throwing “an unidentified yellow object of spherical shape” at riot police. He said it was a lemon. Hundreds demonstrated outside the court, including the two freed members of Pussy Riot and famous blogger and opposition leader Alexei Navalny. Police arrested about 50 of the protesters plus dozens more who demonstrated near the Kremlin. Seven of the accused were convicted of rioting on May 6, 2012. The eighth defendant, a 20-year-old woman, got a suspended sentence.
Shortly before presidential elections in March 2012, the anti-Kremlin protesters formed a human chain along the Big White Circle, Moscow’s ring highway. People waved unfurled rolls of paper towels and wore white to identify their brand. Demonstrators were handed joke “tickets” to get on police buses set aside for arrested demonstrators. Other large demonstrations continued in the fall of 2014, with the Pussy Riot punk band’s symbol of colorful balaclavas painted on large balloons carried in the marches. A government film titled The Anatomy of Protest claimed that protesters were given “money and cookies” to get them on the streets. That’s the first time protesters were accused of turning out for cookies, although Libya’s Gaddafi said youth must have had “hallucinogenic pills in their coffee with milk, like Nescafe.”
At the June 2012 protests environmental activist Evgenia Chirikova read aloud the movement’s manifesto, calling for more scrutiny of parliamentary elections, limiting the president’s years in office, direct election of governors (Putin banned direct elections for provincial governors in 2004), and a better standard of living for the poor. Protesters turned out on the streets despite new laws setting fines as high as $9,000 and years in jail for participating in an unauthorized protest, more than the fine for building dangerous radioactive nuclear energy facilities. Mila Basenko, 25, commented, “It’s typical, this kind of crackdown. We won’t be afraid.” She carried a sign telling Putin to “shoo.” (For more on female activists including Pussy Riot, see the chapter on socialist countries in Brave: The Global Girl Revolution.) The Duma passed a law feared to be the first step towards Internet censorship, presented as a law to protect children from harmful websites.
Putin was supported by youth organizations Nashi and Young Guard and won a majority of votes everywhere but Moscow. (A national survey conducted in 1992 found that people with higher incomes were less likely to vote but more likely to participate in sustained activism.[79]) In June 2012 the government enacted heavy penalties for unauthorized assemblies and participation in the Opposition Coordination Council. Political analyst Masha Lipman observed that young professionals have “effectively gotten rid of habitual paternalism — the attitude of ‘nothing depends on us’ or ‘what can we do’? Of reliance on the state even as you resist the state. They are relying on themselves.”[80] The most online votes for the council went to Alexei Navalny (born 1976).
He mobilized thousands of young people in a movement called Generation Navalny who read his blogs and campaigned for him in a uniquely free council election. He reported two million people read his blog each month and he was featured in a documentary titled The Term (2014). Navalny was arrested for demonstrating, along with Pussy Riot’s Maria Alyokhina. Pussy Riot is a fearless women’s punk band that criticize Putin and the Russian Orthodox Church and advocate feminism and GLBT right. Two of the band members were jailed for singing a short song in the part of a cathedral where women are prohibited. In December 2014 pro-Kremlin activists distributed condoms with pictures of opposition leaders like Navalny who they blamed for collapse of the ruble. Navalny organized anti-Maidan protests against Kremlin intervention in Ukraine and formed a new political party called Party of Progress. It merged with the party founded by murdered opposition leader Boris Nemtsov in April 2015 to prepare for parliamentary elections in 2016. The “Open Russia” movement organized by Mikhail Khodorkovsky backed 18 candidates for the Duma in 2016 but opposition forces weren’t able to unite and they had no TV time. Democratic political parties included Parnas and Yabloko. The head of Parnas, former Prime Minister Mikhail Kasyanov, was targeted in 2016 with a hidden camera revealing his extramarital affair with a staffer. Other opposition figures were murdered, usually poisoned like Alexander Litvienko, or shot like Boris Nemtsov.[81] Putin’s supporters won control of the Duma again, with low voter turnout.
Andrei commented on this section:
All the facts that you mentioned are correct, but Alexey Navalny is known much better in the West then in Russia (I am writing not only about Moscow and St. Petersburg but about the whole of Russia). Same story with the Pussy Riot, they can criticize Putin but they cannot do it in the Church, when they defile the Temple, they insulted me and millions of believers. And please do not call their “performance” as art, I would call them for cheap clowns. The Nashi movement has practically disappeared.
Putin is a very popular leader, but not among the middle class, but this middle class in Russia is not very big and not really active politically. Those big demonstrations in Moscow led to nowhere. I attended one of them in September 2013, about 40,000 came and shouted “Putin – thief!” I went away, not because of my big love to Putin, but it was not really serious. My friend, who is one of the opposition leaders, Vladimir Ryzkov, told me that I was right: to shout Putin thief is simply not clever.
You may ask me if I miss Soviet Union? The answer in no, I do not miss Soviet, but I miss Union! You wrote about 50 billions for the Olympic Games, but you know that most of the Russians were proud of the ABSOLUTELY the BEST WINTER GAMES EVER!
Alexei Navalny said he would run for President if reforms were enacted but didn’t achieve his goal. He is called Putin’s fiercest critic, along with Boris Nemtsov who was murdered in 2015, just before revealing his research on Russian involvement in the Ukraine. Navalny became a Moscow mayoral candidate, charging rigged elections, but came in second to Putin’s candidate. An anti-corruption lawyer, he called Putin’s United Russia “the party of crooks and thieves.”[82] He blogged that Russian inertia, “The main enemy—Mister Nothing Can Ever Change—is not dead, but he has suffered a stroke.” He explained, “They can laugh and call us microbloggers. They can call us the hamsters of the Internet. Fine. I am an Internet hamster. But I know they are afraid of us.” From jail, he wrote, “It’s impossible to beat and arrest hundreds of thousands, millions. We are not cattle or slaves. We have voices and votes, and we have the power to uphold them.” (However, he has been associated with anti-immigrant groups and policies.) A Facebook page called “Putin Must Leave” attracted thousands of “hamsters.”
After the mayoral election, Navalny was charged with theft from a state timber company and threatened with a 10-year prison sentence. In July 2013, he was sentenced to five years in prison, and then sentenced to house arrest with no access to the Internet or a phone in February 2014. He was supported by around ten thousand of his middle-class urban demonstrators who chanted “Freedom!” and “Putin is a thief!” Author Masha Gessen reported that this was the largest unauthorized protest in recent history. Demonstrators with no criminal records were jailed for years, including eight middle-class young Muscovites who participated in the May 6, 2012 demonstrations. One of them was a woman. These arrests are seen as a warning to educated professionals to stay away from street demonstrations, but they kept showing up. In February 2014, eight activists were sentenced to two to four years in prison camp for their participation in a 2012 anti-Putin rally. The day they were convicted, the police, mostly young men, detained over two hundred demonstrators and most were released. The same month Pussy Riot released a video about human rights violations.[83]
Opposition leaders formed the People’s Freedom Party in 2010, including Vladimir Milov, who became deputy energy minister when he was 38. Now he’s part of the Democratic Choice movement. In a BBC interview in 2016, Milov acknowledged the common criticism that opposition leaders fight among themselves and didn’t succeed in forming the umbrella organization they attempted in 2015.[84] He reported they are worn out from constant government surveillance, have few media outlets to get their message of democracy and voting rights to the people and most of them are banned from running for office. Some of their leaders have been killed so it’s not safe to live in Russia but he intends to stay to fight for democracy. They were hurt by the release of a sex tape including two of the leaders that added to what Milov referred to as an “image problem.”
The largest demonstrations in two years occurred in Moscow, March 15, 2014, against Putin’s takeover of the Crimean region of Ukraine and the anti-American media coverage of the fighting in eastern Ukraine. Some reports counted over 100,000 people on the streets in a “March of Truth.” A woman wearing the traditional Ukrainian wreath on her hair held up a photo of Putin with the caption “Stop lying.” A protester interviewed by BBC said Putin was playing a “dirty game.” Activists, including Pussy Riot members, chanted “Putin, go away,” and “Say no to war!” They were branded as fascists by the state media. However, Putin’s popularity ratings went up with nationalistic Russians. He said the worst catastrophe of the 20th century was the breakup of the USSR, so he’s trying to extend Russia’s empire and defy the Western powers he fears are threatening Russia with expansion of NATO to Ukraine. A Russian think tank reported that young people born in the 1980s are “increasingly suspicious” about the US global ambitions, but newspaper editor Maxim Trudolyubov noted the brightest young people want to leave Russia.[85]
A Russian commentator, Vladimir Frolov believes Putin used the struggle against “the US-sponsored fascist coup” in Ukraine to shift the political discussion away from democratic alternatives to Putin’s government and an economic system where 110 families control 39% of the wealth.[86] Putin justified his takeover of Crimea in 2014 as a correction to the humiliation suffered after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The missile destruction of a passenger airline flying over eastern Ukraine in July that killed 298 on board increased Western anger and economic sanctions of Russia. The missile was thought to shot down by a Buk M1 missile fired by a Russian Anti-Aircraft Missile Brigade in the area.[87] Despite urban protests, Putin’s popularity increased. A Gallup poll published in July 2014 reported he had an 83% approval rating, a record high for him and that 76% of the respondents believed state media is reliable.[88] A 2016 poll revealed similar high favorable ratings.
However, Western sanctions hurt the Russian economy with growing inflation, decreasing value of the ruble, and large corporate debt owed to Western banks. Food prices rose and GDP fell, leading former Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin to warn parliament that the economy in 2015 entered a “full-fledged crisis.”[89] More than 23 million Russians lived below the poverty line, an increase of three million from 2014, but the government reduced social services like health clinics and schools. Putin advocated using the economic problems to become more self-sufficient economically and resist Western attempts to harm Russia. He jointed in the Chinese-led New Development Bank (it has 57 members and started loans in June 2016) and Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank set up to rival the World Bank and IMF.
About 3,000 protesters gathered in Manezh Square outside the Kremlin on December 31, 2014, chanting: “We are the power!,” “Russia without Putin!,” and slogans of support for Ukraine. Pro-Putin counter-demonstrators chanted, “Those who don’t like Russia should go to the United States!” Riot police pushed most of the crowd into subway passages, leaving a few hundred who spent the night in the cold square before being arrested. Many rebels were jailed, went into exile to escape arrest, or dropped out. Putin critic Kseniya Bochak became editor of a fashion magazine but continued hosting a critical TV talk show, causing her to be put on a contract hit list in 2015. Navalny explained, “People are afraid. Totally destroyed,” with 45 criminal cases against 20 members of the coordinating council that organized the 2012 protests.[90] Also, he said the Russian soldiers killed in Ukraine conflicts made the discussion of corruption and democratic elections “look kind of silly.”
The Kremlin went after the White Ribbon movement. In December 2014 Alexei Navalny and his brother Oleg were convicted of cheating a French cosmetics company; despite lack of evidence, both were given a three-year sentence, but only Navalny’s was suspended so as not to make him a martyr. A huge protest was organized on Facebook for January 15, 2015, so the sentence against Navalny was announced earlier.[91] Pussy Riot released a YouTube video urging people to come to the streets to protest. Dressed like glamorous 1920s flappers in high heels with Harry Potter-style brooms they sweep the square of symbolic corruption and then fly off on their broomsticks repeating “clean” and “fair.”[92] A Facebook page calling for demonstrations on December 30 also generated thousands of views.
Dimitry Gudkov, an independent member of the Duma, confirmed in December 2014 that Putin succeeded in suppressing the protests of 2011 and 2012 led by the urban middle class. But he predicted that economic problems would lead to more protests, even though government control of the media prevents leaders from gathering supporters. Future novelists like Vladimir Sorokin obliquely criticize government repression in popular books like his Day of the Oprichnik. Sorokin’s novel is about a Tzar in the Kremlin in 2028. A law critics call the Big Brother law passed in 2016 increased jail terms for “extremism,” used against critics of the regime, increased prison terms from four to eight years. Inciting people to participate in “mass disturbances” became a crime punished by five to 10 years in prison. I talked with a Russian young woman who said Putin is popular because he provides stability. A Levada poll in 2016 reported that 82% of Russians would vote for Putin because they think he can rescue them from economic difficulties.[93] Many youth activists support Putin’s “sovereign democracy” for fear of returning to the chaos of the 1990s and fear of Western values, concluded professor Felix Krawatzek. He said, “Young Russians, unlike during perestroika, no longer desire democracy or individual freedom but are increasingly attracted by Putin’s nationalist ideas and visions of stable order.”[94] However, German reporter Benjamin Bidder views young urban Russians as transforming the country; he titled his 12 article “Putin’s Unruly Children: A New Generation Aims to Revitalize Russia.” He refers to youth like Vera Kichanova, 20, write for the Novaya Gazeta, a newspaper that criticizes Putin, although other critical journalists have been shot, like Anastasia Baburova and Anna Politkovskaya.[95] Vera is an activist who participates in protests in Moscow where she gets interrogated by police and works for the unregistered Libertarian Party. She lives with her parents whose generation “have been worn down by crises and wars,” so they associate stability associated with Putin. Another example is hip-hop star known as Noize MC whose fans protested when the government tried to muzzle him and other popular musicians. He said he has 75 times more VK fans than Network, the pro-Putin youth group. Most of Noize MC’s shows were cancelled after he accepted a Ukrainian flag from a fan during a music festival in Ukraine. Alexei Kornev, 19, said, “Nobody and nothing should stand in the way of music.
Demonstrations kicked up again in 2016 because of economic problems and increasing budget deficit caused by falling oil prices, rising inflation, and shrinking value of the ruble.[96] Corruption scandals revolving close Putin friends surfaced, publicized by blogger Alexei Navalny who calls Putin a Mafia boss and gets millions of viewers on YouTube and by Pussy Riot music videos. A truck driver said about Putin, “He’s sticking his nose into everything—Syria, Turkey—so good, so powerful, but in his own country, he can’t even talk to the people.”
Young people who experienced the fall of the USSR went on to lead the “color revolutions” early in this new century in Serbia, Georgia, and Ukraine that in turn inspired recent revolts from 2010 to the present. Fear of these uprisings spreading to Russia led President Vladimir Putin’s forces to repress opposition voices with jail terms (e.g., Pussy Riot band members and Alexei Navalny), poison (like Vladimir Kara-Murza who survived two attempts on his life), or gunshots (like Boris Nemtsov). Putin cracked down on protesters in the wave that occurred in 2011 to 2012 against election irregularities when Putin ran for a third term and he continued the heavy hand against anti-corruption protests in May and June of 2017 to commemorate the fifth year anniversary of protests against corruption in the presidential election. Demonstrators waved Russian flags united in their goal for “Russia Without Putin.” More than 1,700 demonstrations were arrested in dozens of cities.
Authorities in cities across Russia responded by harassing students and their parents, including the over 60,000 people who demonstrated in 82 locations on March 26, 2017. When the group Open Russia was banned in 2017, its response was “see you on April 29” when demonstrations were held in about 30 cities. (The group was founded by billionaire Mikhail Khodorkovsky who lives in exile.) This was more national in scope than the anti-corruption protests of 2011 and 2012, which were mostly in Moscow and St. Petersburg. Some university students were threatened with expulsion and some high schools required students to watch films critical of the most prominent opposition leader Alexei Navalny, age 40. His video about Prime Minister Dmitri Medvedev’s “corruption empire” was viewed over 14 million times at a time when income was falling and food prices rising due to the fall in oil prices and the impact of Western economic sanctions. Some parents of young protesters were charged with “failure to execute child-rearing responsibilities” or told that authorities could remove their children.[97] The speaker of the upper house of parliament, Valentina Matvienko suggested that children should be banned from unapproved demonstrations although the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child guarantees children’s freedom of speech.
These threats didn’t stop teenagers in the “youth revolution” from demonstrating at rallies called for by Navalny in 80 cities, such as more protests against corruption on Putin’s birthday in October of 2017. The young activists have only known Putin as the head of Russia, so they don’t yearn for or appreciate stability like their elders who suffered the poverty and chaos of the Yeltsin Presidency (discussed in Masha Gessen’s The Future is History: How Totalitarianism Reclaimed Russia, 2017). Educated young people have other ways of getting information than censored government TV news, and in general are “braver, less likely to compromise and less susceptible to cynicism,” according to journalist Roman Dobrokhotov.[98] Journalist Yevgenia Albats explained that youth get their information from Facebook, Twitter, Vkontakte (similar to Facebook), and YouTube and what bothers them the most is the lack of opportunity to advance economically unless your family belongs to “the clan that developed out of the KGB.”[99]
Many young Russians fear they have no economic future. A demonstrator, age 16, Andrei said, “For a country that is so rich in natural resources, we are too poor.” On YouTube, Navalny praised the courage of the “tens of thousands of brave young people in the country who are not afraid of any threats and ready to go out to the streets to ask the authorities some relevant questions….I want to puke when I hear the hypocritical government officials say that the youth should stay out of politics.”[100] Putin’s spokespersons said the youth were paid to demonstrate.
Despite these problems, a Levada poll in 2016 showed that 82% would vote for Putin—the next elections were in 2018. A media-savvy Russian woman, fashionable journalist Ksenia Sobchak who is called the Russian Paris Hilton, 35, announced on YouTube that she would run against Putin for the presidency to give a voice to the opposition. She has over five million Twitter followers. Opposition leader Alexi Navalny opposed her decision as divisive for the opposition. Also complicating her campaign, over half the Russians polled were opposed to a woman president. Her savvy campaign manager had worked on the Bernie campaign in 2016 but Putin won by over 75% of the vote.[101] Putin won by a landslide after preventing Navalny from running against him.
Sanctions have hurt Russia’s economy, along with falling oil prices, resulting in a recession and austerity cuts to the budget. Putin retains his popularity by keeping Russia on center stage as a global power, giving Russians pride rather than prosperity, as well as controlling the media. His influence spread to anti-democracy leaders in Turkey, Hungary, Italy, and the US. Putin described the West as in moral decline, “Infertile and genderless.”[102] Garry Kasparov, the chess champion, said, “I do think these other leaders look at Putin and see not so much an inspiration but a type of permission. . . the real Putin model of government is nonideological kleptocracy.” Like Putin, they tried to control the media and stifle descent, inflaming nationalism.
We’ve seen that former communist countries replaced service to the masses with individual consumption. Russia’s Putin retained popular support due to his appeals to national pride, control of media and improvement of the economy. China is a country with a large youth population fairly quiet since the violence in Tiananmen Square in 1989, due to government censorship of the media, invasive security forces, low unemployment and increasing prosperity. The next chapter moves across the world to Latin America, the home of many organizing models referred to frequently in global uprisings.
Discussion Questions and Activities
What’s a postmodern revolution? Is Ukraine better off after ousting President Yanukovych?
Why has President Vladimir Putin retained his power and popularity in Russia since 2000?
“Young people’s brains are in a mess,” observed Russian Elena Omelchenko. Comment.
Films
1. See the Russian film Generation Pi (2011). How does it help you understand Russian politics today? The same questions for Kolya, about a five-year-old Russian boy cared for by a Czech bachelor during the Russian occupation in the 1980s. 1996
4 months, 3 weeks and 2 days takes place in Romania in the late 1980s before the fall of communism when abortion was illegal. Two university students try to arrange for an abortion when one of them gets pregnant. 2007
[52] According to the UN Food and Agriculture Organization, Russia had the third-highest per capita alcohol consumption, after Moldova and Reunion. If unrecorded alcohol produced for home consumption or illegal trade on the black market is included, Russia comes second. http://www.forbes.com/2009/07/27/russia-alcohol-health-business-oxford-analytica.html
[53] William Dobson. The Dictator’s Learning Curve: Inside the Global Battle for Democracy. Doubleday, 2012, p. 167.
[69] Felix Krawatzek, “Fallen Vanguards and Vanished Rebels?” chapter in Eastern European Youth Cultures in a Global Context, edited by Matthias Schwartz and Heike Winkel. Palgrave Macmillan, 2016.
[70] Tom Balmforth, “Network, Son of Nashi,” Radio Free Europe, August 9, 2016.
[72] Graeme Robertson, “Protesting Putinism: The Election Protests of 2011-2012 in Broader Perspective,” Problems of Post Communism, Vol. 60, No. 2, March, 2013, p. 11.
[76] Brian Browdie, “Russia Prime Minister Putin Blames U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for Encouraging Violence,” New York Daily News, December 8, 2011.
[79] Donna Bahry and Lucan Way, “Citizen Activism in the Russian Transition,” Journal of Economic Literature, /vi. 10, No. 4, May 15, 2013, pp. 330-366.
DOI: 10.1080/1060586X.1994.10641389
[80] Tom Balmforth, “Generation N,” Radio Free Europe, August 6, 2015.
Greek uprising in Syntagma Square, with hanging empty tear gas canisters, 2011. Photo by Aggelos Androulidakis
Without a house, without work, without a pension, without fear.
Spanish slogan of “Youth Without a Future”
All foreigners have to get out.
Jake, 15, m, Netherlands
Not everyone in the protests is 19 (although it is great that so many are!)
Lawrence Cox, professor and activist in Ireland
Let us be inspired and motivated by the youth of the Global South. Let us open our eyes to a different vision that refuses to accept the economics of austerity and the politics of elitism.
Contents:Uprisings in 2011; Iceland; United Kingdom; Spain; Portugal; Greece
Pertinent photos are noted by ** and found on the Global Youth Facebook page.[2]
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Inequality and high youth unemployment fueled global youth-led uprisings. They spread in 2011 from public squares in Tunisia, to Egypt, and on to Spain where the “People’s Assemblies of the Outraged” began on May 15, referred to as the 15M movement. Spanish Indignados initiated an international Day of Rage on October 15, 2011, which spread to over 80 countries and 1,000 cities, shown in photographs from around the world.[3] Banners proclaimed #WorldRevolution and “This system treats human beings as numbers and not as persons. Together we can change it.” Occupy Together estimated that 1,400 occupations occurred in one of the largest international protests in history, followed by a second Global Day of Action on May 12, 2012.[4] Believing themselves to be part of a global movement for real democracy, demonstrators carried banners stating they were “United for Global Change.”
The Spanish Real Democracy website emphasized the new identity of being part of the 99%, “We are ordinary people, we are like you. Without us none of this would exist, because we move the world… I am outraged. I think I could change it.” Trade unions also got involved in the protests and people of all ages followed the youth into the streets to challenge the control of the 1%. The movements used popular assemblies with consensus decision-making and tried to avoid having leaders as bosses.
Unlike Millennials in the US who are a larger percentage of the population, in the European Union (EU) more people are over 50 than are young.[5] Millennials are about one-quarter of the EU population. Millennials in both regions suffered from the recession of 2008, but Europeans faced bleaker economic prospects leading to dissatisfaction with the direction of their countries, especially in Southern Europe with its high youth unemployment and brain drain. German Chancellor Angela Merkel said in 2013 that youth unemployment is “Europe’s most pressing problem,” as almost eight million youth were NEETs. One-third of Germans between 18 and 30 say they’re in “precarious” unstable employment.[6] A survey of 1,000 Germans between ages 18 to 30 found that these precarious youth are twice as likely as peers in secure employment to be more uninvolved politically, less likely to vote or be undecided. Up to 40% don’t believe they can change anything with their vote, compared to only 16% of the youth in secure jobs. If they do vote, they’re likely to select center-right parties.
Only 26% of Europeans aged 15 to 25 have good jobs with over 30 hours of work a week. Unlike their US peers, a majority of Europeans of various generations don’t feel they can impact the world around them, believing their future is determined by forces they don’t control.[7] Brits were the exception, as only 37% held this pessimistic view (compared to 43% of young Americans), but young adults were more satisfied with their lives than older Europeans. EU Millennials also viewed a good education and working hard as less necessary for success than US Millennials.
However, similar to the US, European Millennials are often optimistic, with the young Germans the most satisfied with their lives and the Greeks the least happy. Over a million migrants entered Europe in 2015 with hope for a better future than in their countries of origin (like Syria and Afghanistan), with the exodus speeded up by Russian and US bombings in Syria—where half the population has been displaced. An estimated 184,887 migrants and refugees entered Europe by sea by in August of 2016, arriving in Italy, Greece, Cyprus and Spain, although over 3,000 died on the journey.[8] Thousands of unaccompanied minors from Africa made the journey, while most children from the Middle East had adult supervision on the journey to Greece. Along the way, children are forced into hard work and prostitution in countries like Libya.
In France, Millennials are called the “700 generation” because they only earn 700 euros a month and struggle to find affordable housing. Large student strikes shut down universities and over 700 high schools in 2010 to protest President Nicolas Sarkozy’s proposal to raise the retirement age by two years. That year, the largest student protests in a generation occurred in Dublin, London and Rome to protest cuts in education budgets.
Protests by traditional interest groups like public sector unions were joined by crowds of young people who camped out in Madrid and Athens, much like the Arab Spring demonstrations, making the Mediterranean region the hotbed of protests. Protests like 15M in Spain were unique in the huge numbers of diverse demonstrators, many of whom were inexperienced activists and not afraid to risk police violence. On the other side of the political spectrum, anti-immigrant nationalist groups gained popularity in many countries, like Britain’s UKIP and France’s National Front. [9]
The economic crisis of 2008 led to the ouster of governments in Ireland, Portugal, Greece, Italy, Spain, Finland, and Romania. A Gen Y Dutch activist and Ph.D. student in Greece, Jerome Roos points out that the recession brings class issues to the forefront as housing and social programs are no longer secure, wages stagnate, and food prices rise along with extreme weather change. He blames the global financial crisis for causing a “global revolutionary wave” in a “resonance of resistance.” The movement aims for the death of the “cultural hegemony of neoliberalism” and its propaganda that the free market and representative democracy will liberate everyone. As the Spanish Indignados said, “No es una crisis: es el sistema” in which the politicians “don’t represent us.” European socialist and social democrat politicians are faulted for their support of neoliberal policies. They controlled a majority of the 28 EU member governments between 1997 and 2002 but didn’t take adequate steps to encourage employment.[10] Protesters faulted the EU for serving the elite and aimed to return power to the people. Roos provides European updates in his ROARMagazine and produced a documentary about activism in Greece when he was a Ph.D. student there.[11]
The best-selling author and French economist Thomas Piketty reported that the wealthiest 10% of Europeans own 60% of the wealth, while in the US it’s even more unbalanced at 70%. The EU is dysfunctional, he said, joining with others in calling for a European manifesto for financial reform, including pooling national debts, sharing corporate income taxes, and adding a chamber to the European Parliament.[12] Growing inequality pushed ordinary people to become revolutionaries, leading to the rise of a new Left in what’s called the Real Democracy Movement.
I interviewed Demi, age 25, to talk about youth unemployment issues when we were in Greece, as seen on video.[13] A global citizen born in Israel, he moved to Greece when he was seven, where he went to French-language schools, and then attended university in Italy. His fifth language is English. He reported about his unpaid internship and not yet finding a job.
Things have changed; we’re the victims of the economic situation worldwide. We can adapt to new jobs but the problem is employers take advantage of us with unpaid internships. Many of my friends have continued their graduate studies to be able to have their dream work, because they can’t get a job without graduate degrees. In Italy employers don’t start paying their workers until they’re around 30 years old, using the excuse you don’t have experience. To survive, they live with parents, or have a second job as something like a waitress, along with an unpaid internship. In Greece, young people with a dream leave the country to find work. I would like to believe that in my 50s or 60s I could come back to Greece to bring my experience and something new.
I asked Demi if governments are helping his generation get paid jobs. Despite claims that his generation is apolitical, he said, “I’m very political; I’d like to work in cultural politics sector, because I’d like to improve things.” He’s thinking about moving to Belgium to work for the EU. A centrist in his political views, he’s on the right about the economy and on the left about social policies. He’s very accepting of diversity and equality for women and LGBT people.
The politicians are always the same, they’re corrupt, and do things in their own interest. Young people really are not understood by adults, but we’re much more mature because of the economic problems. We’re well-informed because social networks help provide information on everything. There is no ignorance anymore, although politicians think young people are ignorant. I want to believe my generation will change things a lot.
In Europe, almost a quarter of youth are unemployed. The European Union set aside around $8 billion in 2013 to invest over a period of seven years on work programs for youth under age 25 to provide a job or training, called the Youth Guarantee. Finland is a trendsetter, as 83% of unemployed youth who registered with the program in 2011 had a job within three months (it also experimented with a $600 basic income in 2016). To be more specific about terminology, the European Union includes 28 countries that elect members to the European Parliament, which elects a Commission President. The Council of Europe has 47 member states, founded in 1949, governed by a parliamentary Assembly that can only advise. The Council includes committees on equality and non-discrimination. The EU’s Youth Forum provides youth input into various EU programs.
The main European organizations that represent young people are the European Youth Forum (YFJ) platform of youth organizations and the Council of Youth Foundation, which represents 52 states as opposed to the Forum’s 27 EU states.[14] The YFJ president Johanna Nyman said in 2014, “We need to become stronger…in times of crisis,” both economic and political, to defend young people’s rights and fight unemployment.[15] She stated that youth organizations are the best way to represent young people, but she also wanted to empower the League of Young Voters to encourage voting. To represent European youth in government, The Young European Council meets annually “to make the voices of the European youth heard!” Discussion themes in 2014 were “education to employment, digital revolution and exponential technologies, sustainable development and growth.” Their 2016 conference included how to reduce the gender pay gap, a Solidarity Corps to provide youth with volunteer or job opportunities, collecting data on LGBT and other marginalized groups’ issues, and managing the influx of refugees.[16] The European Students’ Union (ESU) represents 45 national student unions from 38 countries including over 15 million students. The ESU aims to influence the Council of Europe, European Youth Forum, and UNESCO. The European Commission established a €21 billion annual program to ensure that people younger than 25 who graduate or who lose a job are offered work,, training, or other continuing education within four months. Finland implemented a successful program emulating this model.
To learn more about youth attitudes towards government, a UNICEF survey of European and Central Asian youth found that their heroes are entertainers and athletes, but only 2% admire political leaders.[17] They are much more likely to trust military and religious leaders. They would like national governments to address educational problems (43%), leisure time activities (42%), social issues (33%), and to improve living conditions (23%). They worry about crime and violence (43%), the economy, peace, and government’s inability to solve problems. Less than half (40%) think voting in elections is an effective way to improve their countries. Only about half of the youth from Southern and Eastern Europe want to live in their own country as adults. In Poland, for example, despite a 30% unemployment rate for educated young adults leading to over half of them living with their parents, the country hasn’t experienced unrest because many of them leave to work in other European Union countries.
The Global Revolutionary Wave of 2011 “tumbled in a whole new range of alternative futures.” It’s revolutionary to believe that another world is possible. Jerome Roos added that what’s “most incredible is that we’re watching all of it happen right in front of our very eyes,” in huge demonstrations with hundreds of thousands of people in Madrid, Frankfort, and other European cities. Roos believes the occupations in city squares are “a globally interconnected web of tiny little Utopias” without parties or leaders, where decisions affecting the community are taken collectively and on the basis of consensus.”[18] Similar to a Marxist perspective, he aims for a society without wage slavery or unemployment, where people choose their own type of work and are rewarded on the basis of need, not greed.
Awareness grows about the 1% “bankocracy” that was an unspoken reality for the last 30 years. As Rosa Luxemburg wrote, “the most revolutionary thing one can do is always to proclaim loudly what is happening.” Greek blogger Alex Andreou warned the 1%, “You have run out of ideas.” Professor Cristina Flesher Fominaya from Scotland reported that young people were often in the vanguard of the most progressive social movements in Europe in the past decades, including feminist, squatter, peace, environmental, and student movements.[19] She views precariousness as the key concept motivating European youth activism over the last decade: the uncertainty around their economic future and increasing costs of higher education. This common problem unites them in a shared identity similar to Spain’s group Youth without Futures.
Flesher Fominaya pointed out that the difference between the Arab uprisings and those in Europe is that the latter’s call for “real democracy now” aims to deepen existing democratic institutions. Similarities are political parties and unions do not lead protests. Activists occupy public spaces, as they learned to do in squats they turned into social centers run by an assembly (described in Squatting in Europe, 2013, written by a collective), and oppose the privatization of the public commons. Occupation of public spaces makes youth politics visible and public.
Precursors and Roots
The global youth revolts of the early 20th century, of the late 1960s (university students in Berkeley, Rangoon, Mexico City, Bangkok, Rio de Janeiro, and European cities were joined by high school students), and in the current post-crisis neoliberal era have three characteristics in common, according to Mayssoun Sukarieh and Stuart Tannock in Youth Uprising?[20] The authors believe the recent movements share exaggerated claims of youth power as the vanguard of revolution and public surprise over youth activism after a period in which they were accused of being apathetic. These claims of youth leadership ignore the roles of adults and adult-led organizations for youth and the focus on uprisings as a generational issue obscures the foundational economic problems. Sukarieh and Tannock suggest that neoliberal interests manipulate this interest in youth to deflect from systemic problems of inequality. They point out the difference in the geography of the demonstrations from organized and formal youth movements of the early 20th century, to university demonstrations in the 1960s, and recently to occupations of public squares with the rejection of nationalism and organized political parties. Tactics changed to direct action and civil disobedience as learned from Gandhi and the US Civil Rights movement, and the action shifted to the global south. Sukarieh and Tannock suggest that all these youth movements had limited results due to youth’s lack of power.[21]
The revolutionary uprisings of 1848 that began in Paris are compared to the university student movements of the 1960s, which started off with the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and spread globally. Previously, the Young Europe movement of the early 20th century aimed for nationalist independence led by groups called Youth Germany and Young Italy, with similar groups in Africa and Asia like Young Egypt, Young Turks, and Young Java. More recent precedents were the Solidarity movement in Poland in the 1980s, the Global Justice Movement of 1999 to 2002, the Serbian Revolution in 2000, protests against European participation in the Iraq war of 2003, and the tent city set up during the Ukrainian Orange Revolution of 2004.
In 2005 and 2006, youthful immigrants living in French ghettos rose up in violent protests against their lack of opportunity, leading to thousands of arrests. (A French documentary features immigrants who are learning French in a middle-school class; School of Babel, 2014.) Soon after the immigrant riots, French university students protested changes in laws about employing youth under age 26 and were joined by millions of protesters. Student protests against budget cuts and tuition increases occurred in many European countries in 2005 and 2006, and in the UK in 2010. Iceland’s anti-bank protests in 2008 toppled the government and banking systems, and there was also the Green Revolution in Iran in 2009.
Protests against neoliberal reforms of higher education sparked student movements throughout Europe, occupying universities in reaction to the Bologna Process of 1999 and the tuition hikes that followed. The Bologna Process aimed to unify academic standards throughout Europe by setting common standards for obtaining degrees. Students joined the International Student Movement (ISM), described on their Facebook page, to work for free education. In their demonstrations students utilized global youth strategies with music, art, dance, flashmobs, graffiti, consensus decision-making, and horizontalism. ISM’s first major event organized protests in over 25 countries in 2008 for an “International Day of Action Against the Commercialization of Education.” Massive demonstrations followed to advocate more student input into education policies, with especially large crowds in Spain, Germany, Croatia, and the US. Students rallied against tuition increases in Italy, Spain, France, and the UK (also in Chile, the US, and Quebec, Canada). The new student precariat lost their previous elite status as they acquired large debts to pay for increasing tuition fees.
Uprisings against the recession and concurrent austerity programs occurred in Athens in 2008 led by students and by less educated urban youth, followed by Madrid and other European capitals in 2009. Uprisings followed the economic recession, beginning in Greece, spreading to Spain and then on to the Arab world. The countries most harmed by the crisis had the largest protests: Iceland was followed by Spain and Greece. Millions of people went to the streets in France to protest President Nicolas Sarkozy’s 2010 austerity “reforms.” Students went on strike in about 400 French high schools, and built barricades to prevent other students from going to class in October. Further budget cuts sparked student protests in 2011, beginning in Austria in November, and spreading to German universities.
Large anti-austerity demonstrations broke out in England in August 2011, in France in 2012, in Sweden in May 2013, and in Turkey (as well as in Brazil) in June 2013. The criticism of German-led EU austerity programs increased in 2014 when the French leader of the European Confederation of Trade Unions, Bernadette Ségol said, “Europe’s disastrous response to the crisis—austerity—has led Europe to a social crisis and to within sight of a political crisis. Europe does not need more austerity; it needs new policies.”[22] About 100,000 students, teachers, union members, and other supporters demonstrated in Brussels against government austerity programs in November 2014 in the largest labor demonstrations since World War II. Young Canadian activist Andrew Gavin Marshall described the European protests as the “Age of Rage” in response to a devastating global economic system.[23]
A team of scholars surveyed more than 16,000 people in nine European countries between 2009 and 2012 during 90 protest demonstrations, [24] or what Charles Tilly called “contentious performances.” Often informal and temporary, older issues of economic inequality joined with new ones about lifestyle such as gender, LGBT, and anti-war issues. Students were only 12% of the demonstrators; men were 52% and they tended to be leftist in their politics (only 6% were right-wing). Youth’s top issues were centered around LGBT rights and discrimination, anti-austerity measures, and anti-racism. They were most likely to sign a petition and demonstrate with friends, while less than a third were members of the organization that led the demonstration. The study found youth under age 25 were less likely to vote or be involved in conventional politics, although men are were more likely to be active than women. Women were more likely to donate money to a cause and base purchases on ethical issues such as the impact on the environment. Youth were more likely to take political risks than older people. They were more likely to participate if feeling close to their peer group and if the issue was local rather than national. Many respondents felt adults didn’t respect them and that politicians didn’t pay attention to their issues.
As well as provoking youth-led uprisings, economic problems led to the growth of nationalist right-wing, anti-immigrant groups in France, Austria, Germany, Britain, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Denmark, Sweden, the Netherlands, and Russia. Attacks on mosques increased in countries like Sweden and Germany. The nationalist Sweden Democrats party increased to 13% of the parliamentary vote in 2014, after young people rioted for six nights in several Stockholm immigrant suburbs in May of 2013, similar to earlier riots in London and Paris.[25] Nearly half of the Swedish immigrant students have grades that are too low to allow them to enter high school. A Danish Social Democrat explained, “History reminds us that high unemployment and wrong policies like austerity are an extremely poisonous cocktail.” The nationalist autocrats promise stability, order, and morality as opposed to western chaos and decadence.
Hungarian leader Viktor Orban said that liberal democracy has been in decline since the recession of 2008, and praised authoritarian “illiberal democracies” in Turkey, China, Singapore, and Russia.[26] German editor Jochen Bittner calls this rejection of democracy “orderism,” and it is also problematic in Poland and the Philippines.[27] Bittner includes Donald Trump’s campaign for toughness and America First in “orderism.” Former Greek Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis suggests that the only escape from this political trap is if majorities around the world support “progressive internationalism” like that of Bernie Sanders or Jeremy Corbyn and his DiEM25 movement discussed below.[28]
During the refugee crisis of the summer of 2015, about 850,000 people migrated to Europe, including over 95,000 unaccompanied minors, and around a million refugees migrated the following year. Europol (The EU’s police) estimated that almost a third of the over one million refugees are children, and about 10,000 of them are missing.[29] Some may be with family members and some may be exploited by sex traffickers. Jerome Roos warned that “tens, if not hundreds of millions are likely to follow as a result of climate change in future decades.”[30] The EU’s solution was to deport “irregular” refugees to camps in Turkey that house about three million refugees, while around 62,000 refugees are stuck in Greek camps.[31] From January to April 2017, 31,993 refugees entered Europe by sea: Italy was the most popular entry point (80%), followed by Spain and Greece.[32] Syrians, Afghans, and Nigerians were the most numerous. This was a reduction from the 172,774 refugees during the same time period in the previous year. Across Europe, welcoming groups counter the nationalist groups: Roos states that migrant labor is needed in an aging region, “injecting a healthy infusion of bottom-up social change into the lifeblood of a moribund European community.”
Another form of backlash is anti-feminism, as found in Poland, where many universities have Gender Studies programs. Some Polish Catholic bishops campaigned against gender mainstreaming in schools as required by the European Union that sought to promote “policies, regulatory measures and spending programmes, with a view to promoting equality between women and men, and combating discrimination,” according to the European Institute for Gender Equality.[33] A well-known Catholic bishop said in 2013, “the ideology of gender presents a threat worse than Nazism and Communism combined.”[34] Another priest said that gender studies “is associated with radical feminism, which advocates for abortion, the employment of women and the detention of children in preschools.“ A Polish parliamentary group aimed to “Stop Gender Ideology.”
Despite these problems with immigrants, nationalism, and high youth unemployment, and anti-feminism, Steven Hill argues in Europe’s Promise: Why the European Way is the Best Hope in an Insecure Age (2010) that Europeans have a better social model than the US does. Europeans are healthier and less stressed than Americans are; they use bike paths and walking trails plus universal health care, organic and “slow food,” worker input into management, free or inexpensive education, paid sick and parental leave, subsidized childcare, and mass transit. Americans think of Europeans as paying high taxes, without realizing all the free services those taxes bring. In a report on the cities with the best quality of life, seven of the top ten are in Europe and none are in the US.[35]
Eric Schneider, the German editor of Youth-Leader online magazine, believes that despite the austerity programs, the US has more severe problems than Europeans and Canadians. He pointed out that Germans have four weeks of paid holidays, there are no ghettos in Western Europe except in a few urban areas in France, and racism is not an issue, except in the UK. (Turkish immigrants in his country might not agree.) In the US he observes millionaires dominate politics, while university costs and student debt plague US students and many lack good health care. He concluded that Europeans are less fearful and there’s more feeling of commonality, though not for many of the recent immigrants, while the US has “big tensions” and unhappiness. Tensions increased under Trump as families were torn apart by deportations, people worried about losing health care coverage and other benefits, and worries that the erratic president would escalate another war. Many people “unfriended” each other on Facebook due to political disagreements in one of the most polarized political environments since the 1960s.
Former Secretary of Labor, Robert Reich backed up Schneider’s argument that the US lags behind Europe and Canada, stating in 2014 that US disposable income after taxes is lower it is in than Europe or Canada, although Americans work longer hours—28% more hours than a German worker does. They don’t live as long and the rate of infant mortality and maternal death is higher due to a lack of health care. To add to these problems, Americans ages 16 to 24 rank near the bottom among wealthy countries in literacy.[36]
Michael Moore’s documentary Where to Invade Next (2015) reports on humanitarian models in European countries and in Tunisia. Moore agrees that free health care and education require higher taxes, but people in the US end up paying more than those in other countries do for basics like education and health care. He adds that over half of the discretionary budget goes to the military and its failed wars. Columnist Jon Schwarz commented on the film, “The entire movie is about how other countries have dismantled the prisons in which Americans live: prison-like schools and workplaces, debtor’s prisons in order to pay for college, prisons of social roles for women and the mental prison of refusing to face our own history.” [37]
Where to Invade Next, oddly, was rated R, meaning people under 18 have to be accompanied by a parent, although many PG-13 movies are very violent and this film is not. Moore’s film shows useful models, such as free university education in Slovenia, in contrast to the billions of dollars in US student loan debt. Worker rights are shown in Italy and Germany. Equal rights for women are featured in Iceland and Tunisia. Police and prison reform are shown in Norway and Portugal. The film includes interviews with Italian workers who have eight weeks of paid vacation, double pay in December, two-hour lunch breaks so they can eat a good meal at home, and get an additional 15 days leave after marriage. French school children sit down to gourmet lunches, are horrified at photos of school lunches in the US, and are not interested in Moore’s giving them a canned soft drink. German workers have a 36-hour workweek but are paid for 40 hours. Stressed German workers can get a doctor’s prescription to attend a spa to relax for three weeks. The film shows a few seconds of Germans getting into a spa without their clothes, a factor cited in the R rating. About half of the Europe and Tunisia’s large corporate boards include workers. More details from the film are described on my model solutions blog.[38] Moore announced the creation of the “Hammer & Chisel Awards” to individuals who make a difference for poor people, including the working poor in the US.
Social movements created leftist anti-austerity parties to counter the swing to the right in the previous decade. Leftist parties in Ireland include Sinn Fein and a new party called TD, which was formed in 2015 combining two anti-austerity groups. Other leftist parties include the Greens in UK and Germany, Die Linke in Germany, Parti de Gauche in France, and the Kurdish Workers’ Party in Turkey. Young people supported socialist Jeremy Corbyn (age 67) who was selected to head the Labor Party in 2015. He believes that we face a “crisis of imagination,” t which requires us to envision a radically different and better world. US mainstream news media ran stories calling him a “divisive far-leftist” and “Karl Marx admirer” at a time when socialist Bernie Sanders (age 74) was catching up with Hillary Clinton in the polls for presidential candidates.[39] He captured the imagination of young people who disavow neoliberal inequality, but they didn’t vote in large enough numbers for him to be nominated. Around the same time, the Liberal party in Australia replaced sexist climate-change denier and anti-immigrant Tony Abbott (who ordered national banks to stop financing solar and wind projects) with Malcolm Turnbull. He supported a carbon tax as Minister of the Environment.
In their book on Understanding European Movements (2014), editors Flesher Fominaya and Laurence Cox fault American social movement theoreticians for reducing European New Social Movement Theory to “an industry of myth reproduction” without understanding its clear intellectual history.[40] They maintain it’s erroneous to state that the European theory is post-Marxist or post-labor because it incorporates new influences: post-structural, psychoanalytical, radical feminist, anarchist, green, and anti-authoritarian. The editors point out that Marxist and socialist feminism is still widely taught in British universities, along with cultural studies and history from below (also called social, people’s, or folk history, which is taught from the point of view of common people rather than elites).
Iceland
Long ago, in 930 AD, Iceland’s chieftains founded the world’s first parliament in what some think is the world’s oldest democracy. Today, about 80% of Icelandic voters show up in general elections. Although not given media attention in the US, and not a youth-led uprising, Iceland’s revolt of October 2008 to January 2009 is the first of the recent global uprisings against neoliberal failures. Youth and radical youth groups played a role in key actions, turning out at demonstrations where masked Black Bloc youth also showed up regularly. The 320,000 Icelanders won the peaceful “pots and pans revolution” or “saucepan revolution,” which some oligarchs might want to be kept silent (there are charges of a cover-up by US media). The rebellion was preceded by two decades of activism by environmentalists (like the Left-Greens), feminists, LGBT rights groups, communists, and anarchists, along with the punk movement with its focus on DYI independent cultural creations.
After the banks borrowed and invested money equal to eight times the country’s GDP in a Ponzi-like scheme, the country went bankrupt in 2008, two weeks after the fall of the Lehman Brothers financial empire in the US. The problem was that the banks made large loans to their shareholders and a to a cabal of about 30 people who manipulated the economy, as revealed in WikiLeaks documentation in August 2009, which the elite tried to repress. In October of 2008, all three of the country’s largest banks, the currency, and the stock market collapsed. About one-sixth of Icelanders lost their savings and most businesses went bankrupt. As one consequence, the largest of the new banks, Landsbankinn, is required to have at least 40% women in top management. During the financial crisis, the voters forced the government to resign and refused to bail out the banks.
Citizens showed their displeasure with corrupt bankers by peacefully banging pots and pans in street demonstrations in October 2008. First hundreds, then tens of thousands of people of all ages protested the banks’ misdeeds every Saturday in the main square in Reykjavik. A documentary entitled Pots, Pans and Other Solutions is available online, along with a 2015 video titled Reykjavik Rising.[41] It tells the story of the revolution, emphasizing that people around the globe are realizing that they are not the slaves of government, that it’s up to grassroots movements to fix problems and that it’s dangerous to trust political parties. We see a global pattern of the people demanding change and getting it for a while until the entrenched powers surface again with offers of stability. The crisis was compared to Greece, although Iceland has only 320,000 people and its own currency. Iceland’s rebellion encouraged the later Tunisian, Spanish, and Greek anti-austerity and anti-neoliberal protests.[42] Spanish activists acknowledged the influence of Iceland’s example: slogans included “Spain rise up—be the second Iceland” and “Our role model—Iceland.”
In one of the world’s oldest democracies, protestors held the first demonstration that continuously occupied a central public place, rather than just a week of demonstrations like the famous anti-WTO Battle for Seattle in 1999. Starting on October 11, 2008, demonstrations were held every Saturday at 3:00 PM and for the next five months, demanding that the government and the heads of the Central Bank resign. Anarchists organized pre-rally meetings attended by young people. Other citizens’ meetings were held every Monday to interview leaders who were held responsible for the financial crisis. A heterogeneous crowd of protesters included many middle-aged women.
New elections were won by the Greens and Social Democrats in 2009 (who advocated democratic socialism and a welfare state) but still, parliament passed a law to pay back 3,500 million euros to the UK and the Netherlands. The government let the banks fail, resulting in $85 billion in defaults but saving local deposits by moving them to new banks. It didn’t cut social services or enact austerity programs but instead raised taxes. It didn’t bail out the banks and it did prevent making investments abroad. Iceland ‘s Supreme Court upheld convictions of the top bankers. Only 25% of EU national parliaments and senior ministers are female, but Iceland’s feminist Prime Minister Johanna Sigurdardottir (the first openly lesbian head of government) appointed a majority of women to her cabinet in 2009. Iceland had elected the world’s first female president in 1980, college professor Vigdis Finnbogadottir. In 2017 the second female prime minister was elected, Katrín Jakobsdóttir (41), leader of the Left Green Alliance.
A group of artists, singers, and comedians, the stars of the punk wave of the 80s, formed The Best Party as a joke with a platform to cancel all the country’s debts. A comedian representing the party in 2010, Jon Gnarr, won the mayor’s office in the capital city, where almost half of Icelanders live. One of their tactics was posting photos of influential bankers in public toilets, and Gnarr sang Tina Turner’s song “The Best.” The people demanded a referendum to deny payment to Europe and to draft a new constitution.
Two of the protesters were voted into parliament. Gen X Birgitta Jónsdóttir, referred to as the MP for the Movement, was a founder of the Icelandic Pirate Party for direct democracy. It was founded first in Sweden in 2006 and spread to around 60 other countries, among them Austria, the US, the UK, Belgium, and Germany, but the Pirate Party is most successful in Iceland. It supported WikiLeaks, whistleblowers, and direct democracy. WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange came to Iceland in 2010 to urge them to make information free and in response, the Icelandic Modern Media Initiative (IMMI) was passed in June 2010; it was formulated by hackers including Jónsdóttir. She became the leader of the Pirate Party in 2013 along with other “geeks.” However, only parts of the IMMI have been implemented.
Jónsdóttir said that many forces worked behind the scenes to undermine the referendum against debt repayment, fearful that they would set the example for countries like Greece. Jónsdóttir explained that each Icelandic citizen would have been responsible for paying the equivalent of buying a house in order to pay the debt, which was unacceptable. She stated that the world is in economic warfare and Iceland was the first country to face it, calling for “rEvolution” with direct democracy. An excerpt from Jónsdóttir’s poem “Generations” is on her blog (joyb.blogspot.com):
willingness to start a revolution
in our own hearts
Taste the bittersweet
brutal honesty
The collective knowledge
of the transparency generation
spreading through the nerves of cyberspace
The government selected a Constitutional Assembly to write a new constitution in 2010, with members chosen at random, but the Supreme Court declared the Assembly illegal the next year; it was accused of being a pawn of the 14 ruling families, called “The Octopus.” Parliament responded by appointing the 25 elected representatives to the Assembly. A random selection of 1,000 citizens brainstormed ideas and sent the results to the Assembly of 25 people who prepared a report. The only requirement to run for the Assembly was to be an adult who had the backing of 30 people. The committee began its work in February 2011, receiving suggestions from local assemblies and social media outlets in what was the first crowdsourced constitution. Each week the council posted its latest draft and read the hundreds of comments received the previous week. The policies with the most “likes” moved up on the priority list. In August the constitution was given to parliament, which ignored it for a year. Late in 2012, parliament called for a referendum asking if the new constitution should be approved and 67% of voters said yes. However, in 2013 parliament was led by two Center-Right parties that privatized the banks and voted down the new constitution.[43] The constitution is still on hold.
In spite of these maneuvers, over 200 corrupt bank executives and others held responsible for the financial disaster were charged with crimes. Lawyer Eva Joly advised on how to use a special court, the Landsdomur, to prosecute former Prime Minister Geir Haarde in 2012 for not holding emergency cabinet meetings to prevent the financial crisis. In December 2013 four former Kaupthing bank executives were sentenced to prison terms. In 2015, the number increased to seven executives, and a year later 26 bankers were sentenced to prison.
Iceland bounced back from economic collapse, with a balanced budget and the unemployment rate down to 4%, but no new constitution. President Olafur Ragnar Grimmson said Iceland recovered from the financial disaster by letting the banks fail, helping the poor, and not implementing austerity measures. “Four years ago, we had hope. Four years later, our hope was lost. And our Utopia, it was lost too,” said Smári McCarthy in 2014, who called himself an information activist.[44] He blamed the 14 ruling families that control Iceland: “Iceland is not a country of bribery, it is a country of nepotism.” Jonsdottir explained that the Mafia-style financial rulers are called The Octopus. It’s also a country with no army, a vast middle class, free healthcare, and free education. It uses mostly geothermal energy and has friendly police, as seen in photos.[45] By 2015, unemployment was only 4%, the economy was growing, and tourism was booming.
In the summer of 2015, the Pirate Party grew from three members of Parliament with hacker backgrounds, including Jonsdottir and 25-year old Asta Helgadottir, to being the leader in national polls and was predicted to lead the next government. Jonsdottir explained, “I definitely approach this job from the perspective of the hacker…. It’s better to pretend you don’t know the limitations, so you can break them.”[46] She explained, “People should not allow themselves to believe that we are going to save them. They are going to save themselves, and we’ll give them the tools to do it. We want to look for the wisdom of the masses…through collective effort.” She added, “Young people in particular find it unacceptable that they can only wield influence once every four years.” She is proud that many young Icelanders are actively engaged in politics. Helgadottir worked for a tech collective and describes herself as a “boring Harry Potter fan” whose hero is the British Suffragettes. She said the party is successful because “we have actually proven ourselves to be human. We are not trying to be politicians.” In contrast, the leftist parties didn’t pass reforms during their time in office. The third Pirate member, Helgi Gunnarsson, age 35, said his hero is hacker Edward Snowden. Party members can submit proposals for a vote by all members.
Pirate Core Policy advocates for increased direct democracy through e-democracy and referendums, the right to privacy and freedom of information (they passed the Icelandic Modern Media Initiative which attracted young people like Helgadottir to the party), installing the new constitution, and stabilizing the currency.[47] Their website states, “Pirates believe that centralization needs to be reduced in all areas and democracy needs to be promoted in all the forms that are available.” The website, http://www.Piratar.is, encourages people to vote on the current political issues. Their office displays posters for the film V for Vendetta and “Free Chelsea Manning.” Prime Minister Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson resigned in April 2016 after large demonstrations erupted when the Panama Papers revealed his personal use of offshore financing, which is illegal in Iceland. This increased the popularity of the Pirates, who were most popular with younger voters but not enough of them turned out to vote, and Pirates came in third. (Out of 63 members of parliament, 30 are women and none are far-right party members.)
Italy
Italy’s two decades-long protests against the Turin High-Speed Rail Project became a symbol for grassroots protest. Italian students began anti-austerity protests against education budget cuts in the “Anomalous Wave” of 2008 and in 2010. They protested against university reform and the dim future faced by their “precarious generation.” They occupied monuments and blockaded streets and railways. Although students had protested against austerity cuts for the previous three years, they didn’t have a movement like the Spanish Indignados. In October 2011 the students’ union called a national student strike, putting up tents in a square in Bologna. Like Spanish protesters, they were referred to as Indignados. They weren’t able to camp in Rome’s Piazza San Giovanni on October 15, the global day of rage when 100,000 protesters gathered in Rome for a national march, because several hundred Black Bloc protesters initiated a violent riot there. The police weren’t able to protect the demonstrators.
The largest “General Uprising” occurred in Italy on October 19, 2013, to protest austerity cuts.[48] About 100,000 people marched behind a banner reading “Only One Big Project: Income and Houses for Everyone.” Student groups, unions, and other groups, but notably not major unions or political parties, helped organize protests against evictions and the fact that one-quarter of the population is living in poverty. The goal is “universal benefits independent of wage earnings, with neoliberal capitalism as the common enemy.” Large demonstrations joined together students, workers, soccer fans, and other activists in Livorno in November 2014 to protest unemployment. (More on Italian youth activism is on the book website).[49]
Difficult to categorize, an Italian response to current troubles and austerity measures is the Five Stars Movement (M5S) in Italy, supported by anti-establishment young people who were ignored by the Democratic Party and are called the unemployed “lost generation.”[50] The five stars represent public water, ecological transportation, development, connectivity, environmentalism, along with anti-austerity and anti-corruption. The M5S mayor of Parma, age 39, rides a bicycle to work and the official car runs on natural gas. The young M5S Parliamentary legislators came to work by public transport; one wanted childcare in the Parliament building for her toddler, and they refused the plastic water bottles available to legislators as environmentally damaging. They advocated direct democracy, posted government debates on the Internet, and attacked corruption. They sought a national minimum monthly income of one thousand euros to be funded by reducing pensions and government salaries.
M5S founder Beppe Grillo’s blog is the most widely read in Italy, where he comments on his mistrust of the political system and shakes up both the old right-wing and left-wing factions. One critic, a high school teacher from Florence who doesn’t approve of M5S emailed, “You can’t rule by protesting only. They will hammer down what is left of Italy.” However, young women M5S candidates (ages 35 and 31) were elected as mayors of Rome and Turin in June 2016, which was considered a setback for centre-left Prime Minister Matteo Renzi. They campaigned on ending corruption.
Italians also protested the government’s “Fertility Day” in 2016, which encouraged procreation in a country with one of the lowest birth rates without the kind of social supports provided to French families. The government used slogans like “Don’t let your sperm go up in smoke” with a photo of a man holding a cigarette. A young Italian woman named Francesca, age 22, reported on the continuation of old sexist attitudes on the feminist book club Our Shared Shelf in Goodreads in 2016:
Women are still not supposed to sleep around, or smoke, or drink beer, or swear, or stay out too late. My best friends are all men and l am judged for hanging out with them without the presence of another woman. I still am judged for not being taken and I am just 22! Once I got the highest grade in an exam and a guy told me that was because I am pretty and the professor was a man. Do you know Samantha Cristoforetti? The first Italian woman in space? A brilliant pilot and engineer, who holds the record for the longest uninterrupted spaceflight of a European astronaut? Would you believe me if I told you that all Italy could say about her was that a woman should never stay that long (199 days and 16 hours) away from her man and her (supposed) children? How can I not be a feminist?
In 2016, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi said, “Stressing austerity means destroying Europe. Which is the only country which receives an advantage from this strategy? The one which exports the most: Germany.”[51] Finance minister Pier Carlo Padoan added, “Austerity is out of the discussion in a way. We need to bring more growth and more jobs in Europe.” The Brexit vote in the UK also signaled the need for more government spending in Italy to deal with the economic consequences of Britain leaving the EU.
United Kingdom
The UK had financial problems similar to Iceland and the US, leading to bank bailouts and the largest deficit since World War II. In the most significant student protests for a generation, British student protests broke out at the end of 2010.[52] David Cameron’s Conservative government proposed a 300% increase in university fees, reducing public spending on education and eliminating the Education Maintenance Allowance grants given to low-income students ages 16 to 19. On November 10, more than 50,000 students marched in protests through London streets. They formed coalitions with unions, calling for “students and workers unite and fight.” UK Uncut was organized to oppose the cuts and end tax loopholes for the wealthy. Anarchists and Marxists were present at demonstrations and previously apolitical students got involved. Thousands of students stormed the Tory party headquarters, occupying the roof and smashing windows.
By the end of November, students, including teenagers, occupied about 50 universities in “days of action,” in cities including London, Edinburgh, Leeds, Newcastle, and Manchester. Some lasted hours and others for weeks, all linked by social media. A student named Christine told Professor Robert Hollands, “I’ve been struck by the immense power the Internet gave this student movement, as protesting groups around the country could communicate easily and learn from each other.”[53] When parliament approved tripling tuition fees in December (tuition was raised from $4,700 to $14,000 a year), thousands of students protested, who Prime Minister Cameron called a “feral mob,” although the police fired tear gas and beat youth with batons. Early in 2011, students united with other anti-austerity protesters, occupying several banks and a school in Leeds. Over 3,000 protesters were arrested and more than 2,000 charged by November 2011, according to Metropolitan Police. Sentences were more severe than for ordinary crimes.
The National Union of Students trains activist leaders on UK campuses. Their webpage features campaigns such as allowing 16-year-olds to vote as they do in Scotland and ending student poverty, along with protecting student rights and the environment.[54] Their “I am the Change” site asks readers what changes they want at her or his university. The most popular category is in education, followed by community. They opposed the budget cuts to higher education and the tripling of university tuition.
The occupations encouraged discussion of goals and democratic decision-making. A student named Sam, 17, touched on the global theme of creating a new world in local assemblies in a discussion with professor Hollands:
We built our own world from scratch on our terms, where we had the power and freedom to do as we wished through direct democracy, giving us experience of how modern life can be outside the hierarchical capitalist system; build a better collective world based on co-operation and voluntary association rather than competition, the heart of the modern world.
A final march in London with 30,000 demonstrators on December 9 didn’t succeed in preventing tuition increases from being narrowly approved by parliament.
Why do some young people demonstrate and protest and others stay away? A case study of 22 universities in 2010 found that 22% of students took part in student protests against the UK government’s plan to triple university tuition fees, although two-thirds of the non-participants supported the protests.[55] About 10% of students participated in demonstrations and 4% in occupations. Personal connections were the main influences: first, growing up with parents who often discussed politics and, second, having activist friends. The majority (62%) of activists had previous experience and were politically active before attending university. Students were more likely to visit occupations at their university if they had friends there, and social science and humanities students had more activist friends than students in technical fields of study. Men were more involved than women, who were less likely to discuss politics or to feel informed about politics. Researcher Alexander Hensby traced the legacy of the student protests as inspiring UK Uncut, the global Occupy Movement of 2011, and the Quebec student movement of 2012.
In August 2011, thousands of rioters clashed with police in London and other English cities for four nights; it was called the BlackBerry riots because of the use of social media to organize. Government cutbacks result in fewer programs to keep teens busy, which contributed to the youth riots in big cities in the summer of 2011. The catalyst was the death of Mark Duggan, an unarmed young black man (age 29) who was shot in the back by police in North London on August 4. Youth were alienated and jobless in a time of austerity cuts such as ending the Education Maintenance Allowance for poor English students ages 16 to 18, so they acted out their frustration in the largest urban riots for decades. I asked a young man who attends university in London about this: “The riots were crazy, for four days I felt like I was not in Britain, burning down buildings and cars, looting shops. I think it mostly opportunistic, but there is a lot of anger towards the government and police. Cuts of benefits combined with increased living costs just makes life a lot harder” (Kalwane, 20, m).
A protester who identified herself as a communist, Carol Brickley, said, “We are expected to pay the price of solving the public sector debt crisis—the capitalist crisis—without fighting back. Fighting back is our answer to the ruling class who would like us all to quietly rot.”[56] Another protester told a reporter that rioting was the only way to be heard. Psychiatrist Anthony Daniels blamed the riots on the “sense of entitlement” common among Britain’s youth, which he said results in British youth being among “the most unpleasant and violent in the world.”[57] To counter the charge that youth are to blame, Ed Howker and Shiv Malik wrote Jilted Generation: How Britain has Bankrupted Its Youth (2010). Howker and Malik point out that youth unemployment is high, similar to other European countries, and that austerity budgets cut back social services—so living in poverty can hardly be seen as leading to spoiled kids. Some of the protesters referred to the money spent on Prince William’s $34 million wedding while youth faced unemployment, racism, and welfare cuts by the Conservative government. Matthew, 18, reported, “At the moment kids are sleepwalking through school and blindly going to university to rack up a debt of eighty grand and then not being able to find a job…. It’s going to be survival of the fittest, sink or swim, more than ever. Kids need to get ruthless if they want to survive the coming world. Trust me.”[58]
Writing in 2013, Professor Steve Hall blamed consumer culture for “almost entirely displacing class and politics as the principal determinant of young people’s identity.”[59] He said they would rather smash shops than change the system and blamed the Occupy movement for reliance on “negative politics,” against capitalism without providing alternatives. He viewed most of the population as lethargic, despite austerity cuts, and controlled by the “surveillance state.”
Reporting from South London in 2014, Jack (age 15) said there’s nothing to do in his neighborhood and the only park is for dogs. The youth club is for kids ages seven to 15, but that’s it. Aida (18) explained that other youth clubs got shut down after the conservative government took over. Although fewer jobs with decent wages are available, media often portrays the unemployed as lacking in a work ethic, their fault, as explained by Adam Perkins in The Welfare Trait (2015). British TV features a series of reality shows called “poverty porn,” portraying people living in poverty as in the show, Benefits Street. Blogs about living in poverty spread widely; a famous one is “A Girl Called Jack” by a single mother named Jack Monroe. Her blog described turning off the heat and hot water and selling her iPhone and TV to feed herself and her son. In 2013 the government cut 12 billion pounds from the welfare budget, and a four-year freeze on welfare benefits for working age people continued in 2017, along with the child benefit limited to two children and plans to remove housing benefits from some people ages 18 to 21.
Inspired by Occupy Wall Street and the Spanish Indignados, Occupy London began on October 15, 2011, and became of the longest lasting camps until it was evicted in February 2012. Heeding the Facebook call to “Occupy the London Stock Exchange,” around 3,000 protesters settled in front of St. Paul’s Cathedral next to Paternoster Square, the home of the London Stock Exchange. Occupy London called for “Education for the 99%” and turning Trafalgar Square into Tahrir Square, in solidarity with the Egyptians and the Occupy Wall Street protests. A street sign proclaiming “Tahrir Square” stood in front of the cathedral. The occupation was supported by Spanish Indignados living in London and by UK Uncut, the grassroots group against austerity cuts. Prevented from setting up a camp outside the London Stock Exchange in October, they set up a camp at St. Paul’s Cathedral instead.
Julian Assange, the Australian founder of WikiLeaks, spoke to the crowd, as did Reverend Jesse Jackson from the US. He said that Jesus, Gandhi, and Martin Luther King, Jr. were all Occupiers and that “Occupy is a global spirit” for justice. Over 200 tents were set up around the cathedral. Familiar slogans included “We are the 99%” and “Another world is possible.” On October 26, the movement published its “Initial Statement,” explaining that they sought global equality and alternatives to the unsustainable system, rejected austerity cuts, and refused to bailout the banks.
After five weeks, occupiers had two camps (the other in Finsbury Square), kitchens, a newspaper called Occupied Times (which continues weekly publication[60]), a weekend kindergarten, welfare counseling, and General Assemblies twice a day. Five occupation sites existed by December. Similar to other occupations, participant Sam Halvorsen reported problems with sexism and “hierarchies based on experience, skills, and confidence,” plus acts of violence and abuse.[61] He noted that Internet networks are important, but so is being “grounded in place” such as at a public square. Occupiers were evicted from St. Paul’s in February, leaving Finsbury Square as the last site until it was cleared by the city in June. Occupiers continued to organize dozens of working groups and to squat buildings, including an unused bank and primary school. They published A Little Book of Ideas to explain the inequitable financial system on the first anniversary of the occupation.[62]
Student demonstrations continued, as when students protested University of London policies in November and December 2013 with support from the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts. The main issues were the closure of the student union and reduction of benefits for university staff. The same year, members of the Occupy movement tried to shut down the London gun show, protesting government subsidies of the arms export industry in an era of austerity cuts for social services. Some demonstrators were covered with “blood money,” fake bills colored red. The UN criticized the UK government for violence against peaceful protest groups and infiltrating them with spies. Despite public opposition, colorful Conservative London Mayor Boris Johnson advocated police use of water cannons.
The Sussex Against Privatization campaign began in May 2012, adopting the Quebec student movement’s red square as a logo. In December 2013, the Occupy Sussex group took over their university convention space to protest the privatization of campus services and tuition increases. They chanted, “Education is a right.” This protest sparked other student movements against austerity. The students wanted to occupy a site that would impact university revenue and link student and worker issues. The Sussex Five students were suspended and banned from the university for their participation in the occupation. Alia, a student demonstrator in the convention center who spoke at the Global Uprisings conference, stated, “The education system sucks and needs to be re-imagined” with more student input into management decisions. She noted that young people are realizing they’re not going to get pensions in their old age due to the failure of the neoliberal system. Austerity is a choice, as is bailing out banks, so voters can choose to vote against the politicians who are responsible for the cuts.
Chloe Combi interviewed Generation Z teens in England and summarized what they told her in her 2015 book of the same name. Many were pessimistic about their own generation and the future: John, 18, listed problems that started with 9/11, continuing with Ebola, ISIS, immigration, WikiLeaks, and CCTV (video surveillance). “We’re all being watched and controlled every second of every day…You’ll probably die from government-planted disease or be assassinated in a phony government war.”[63] Mary, age 15, said, “I think things are going to get worse for the next generation. The world is becoming a much more depressing place. Much more.”
On January 29, 2014, the student movement held a national rally in Birmingham, occupying the clock tower called Bill Joe. Police arrested 13 students and set harsh bail conditions: They were not allowed to gather in groups of 10 or more or enter any educational building. A petition started on the website 38 Degrees (the degree at which an avalanche starts), which claims to be a coalition of the UK’s “biggest campaigning communities,” called on the government to stop its harsh clampdown on demonstrators.[64] It included an unsuccessful drive by 38 Degrees to defeat what’s called the Gagging Law, which limits political spending by NGOs, charities, campaign groups, and unions, but not by corporate lobbyists. [65] As one of the signers of the 38 Degrees petition wrote, “The rich get richer and the poor get poorer. Civil disobedience will be inevitable and the government will only have themselves to blame.”[66] Some young people take a more reformist approach by participating in the British Youth Council and Youth Parliament to try to increase youth political participation.
Citizens of various ages continued marches and other protests against Conservative government’s plan to cut public spending by $46 billion from 2015 to 2020. Members of U.K. Uncut and other groups carried signs saying “Cut War not Welfare,” “Austerity Kills,” ”Austerity is a Lie,” and “No Cuts Fight for Every Job.”[67] However, Conservatives won again in 2015. More than 60,000 people marched to protest austerity cuts during the Tory’s annual meeting in Manchester in October 2015. Police snipers tracked their movement on rooftops.
Youth protested budget cuts that ended housing benefits for people under 21, made workers under 25 exempt from the higher minimum wage of $9.83, and limited the child tax credit to the first two children in a family.[68] These cuts were on top of previous measures that ended education maintenance, increased tuition fees, shrunk child benefits, and cut youth services. Owen Winter, age 16, demonstrated in London because “I feel that the cuts are particularly harsh for young people…and I think that I’m going to grow up dealing with the repercussions. Generally, I think young people get a raw deal out of politics.”[69] Morgan Centini, another marcher age 16, told The Guardian, “I’ve grown up in an environment where I’ve watched the public sector in my hometown destroyed. Watching the cuts rip apart a community…It’s disgusting.” Many youth turned to Labor’s Jeremy Corbyn to put a halt to austerity. Singer Charlotte Church, age 29, supported Corbyn to “save ourselves from decades of yuppie rule” and unfair and unnecessary austerity.
They occupied university buildings and organized alternatives to traditional instruction, including the free university movement, taught by unpaid volunteers such as Free University Brighton and London’s Tent City University. University occupations continued in Britain in 2010 (Newcastle University) and in 2015 (London School of Economics). To protest additional austerity cuts by the UK’s Conservative government, hundreds of thousands marched In London and Glasgow in 2015, organized by the People’s Assembly. Spokesman Sam Fairbairn said in June, “It will be the start of a campaign of protest, strikes, direct action and civil disobedience in the country. We will not rest until austerity is history, our services are back in public hands and the needs of the majority are put first.”[70]
Ireland had smaller protests, including an occupation in front of the Irish Central Bank and a horse-drawn hearse with the words “Austerity Kills.” Threats of new university fees evoked student and teacher demonstrations in 2008 and the largest protest in 2010 organized by the Union of Students in Ireland. The recession drew 100,000 demonstrators to Dublin in 2009. Occupy camps were set up in October 2011 in various cities and continued into the next year. Dublin Occupy lasted longer than many others. In November 2011, students and their families marched to protest fee increases. Student leaders occupied a government office with a banner on the roof stating their goal of “Free Education Nothing Less.” Anti-austerity protests continued despite the lack of a large leftist electorate and “Irish respectability, normality, and avoidance of conflict built on mechanisms of repression…” [71] Lawrence Cox observed that Irish protesters don’t like to stand out in a crowd.
Evidence of a generational divide, a Millennial young woman speaking on a BBC panel about the Brexit in June 2016 complained that young people are patronized and interrupted, as an older man on the panel did while she spoke. Three-quarters of young people ages 18 to 24 voted to remain in the EU while older white people voted to exit and won the vote. Only a third of young people aged 18 to 24 voted, despite efforts to reach them on youth sites like Tinder and TheLADbible. The older working class voters rejected globalization and embraced nationalism, while young voters were comfortable with globalization and diversity. Some participated in Erasmus+, the EU university exchange program, raveled to the continent on budget airlines like EasyJet, or used the European health insurance card. British universities received about 16% of their research money from the EU.
A young Briton tweeted, “Truly gutted that our grandparents have effectively decided that they hate foreigners more than they love us and our futures.”[72] Another young Brit blamed the older generation for relying on newspapers rather than doing their own research, unlike her own generation. Prime Minister David Cameron resigned, replaced by Conservative Home Secretary Theresa May, only the second woman to hold the office. Some predict that future political battles will revolve around nationalists, internationalists, nativists, and globalists.[73] The Brexit vote is part of a European upwelling of anti-immigrant and anti-austerity populism, with the recognition that governments need to create more jobs and growth. A campaign slogan for Brexit was “Vote Leave, Take Control.”
A postgraduate student and activist in the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts, Callum Cant reported in 2016 that the student movement, including the National Union of Students, hasn’t caught up with the “deterioration of student life.”[74] He describes himself as a libertarian communist. Now students are working more, are more in debt, and more are mentally ill.Earlier student tactics of demonstrations and occupations aren’t working on the national level, as “defeat has followed defeat” and “the power of grassroots networks based on local campaign groups has collapsed.” Cant reported “a combination of work, housing, debt, a mental health epidemic and the consumer-mindset introduced by tuition fees have collectively changed what is politically possible within the student movement.” He pointed out that 77% of students are employed in addition to their studies and that both rent and debt are increasing, along with the slow increase of tuition fees and increasingly difficult access to jobs after graduation. As a consequence, Cant said 71% of students have experienced mental health symptoms and the number of students seeking mental health counseling increased by half in the last five years. He is hopeful about going on strike as a tactic to impact university finances. University rent strikes in dormitories/halls held in 2016 starting at University College London led to a national network of 25 campuses that advocated coordinated rent strikes around the UK.
The Netherlands
Students in Amsterdam in 2011 squatted at the University of Amsterdam’s administrative building and the same space again in 2015 with support from staff and faculty.[75] These protests advocated more democracy at the universities rather than being run on a corporate model, as well as reducing tuition costs. The protesters experimented with self-governance and hung a banner calling for direct democracy. Amsterdam was also the home of one of the largest Occupy camps in the world, where the mayor visited to make suggestions about management but demonstrators weren’t organized enough to last.[76]
Portugal
Portugal’s large demonstrations against austerity cuts in 2010 inspired neighboring Spain. In an anti-capitalist rally on May 1, some banks and luxury cars and stores were smashed or set on fire by masked anarchists and others (photos available.[77]) General strikes were organized in previous years to protest the unequal distribution of wealth and against political parties and unions. Inspired by Tahrir Square, on March 12, 2011, the “desperate generation” generated the largest public demonstration since the 1974 revolution with 300,000 protesters in the streets of Lisbon and other cities. They demonstrated to express solidarity with Spanish 15M protests in 2011 and 2012 and to support general strikes with labor unions. Youth activists published a “Manifesto of a Generation in Trouble.”
After the Arab Spring of 2011, over 200,000 young Portuguese activists demonstrated against austerity measures. Protests were rooted in austerity cuts designed by the Troika of the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the IMF. None of these groups are elected and the European Council is only indirectly elected while the Council’s president is unelected.[78] As well as cuts in government social programs, wages fell and labor union agreements were violated, resulting in increased unemployment, underemployment, and homelessness. Unlike earlier protests led by unions, political parties or university students, the protests that began in 2011 were led by youth in general who utilized ICT (information and communication technology ) to call on everyone to participate. They rejected the appointment of leaders or media spokespersons, disavowed political parties, and aimed for non-violence in their struggle for real democracy. Some leftists were in government, like sociologist Marisa Matias (born in 1976) who is a member of parliament’s Left Block and was their unsuccessful candidate for president in 2016. The Internet facilitated the creation of a horizontal platform where anyone could be heard.
The Portuguese “Desperate Generation” organized 15O to occupy Lisbon’s Rossio Square and three other large city squares, beginning on May 20, 2011.[79] Spanish young people in Lisbon started the occupation in front of the Spanish consulate and then went to Rossio Square where they read the Spanish manifesto. About 38 activist groups joined in 15O using the Spanish terms Indignadoand the slogan Real Democracy Now! They posted a call for the “Portuguese Revolution” on Facebook. The 15-day protest was the first large protest against austerity cuts organized independently of unions because civil society was traditionally weak.
A song about the precarious generation of educated young people performed by the Portuguese band Deolinda at a large concert in Lisbon in January stoked the flames of rebellion. Similar to protests in other countries, demonstrators copied slogans and organizational forms such as assemblies with the intent of influencing their national politicians. However, Portuguese scholar Britta Baumgarten doesn’t believe that a single global social movement (defined by Sydney Tarrow as “connected networks of challengers organized across national boundaries”) exists because there is no global organizing structure and protesters’ main goal was to influence their own governments. However, protesters are aware of their global wave; in Portugal, they chanted slogans like “We consider ourselves Greek!” and “Spain! Greece! Ireland! Portugal! Our struggle is international!”
Spain
Millennial Canadian writer Andrew Gavin Marshall observed that Madrid was the start of a global revolution in response to austerity measures, poverty, and repression by state, financial and corporate powers.[80] International influences were at work: Chilean students inspired the May 15, 2011, demonstration in Madrid’s central square in a global chain of support as the Spanish uprising bridged the Arab Spring and the European uprisings. Egyptian activists sent a supportive letter to Madrid activists, as they did later to Occupy Wall Street. Spanish activists also subsequently demonstrated in support of Occupy Wall Street. Activist Guillermo Zapata Romero reported, “The eruption of the 15M movement was so fierce and overwhelming, so spontaneous and liberating, that it eclipsed almost every form of political action that had preceded it.”[81] He said 15M is not utopian or alternative since it faces the world as it is and creates a new reality, “a new culture that is re-politicizing and transforming society.” Around 6.5 to 8 million Spaniards demonstrated; many of them represented the half of the “lost generation” who were unemployed or NINIS (not studying or working) and previously lacked hope.[82] The Indignados decentralized their movement by organizing neighborhood assemblies coordinated by the Madrid Assembly. As one of the assemblies tweeted, “We were sleeping, we woke up, and now we have chronic insomnia.”
Spaniards experienced long years of fascist dictatorship and conservative party rule in the 20th century, alternating with socialist governments. The socialist party that governed from 1931 to 1936 lost out to fascist General Francisco Franco who won the 1936-39 Spanish Civil War, with the help of his allies Hitler and Mussolini. Fascist youth groups supported Franco who ruled for 36 years. Under his regime, critics were jailed and strikers beat up, girls had to go to convent schools to get an education, and Catholicism was taught in all schools. The sale of contraceptives was banned until 1978. Similar to present-day Saudi Arabia, a wife couldn’t work, own property, or travel without her husband’s consent.
Democracy was restored after Franco died in 1975 and a parliamentary monarchy was established under King Juan Carlos; he turned the monarchy over to his son in 2014. Spain quickly modernized; almost one-quarter of women became employed and most Spaniards didn’t regularly attend mass. Conservatives remained in power until 1982 when the social-democratic Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party took over and governed for 22 years. The Socialists developed a welfare state and expansion of higher education like other European countries, but they struggled with corruption and scandals. Conservative Prime Minister Jose Maria Aznar, elected in 1996, moved the country back towards the right by requiring religious instruction in schools, deregulation of finance, and supporting the US “war on terror.”
Anarchist collectives formed in the 1930s continued their influence on the labor union CNT (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo) and Madrid neighborhood associations formed in the 1960s. In 1991, a utopian farm village was established in Marinaleda in the region of Andalucia.[83] “Otro Mundo es Possible” is written on a metal arch over the main street where everyone has a house and a job. Profits from the village farms go back to the village and build houses. No foreclosures occur in this town but some youth leave to find non-agricultural work.
Socialist Jose Zapatero (age 26 when he was first elected to parliament) replaced Aznar as Prime Minister in 2004, promising to tackle unemployment and make other social investments and to break with Bush and Blair’s foreign policies. But in March 2011, he disappointed youth when he acquiesced to neoliberal austerity demands to reform labor laws, cut pay for public employees, raise the retirement age, and cut funding for education and health. Zapatero was in charge during the uprisings, leaving office in December of 2011; he was replaced by conservative Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy. For this reason, activists say that when socialists get in power, they’re no different than other political parties. Neus is a Spanish graduate student in the US who emailed in 2014,
Rajoy was elected because it was time to change wings. It is a natural process. The extreme right people decided to vote and the more lefties, especially in Catalonia, voted for the more independent regional parties instead of the major left national party. What I hear about youth in Spain (besides leaving the country) is that they are becoming more entrepreneurs, finding their own way to make some money and not relying on big corporations or the government. Barter has increased as well. People trade their skills with each other, like “I cut your hair and you fix my toilet.”
More recent predecessors to 15M were the thousands who protested the war in Iraq in 2003 in Madrid’s Puerta del Sol, and the 2004 protests that opposed the government’s efforts to blame Basque nationalists for the Madrid train bombings which were carried out by radical Jihadist cell loosely linked to al-Qaida.[84] The 2004 protest attracted over 11 million demonstrators.[85] Young people joined with other European students in protesting the Bologna Process, which that aimed to unify European university standards for degrees that students feared would reduce government funding for universities. Thousands of students marched in March 2011 to protest an increase in tuition fees and precariousness. Youth Without Future‘s slogan was “homeless, jobless, pensionless, fearless.” They asked the Guinness Book of World Records to win the world biggest screaming contest but were turned down as “too weird.”
Starting in 2006, young people demonstrated in the V de Vivienda (H for Housing) protests against rising housing costs.[86] In reaction to the housing collapse of 2007, a slogan shouted by huge crowds in various plazas and posted on viral Internet videos was, “You will not have a home in your whole fucking life!” Yet corporations got government support, as in the US. Austerity cuts were severe but EU military spending remained high including in Greece and Spain—194 billion euros in 2010. Despite these economic problems, Spanish political culture was considered apolitical and apathetic, especially among young people. Laura, a young filmmaker in Madrid explained, “We are apolitical because we think nothing can be done. We don’t trust politicians…We see how our leaders all end up the same way, chasing money. My generation was raised to work hard, but there’s a crisis of values and of what life means.”[87] Due to the high unemployment rate, Spaniards had leisure time to organize. The youth unemployment rate peaked at nearly 56% in 2013, falling slightly three years later.
Housing problems generated youth activism. A movement to prevent home evictions, called Platform of People Affected by Mortgages in Spain (PAH), was formed in 2009 and was inspired by consensus decision-making models of indigenous peoples in Latin America. A documentary about PAH is called Seven Days with the PAH (2014).[88] One of its members reported in 2014 that they had stopped over 1,000 evictions and relocated the same number of displaced people in their Obra Social program. PAH uses a weekly organizing assembly that rotates tasks such as taking minutes and moderating. A large majority of organizers are women. PAH organizes alliances with similar housing groups in the UK, the US, and Brazil. Some of the activists were involved in the squatter movement and the neighborhood associations that developed in the 1960s, as well as the PAH movement against evictions. They were influenced by South American movements like the La Minga por la Vida indigenous movement in Colombia, Ecuadorians living in Spain, as well as the anarchist tradition of the 1930s. Iceland’s pots and pans revolution inspired them, as well as the Egyptian revolution: the only flags in the occupation were Spanish Republican, Greek, and Icelandic.
Regarding tactics and ideology, as well as drawing on Gene Sharp’s strategies outlined in The Politics of Nonviolent Action (1973), another inspiration for young Spanish activists was 92-year-old former French Resistance fighter, Stéphane Hessel. His 2011 pamphlet Indignez-Vous (Get Indignant) sold more than 4.5 million copies in 35 countries, urging young people to get angry and be outraged, as they were in the Resistance against the Nazis. He wrote, “Indifference is the worst of attitudes.” Thus the Spanish Occupy movement is called Los Indignados.
15M
The May 15, 2011, marches were organized by Democracia Real YA (in around 58 cities), a leaderless coalition of over 200 civil society groups. They protested the government’s handling of the financial crisis when almost half of Spain’s young people were unemployed. DRY’s coalition included Juventud Sin Futuro, No Les Votes (Don’t Vote for Them), Anonymous, and ATTAC. “Freedom technologists” and “free culture” activists in Barcelona, Madrid, and other cities contributed to the success of the actions. Scholar Mayo Fuster Morell claims that their use of social networks was “primarily inspired by Internet use in Arab countries, with a few precedents in Spain itself.”[89] News of 15M trended globally although mainstream media didn’t give much coverage; mobile Internet use rose by two-thirds by 2011. Many of the former global justice activists weren’t familiar with Twitter and Facebook, opposed by some because of their “corporate character.” This new movement changed the focus from single issue conversations, such as the environment or feminism, to a “meta-political frame confrontation” that garnered wide-spread support in Spain.
Over 50,000 people demonstrated in Madrid plus 20,000 in Barcelona, and protests expanded to other cities. Their slogans indicated their goals: “We are not products in the hands of bankers and politicians.” “If you won’t let us dream, we won’t let you sleep!” Popular Twitter hashtags were #tomalaplaza (occupy the square) and #spanishrevolution. Signs referred to the two main political parties as “The same piece of shit,” “They don’t represent us,” and “It’s not a crisis, it’s a con.” The most popular concept was el pueblo, the power of ordinary people. Demonstrators raised their arms with open palms to signal their peaceful intent.
Indignados didn’t just protest austerity cuts; they wanted a democratic revolution, creating “one of the most interesting spontaneous initiatives in participatory and deliberative democracy ever held,” according to Barcelona professor José Luis Martí.[90] He regarded the Indignados as reformist rather than revolutionary, motivated by the desire to increase democracy by opposing the corrupt political parties and their control by financiers. In their assemblies, the educated young people rotated leadership and aimed for consensus. An analysis of the key concepts or “frames,” based on 13 assemblies’ documents and interviews with participants, found the main theme was “life,” including quality of life and environmental sustainability, in sharp contrast to the harmful effects of neoliberalism.[91]
Although M15 seemed spontaneous, like other uprisings, it was based on years of activism. Among others, established groups like DRY played an important role in organizing the protest. M15 began with the formation of a Facebook group called Young People in Action (Juventud en Acción) at the end of 2010. The page grew into the main protest website joined by hundreds of groups including neighborhood associations and youth groups, creating a common identity. Their slogan was “Real Democracy Now. We are not commodities in the hands of politicians and bankers.” They set up another website to call for protests, including weekly Friday evening flash mobs in Seville that spread to 49 other cities, united by “indignation and rage” at having their futures stolen. Similar to other uprisings, they banned any signs of ideological affiliation with political or union groups. Their manifesto is available in English, stating they’re outraged and that together they can make change.[92] Outrage coupled with hope drive the new social movement for democracy.[93] Carlos Delclos’ ebook Hope is a Promise (2015)applies the concept to Spain from the Indignados to the new political party Podemos (“We Can”).
Another youth group that prepared the way for M15 was composed of university students in Juventud Sin Futuro (Youth Without a Future), organized in February 011 to coordinate student movements. In early 2011, they organized protests and a petition against proposed legislation that would lead to the “commodification of public education.” They explained they didn’t want to divide right and left, but to reach out with simple language so that a young person between the ages of 20 and 35, “who is being paid a shit wage and has no home of their own, could identify with you.” Youth Without a Future organized a protest in April based on the slogan “Without a house, without work, without a pension, without fear.” They were inspired by similar protests in Europe and the Arab world, as seen in the slogan “Tahrir de Madrid=Puertal del Sol de Madrid.” Youth Without a Future, DRY, Anonymous, No Les Votes, and other groups joined in calling for mass demonstrations on May 15 with slogans like “None of them represent us!” DRY asked citizens to propose slogans weeks before 15M. Other revealing slogans were: “The young took to the street and suddenly all the political parties got old.” “When we grow up we want to be Icelandic!” “No one expects the Spanish Revolution!” Yellow T-shirts and tweets read “Take the Street (Toma la Calle) and #IAm15M (#YoSoy15M). A journalist with El Pais newspaper described them as “young people conscious of their civil liberties who have risen to head a protest in search of a great change.”[94]
After the Madrid demonstration on May 15, about 30 to 40 protesters camped out overnight in Puerta del Sol after one of the DRY organizers suggested they should do as the Egyptians did, who made a revolution without leaders and camped out in the square. This was followed the next day by an assembly of about 200 people. Participants Leonidas Oikonomakis (Greek) and Jerome Roos (Dutch) reported that early on May 17, Madrid police made the mistake of trying to remove the protesters from the square.[95] The occupation garnered media attention after police arrested two people and injured one person early on May 17. Campers independently used social media to call others to meet in Sol that evening, drawing thousands of occupiers. Their slogan was “Take the Square” (Toma la Plaza!). They organized working groups and a communication team that coordinated with occupations in 30 other Spanish cities. Two days later 10,000 people were in Sol after videos of police forcibly removing demonstrators went viral. Young Spanish protesters tweeted that the police will let them sleep in the square to buy Justin Bieber concert tickets but not to discuss their future. By May 20, nearly 30,000 were in the square and building a city within the city. Egyptian activists sent statements of support as they did later to Occupy Wall Street organizers.
We see the global theme of police violence galvanizing turnout and commitment for protesters. About 200 of them organized an assembly that decided to occupy the square indefinitely. They sat in a large circle, holding on to each other to resist eviction. Early in the morning on the second night in the square, dozens of policemen arrived. The demonstrators moved into the center of plaza facing the police lines. They raised their open hands in peace, but the police pushed them out. Social media called for another gathering and tens of thousands came. Soon tents dotted the square and the police stayed away for a month. Right-wing politicians called the demonstrators “dirty,” and “lazy drinkers” (the Indignados banned alcohol in Puerta del Sol), similar to US politicians such as Newt Gingrich’s comments about Occupy Wall Street. Donald Trump tweeted that they should go get a job.
As in other uprisings, activists were surprised at the huge turnout, with estimates of more than 20,000 demonstrators in Madrid alone. A website coordinated information at www.tomalaplaza.net. Large marches occurred in the summer with millions of demonstrators. Inspired by the occupation of Tahrir Square, in a week 30,000 people, mostly young, set up tent camps and teach-ins. Many Icelandic flags were seen in Sol because it ousted its government, and punished its politicians and bankers held responsible for the recession of 2008.
Realizing they needed to decentralize the movement, as it’s difficult to organize and make decisions in a crowd of 1,000 people, a big poster was put up in the middle of the square with lists of over 100 neighborhood assemblies. By May 18 there were assemblies and camps in more than 50 cities, and 120 neighborhood assemblies were meeting in Madrid by the early summer of 2011. The desire to avoid hierarchies and organize by neighborhood was influenced by the Zapatistas, anarchists, and previous experience in social centers often located in squatted buildings.
Working groups and committees organized the Sol living space in the “mini-republic,” organizing a public space as the Egyptians did in Tahrir Square. In Madrid, they built kitchens and food banks, first aid stations, toilets, a cleaning service, information booths, a library with more than 1,000 books, therapists in small tents and mediators to help with conflict resolution, children’s space, a chess area, and a garden next to the fountain in the square. As happened in Egypt, supporters brought food and blankets to share. It wasn’t actually a small utopia, as fights and sexual assaults occurred. When news of the occupation reached Barcelona, about 200 people decided to occupy Placa Catalunya. Dutch activist and author Marianne Maeckelbergh was there and saw a first aid station, kitchen, legal support, media center, a women’s space, library, a stand with materials to build a living space, a drop box for sleeping bags, a community garden, and a “serenity” space for meditation and massage.
Peter, an anarchist student living in Barcelona who I interviewed at the Global Uprisings conference in 2014, was in the plaza on the first day joined by around 100 people. In less than a week the crowd swelled to 100,000 people, who couldn’t all fit in the large plaza. Although demonstrators brought a sound system to Plaça Catalunya, still, people on the fringes of the crowd couldn’t hear speakers during their allotted five minutes with the microphone. Peter reported they were fed up with the status quo, dreaming of change but not knowing what it would look like, and disenchanted with theeffectiveness of non-violent protests. Peter believes that winning means destroying a system in which everything has owners, but we’re governed by the state, therefore change will take generations.
Although it was illegal to demonstrate, thousands went to the streets the day before the general election in November with the slogan “Tomorrow we will vote you out.” However, voters turned to the conservative party to improve the economy: the Popular Party won in a landslide with Mariano Rajoy as Prime Minister. The Popular Party continued to get the most votes in a closely divided government through 2016.
Peter pointed out that real consensus isn’t possible under such crowded conditions, so “extreme bureaucratization” occurred by setting up different commissions such as kitchen, fundraising, and translation. As an anti-state anarchist, Peter calls this process “stateist paranoia about central organizing.” It took a week of eight-hour meetings sitting on the concrete in the plaza to come up with a one-page position paper, then another week more of debate with the Contents Committee. This committee suggested not trying to make decisions in a large assembly, but rather using the space to launch proposals to give people more freedom of action. Their proposal got consensus approval in the committee, and then popular support with the 50,000 people in the plaza, but Peter reported a group of 30 Trotskyites and vanguardists sabotaged the proposal to decentralize. A group of anarchists put out their own daily paper with a donation cup nearby, bypassing the large assembly.
With such a large crowd, after several weeks they started meeting in smaller neighborhood assemblies and affinity groups, some of which still function. Some feminists, tired of machismo competition to be heard in assemblies, formed their own groups The idea was to use the same committee structure, as some new assemblies did with what Peter called their “reformist social democratic pacifist rhetoric.” Others are more radical, lasted longer and are more supportive when members get arrested. Peter’s neighborhood assembly is informal, meeting in a café with a beer in hand and books for sale. Anywhere from 10 to 300 people might show up. The assemblies dwindled over time and an activist professor, Carlos Delclós, reported that some groups became dominated by political ideologues, but overall Spaniards became less passive and more involved.[96] They oppose significant austerity cuts in education, health, and women’s equality budgets and they fight for the over 400,000 families that lost their homes to foreclosure.
The Indignados quickly set up the Twitter account #spanishrevolution. Internet messages shared the anti-neoliberal platform of Real Democracy Now! as rallies spread to other European cities. One of the organizers said, “We may look like a chaotic swarm of bees to some, but we all share the same hive mind.”[97] Humor characterized the Spanish swarm. (The meme of an “anarchic swarm” was mentioned in the Canadian magazine Adbusters’ call for the occupation of Wall Street.) The template that shapes this swarm intelligence is the autonomous World Wide Web in the global theme of horizontalism. Around 100,000 protesters gathered in over 50 Spanish cities on May 15 banging pots like the Argentinian and Icelandic protesters, shouting, “People, wake up, the siesta is over.” Activists shared “how to” information with activists in other countries to “get the entire world to rise up. Everything we learn—translate it and move it,” as a member of the Madrid World Extension Team told author Eduardo Romanos.[98] As Michael Bauwens stated, the 15M movement used media to inform and work with other nationalities, “forging a new internationalist movement, as far-reaching as the workers movement of the late 19th century, but endowed with an historically unmatched set of tools and connectivity.”[99]
Occupiers formed working groups and a communication team with links to 30 other Spanish cities with occupations. A short video illustrates self-organizing.[100] An Internal Coordination Commission oversaw working groups, with the motto “We want it all; we want it now.” Graduate student José Bellver reported, “We were relating to each other on a level like never before,” with a multitude of people hungry to discuss Spain’s problems.[101] They aimed for consensus, reaching an agreement after a month on about 20 proposals from various discussion groups. Surprised by the rapid pace, a sign said, “No one expects the Spanish revolution!”
A survey of about 750 Indignados reported that slow decision-making and repeated debates were the most frequently mentioned criticisms of assemblies.[102] Regarding the issue of leadership in a movement that emphasizes democracy, José Luis Saiz, a 36-year-old salesman, was very involved with the initial protests until “I got fed up with everyone trying to do their thing. Too many claiming power but no real leadership. I don’t have a lot of time, and things at the national level didn’t really accomplish much. We decentralized as a result, and at the neighborhood level we are getting a lot more done.”[103] Some feminists in Madrid organized separately as “outraged feminists,” critical of sexism in assemblies and they organized feminist blocks and pickets.
People of different ages and backgrounds turned out, with about one million people demonstrating in various cities on June 19—a poll showed that two-thirds of Spaniards were supportive of the movement.[104] On July 23, 250,000 protesters assembled in Puerta del Sol. The Indignados movement was mainly “relatively young, college-educated precariat,” according to sociologist Carlos Delclós.[105] Retirees, union members, and others joined what started off as a youth movement inspired by the occupation of Tahrir Square. The ongoing occupations were called off in July until the first year anniversary in 2012 was celebrated with mass occupations of public places in large cities. During this time the Democracia Real Ya disavowed some of its best-known spokespersons, accused of being moderates who wanted to work with the political system.[106]
Leonidas Martin Saura is a Barcelona University professor who teaches New Media and Political Art. He refers to a “nameless force” where uprisings rise and fall without any kind of plan but in reaction to austerity cuts. Others call the force the swarm or hive mind. He observes the only characteristic that generally applies is humor, which is used to survive, and “the force” that “mixes the existential and the political.” His group, Enmedio.info, avoids any particular ideology like communism or feminism; they want to take action on practical issues like feeding people. He said the May 15 uprisings was partly a reaction to politicians’ lies about events such as the terrorist attack on a Madrid train on May 11, as well as the collapse of a huge housing bubble. For the first time protests were spontaneous, meeting times sent in text and Twitter messages from friends with the request to pass it on when @SpainRevolution announced that the revolution has begun.
In their generation’s spirit of fun, some protesters dressed as superheroes fighting evil forces and some dressed as Reflectors in silver costumes to “reflect the truth of capitalism back to itself.” A giant metallic bouncing Reflecto-Cube created by Enmedio was used in Barcelona’s plaza to reflect sunlight on police cameras and roll in front of police lines as they charged, as well as to play with in quiet times. Instructions for making the silver cube are available on the Internet, what Martin Suara called a 21st-century barricade.[107] Police said they preferred it to rocks and both sides laughed as they pushed the cube back and forth.
After banks asked for huge bailout funds, an email campaign spread to “take your savings out of that damn bank.” Activists found a woman who was closing her bank account and a crowd came in to celebrate with music, balloons, flowers, noise blowers, and silver balls, and put a crown on her head. The demonstrators hoisted her over their heads, shutting down the bank. She looked surprised in the Enmedio video of the event that got half a million hits soon after it was posted in November 2012.[108] Other bank parties were held across Spain: After all, “What better solution to fear than throwing a party?” Enmedio made posters with photographs of evicted people whose homes were being foreclosed and put them on the bank buildings and sent postcards with the evicted people’s stories to banks and politicians.
Mass mobilizations occurred again on the one-year anniversary in 2012, when thousands formed human chains surrounding the Parliament building to oppose ongoing austerity measures and advocate a new constitution. A huge general strike was organized on March 29 taking over much of the organization from unions, but relying on them to issue the call for a strike. The unions didn’t use horizontal organizing and appointed peacekeepers who Barcelona student Peter said were against “the crazy masked ones,” while he believes combativeness is necessary to make change. Police were afraid and lost control of public space. Many debates took place, with democracy being the focus. Much advance preparation occurred in the neighborhood assemblies, but masked protesters looted supermarkets, burned a Starbucks coffee shop, and burned hundreds of dumpsters while chanting, “The End of Obedience.”
The Indignados helped organize a global Occupy demonstration on October 15, 2011, held in over 950 cities in 82 countries with the slogan “United for #Global Change.” This was the five month anniversary of M15. More than a million people demonstrated in Spain. Mass mobilizations occurred again on the one-year anniversary in 2012, when thousands formed human chains surrounding the Parliament building to oppose ongoing austerity measures and advocate a new constitution. They were met by what participants described as brutal police action. Many debates took place, with democracy being the focus. Much advance preparation occurred in the neighborhood assemblies. Small unions and some anarchists organized a general strike on October 31 and two larger unions called for another strike on November 14. On that day, two protesters were blinded by police rubber bullets. Some assemblies succeeded in stopping evictions in their neighborhoods and “citizen tides” worked on various issues such as protesting against the privatization of hospitals. An activist reported that arrests of activists and restriction on freedom of speech weakened the Indignados by the end of 2013 until the rise of the new political party Podemos restored hope.[109]
A reoccurring problem is the let down after a large demonstration when “comrades ask, what now?” Vanessa, who participated in the demonstrations, bemoaned the lack of patience and long-term commitment. Another young woman, an anarchist from Barcelona, reported at the Global Uprising conference that strikers have unrealistic expectations about seeing immediate results. For her, the struggle is every day and will last her lifetime. Rather than being a “negationist” against capitalism and the state, she advocates more self-organized projects independent of the system, such as free health care clinics, but these self-organized projects don’t happen often. She bemoans the lack of dreams and visions, faulting video games and media for atrophying imagination. Capitalism isolates us, she said, without speaking to our urban neighbors. She said it’s not talked about very much, but she would like to return to the land as earlier anarchists did under Franco’s dictatorship. She asked, “We all say fuck capitalism but eat from supermarkets. What do we do after we burn down the city, die of hunger?”
Impact
After the initial occupations of the squares, as Vanessa advocated,Indignados focused on forming permanent alternatives such as consumer cooperatives to create a “new society” and continued to intervene in housing foreclosures. They said, “We need a band, not a bandleader,” and “We were the children of submission, but we won’t be the parents of conformism.” The expansion of horizontal autonomous movements followed from 15M as did increased public interest in politics. When the occupations and assemblies weren’t able to create change quickly, some people were disillusioned and “decided once again to put their faith in electoral politics, leading to intense and often bitter debates in anti-capitalist movements,” according to anarchist Peter Gelderloos.[110] He reported that activists consider the new party Podemos a “lesser of several evils” and not anti-capitalist.
“Lost generation” activists who were present in Sol said, “We succeeded in forming a new generation of activists committed to developing collective responses to problems previously considered to be the burdens of the individual, such as halting evictions.”[111] In a series of farm occupations in Andalusia in 2012 hundreds of unemployed farm workers occupied an estate owned by the Duke of Segorbe who lives in Seville. Workers stated, “We’re not anarchists looking for conflict, but our claims are similar to those of the 1930s, because the land is, unfortunately, under the control now of even fewer people that at that time.”
The leaderless 15M keeps up demonstrations, frequently blocks home evictions (about 500 evictions occur daily), offers free classes, confronts police discrimination against immigrants, creates time banks to share labor and clothing exchanges, grows vegetable gardens, forms co-ops and new media, works with trade unions in general strikes, boycotts companies that exploit workers, squats in empty buildings, and organizes neighborhood assemblies.
Youth transforming an abandoned building into a social center run by an assembly is a European tradition. Refugees from Africa squat in abandoned buildings in Spain, Germany, Greece (see my photos), the Netherlands, etc. A squat in Madrid reveals their values, such as “This is a sexism-free space.” Another squat turned an abandoned hotel with a 100 rooms in the middle of Madrid into a center for activists and assemblies and a home for evicted families.[112] Although evicted by police in December, the hotel was a school for subsequent squats that spread throughout the country, which politicized the tenants and changed squatting from a taboo to an accepted action in a “rupture of consciousness.” Activists used the term “liberated space” rather than squat.
The Movement of Mortgage Victims (PAH) is one of the strongest current movements. It was formed in 2009 but grew with new members after M15. With over four million empty houses in Spain, some evicted families squat in empty buildings and others fight foreclosures in court. PAH prevented over 800 evictions and assists migrants with expired residence permits. One of the PAH activists, Elvi Marmól explained their greatest success is empowering people to take a stand with others.[113] She believes PAH is the most important social movement after the occupations of the squares. In many areas, women are most of the activists. Other collectives emerged from 15M including food-banks and more squatted social centers.
2013 to 2017
Part of governments’ crackdowns on peaceful protests internationally, in 2013 conservative Prime Minister Rajoy proposed a new “Citizens’ Security Law” that imposed huge fines (up to 300,000 euros) on “unlawful” demonstrations, banned them near state buildings, and banned video recordings of police. It’s called the anti-15M law and could impose large fines and up to five years in prison for insulting a politician or protesting outside parliament without a permit. In response, thousands protested in front of the Congress building on December 14, but the law passed. When police tried to disperse protesters, they threw bottles and bricks and smashed police cars. In 2014, demonstrators protested against proposed new limits on abortion and healthcare cuts, as well as on corruption scandals. The proposed law would allow abortion only if the pregnancy was the result of a rape or would endanger the mother’s health, but abortion remained legal during the first trimester. Pilar Gomez, a health care center administrator, bemoaned the fact that, “After all the advances that we had made, we’re now being taken right back to the days of Franco.”
As in Greece, protest fatigue led to unions again assuming leadership in initiating protests. Blogger Oscar ten Houten quoted a 2014 report from a Spanish comrade who said there’s no unity in 15M but lots of activity, including a new site listed in the endnote:
15M is pretty dead. But certain neighbourhood assemblies remain active. What you do have now is a myriad of small, well organized groups all over the place: working groups on housing (the Asamblea de Vivienda de Madrid unites them all), the citizen waves, Yo Si Sanidad Universal (people without medical insurance, assisted by doctors who practice civil disobedience), new occupations to house people who have been evicted (30-odd buildings throughout the country), groups who organize themselves to attack the reform of the Citizen Security Law (aimed to punish people with stratospheric fines for demonstrating), feminist groups for free abortion..[114]
Professor Cristina Flesher Fominaya observed that both the main parties, the conservative Popular Party—the winner of the November 2011 elections—and the Socialist Party acted as if the people had never taken to the streets.[115] The Popular Party leaders called protesters “terrorists” and “Nazis.” Few people turned out for street demonstrations, perhaps due to “protest fatigue,” and discouragement about a lack of progress, and despite widespread awareness of corruption. Not many even met to protest the government accepting money to change the name of Puerta del Sol to Vodafone Sol. In 2014, the conservative government suppressed the Youth Council as a network for youth organizations, and the Ministry of Equality closed the 30-year-old Institute for Women, withdrew Spain from UN Women, and didn’t approve an Equality Plan mandated by the Equality Act of 2007.
Dutch professor Maeckelbergh pointed out that in countries like Spain, Greece, and the US, people survive through “networks of solidarity, providing each other with free food and services.[116] She suggested the solidarity economy is probably strongest in Greece with its 65% youth unemployment rates. Spanish neighbors share Wi-Fi, use community currencies like Seville’s PUMA, bartering, reading 15Mpedia and other free online libraries, joining classes taught on the streets (#CollegeInTheStreets), and using free legal commissions like Toma Parte. The No.Ma.Des. project finds meaningful activity for the many unemployed.[117]
Neighborhood assemblies help people to share resources and form networks. Some create squats with active social centers in unoccupied buildings. Squats were newly viewed as legitimate after 15M, according to an activist named Hugo. He explained, “I see the social centers mainly as practicing schools, as places where things that didn’t exist before are developing. Neighborhood assemblies are one of these new things.” He observed that before, people debated ideologies like Marxism or anarchism, while “Now the most important thing is to find out what are common interest is and to fight for that.”[118]
The Indignados moved from organizing on the street, neighborhood assemblies, and in activist groups like PAH to continuing direct action and forming successful political parties. The first new party to grow out of 15M was Partido X created in Barcelona in early 2013 based on hacker/free culture actions for change-making using social media, described as a “do-ocracy,” where the person who proposes an action leads it. It’s similar to Pirate Parties in Sweden and Iceland. Some of its methods were used by Podemos, founded in early 2014. Podemos adopted local assemblies, referred to as circles. A well-known professor, Pablo Iglesias, age 36, led the new leftist ”15mayistas” political party. His fame came from his leftist web/TV program “La Tuerka.” The party’s slogan is politicians should “serve the people, not the private interests.” Iglesias doesn’t want Spain to end up like Greece, and he feels himself to be part of a growing democracy movement in Europe that opposes austerity measures.
The Podemos platform includes universal basic income, affordable public housing, an end to austerity policies, and a government of the people. Some Indignados worried that their direct democracy goals would be coopted in the political party and “personalismo.” For example, a tweet read, “I wonder how long it will take for some people to stop doing things for themselves and start expecting Pablo Iglesias to do it for them.”[119]
Podemos came in fourth with a surprising five seats in the EU’s European Parliament.[120] The party came in third in national elections in 2015 in a joint campaign with Barcelona en Comú, preventing the conservative Popular Party and its 60-year-old leader from being able to control parliament and transforming the two-party system. The centrist Ciudadanos party, led by 36-year old Albert Rivera, came in fourth. It opposes Catalonian secession. Lacking a popular spokesman like Iglesias, Partido X didn’t win any seats in the European Parliament. In the June 2016 elections, Podemos united with the older United Left party to come in third. Even though they got over five million votes, they got the same number of seats in parliament as in the previous general election. The Unidos Podemos platform was to tax the rich and the financial sector, install a minimum guaranteed income, restructure Spain’s debt, reinstate collective bargaining rights for unions, impose rent controls, ban utilities from cutting off poor people, and oppose the Trans-Atlantic Trade Agreement.
Podemos mobilized the youth vote, appealed to ordinary people, used Iglesias as a popular media spokesman, and didn’t use Marxist terminology. It is compared to the Greek left-wing coalition party SYRIZA (Coalition of the Radical Left). Iglesias appeared on a stage with young SYRIZA leader Alexis Tsipras (born in 1978) a few days before the Greek elections, both singing Leonard Cohen’s song “First we Take Manhattan,” then, Berlin, about changing the system.[121] Iglesias, in jeans and a ponytail, noted that the Greek state was weaker than Spain’s government, making it easier for rebels to make political gains.
Podemos is entirely crowdfunded and its manifesto drew from public input with the slogan “When was the last time you voted with hope?” It relies on Facebook and Twitter to communicate, provides free computer courses, and asks Internet cafes to provide free access. Ideas developed for its platform on Iglesias’ public access TV debate show called La Tuerka (“The Screw”) and on social media. Over 100,000 people voted online for their Citizens’ Council that leads the party, electing a team of academics, activists, and former politicians. Iglesias wrote Politics in a Time of Crisis: Podemos and the Future of a Democratic Europe, published by Verso in 2015. The basic organizing units are hundreds of leaderless circles (circulos) or public assemblies around Spain based on location or common interests such as music. Some include hundreds of participants, leading to the use of moderators to guide discussions, but without an ongoing leader.
Podemos leaders include activists in Juventud Sin Futuro and a former adviser to Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez. Podemos is supported by a Marxist rap group that sings, “Fear is going to change sides” and “Smiles are going to change sides.” The rich right-wing is referred to as la casta (“the caste”), the ruling class. An Australian observer reported, “The movement has indeed created a new language and praxis of citizenship in Spain,” with the citizens for “real democracy” now contrasted to “the caste” of wealthy politicians and bankers.[122]
In the May 2015 local elections, progressive parties won in major cities including Madrid and Barcelona. Unidos Podemos, a coalition of Podemos, Greens, and Communists, gained 71 seats in the 350-seat parliament in summer of 2016. Much change occurred on the local level with the 2015 election of housing activist and PAH founder Ada Colau (age 41) as mayor of Barcelona. She is the first of the Indignados to win office, telling supporters, “This is the victory of David over Goliath.” Her campaign included a popular music video with her having fun singing El Run Run (the buzz). Her group Barcelona en Comú (Barcelona in Common) is affiliated with Podemos. The goal of her party Guanyem (Let’s Win) was to take back the city to serve the people. The Barcelona en Comú platform was drafted by over 5,000 people online and in assemblies. It “stands for a people-driven, ecologically sustainable, democratically determined model of urbanization, based on as high a level of neighborhood and social movement participation as possible.”[123] Neighborhood groups researched the needs of their areas and generated proposals for solutions. In response to the 2015 crisis, Colau posted on Facebook, suggesting a network of refuge-cities. Her “appeal to affection” went viral and families responded with offers to share their homes.
Activists who oppose representative democracy feared that Podemos drained off the Indignados’ will to make real change. In response, a “network of militants” formed a campaign called Apoyo Mutuo (Mutual Aid) in 2015. A spokesperson who describes herself as a militant feminist, Dilia Puerta worries about the lack of activity in the street and plazas and encourages the formation of collectives and horizontal organizing. She observes, “Great social transformations have never been given by the institutions. They were fought for and won in the streets, in the workplace, and in the neighborhoods.”[124] She doesn’t want Apoyo Mutuo to seen as an organization only for anarchists, as was stated in their national meeting in June 2015.
Hundreds of thousands of Spaniards traveled to Madrid from all over the country in a 2014 March of Dignity against austerity cuts, the continued high unemployment of 25%, and the housing evictions of nearly half a million families.[125] The legacy of 15M is that young people learned to organize and work with a diverse group of people, as they continue to do in neighborhood assemblies. Despite continued economic troubles and conservative government social policies, hope lies in creating alternative groups in the “localization movement” of assemblies, etc. “Feminisms 15M’ grew out of the uprising to make feminism visible, and join with WIDE+, a European feminist group providing alternatives to neoliberal economic policies.[126]
The progressive victories are part of the new emphasis on the city, as defined by Murray Bookchin and applied in Kurdish Rojava in Northern Syria. In reaction, the Spanish conservative government cracked down on dissidents, arresting dozens of anarchist organizers as terrorists, raided social centers, and even jailed two puppeteers in Madrid for “promoting terrorism” in February of 2016.[127] The show was about a witch who is framed by police as a terrorist. The government prosecutor sought a four-year prison sentence and was supported by the supposedly progressive Ahora Madrid party. Because of public protest, the two puppeteers were released from jail but they had to report to a court every day. Prime Minister Rajoy continued to struggle with high unemployment, government austerity cuts, and Catalonian separatists in 2017.
Greece
British journalist Paul Mason observed that widespread support for massive protests by many Greeks from different backgrounds in civil society could be called a revolution, although different from 20th-century uprisings in this newly complex and information-driven society. Greece has the highest income inequality in Europe, with children picking through garbage dumps and a wealthy elite who invested abroad before the financial crash. The impact of the 2011 uprising was it created a new generation of activists who practiced democratic processes in **lower Syntagma Square and alternative sharing economies and clinics. (**indicates my photo albums on the Facebook page Global Youth SpeakOut.)
The financial crisis of 2008 hit Greece especially hard because of high government spending and debt due to their encouraging people to take out loans for second homes and other luxuries and was aggravated by widespread tax evasion. Greece lost a quarter of its annual economic output in five years. In 2010, the government debt was downgraded to junk status, leading the EU to step in with bailouts. Large demonstrations were held in Greek cities, including the burning down of Marfin Bank in Athens,** killing three employees. By 2011, its public debt was the highest in Europe: more than 160% of GDP. The economy shrank by almost one-quarter between 2008 and 2013 when over one-quarter of Greeks were unemployed. Pensions were cut by 40% when the average pension was 600 euros a month, although about half of Greek households depended on pensions.[128]
In 2013, even the IMF admitted it made “major mistakes” in its early Greek austerity programs.[129] The health budget was cut in half because the EU and IMF lent money to Greece with severe austerity plans attached, resulting in Greeks dying from treatable diseases. The suicide rate increased by 45% during the first four years of the financial crisis, along with increases in HIV and child death rates. The 2010 default on loans resulted in an unprecedented 110 billion euro bailout by EU nations and the IMF, with a total bailout of more than $333 billion by 2014.[130] The manipulation of debt by European and US bankers is a new form of colonialism in Greece and the Ukraine, according to academic Jack Rasmus.[131] Deals made in 2015 increased Greece’s debt to more than $400 billion, causing Rasmus to warn that the EU Troika (the European Commission, the European Central Bank, and the International Monetary Fund) would control the country’s budget.
Over 60% of youth are unemployed in Greece, and it’s the highest rate in Europe. They’re called the crisis generation or sacrificed generation, resulting in a brain drain as the best educated emigrate to countries such as Germany or Australia (true of other struggling countries in southern Europe). Giannis, 19, told German visitors that his family often had nothing to eat, especially after 2010 austerity measures, which motivated him to demonstrate on the streets. A teacher named Makis reported to a German group of activists, “The general frame is a subliminal antagonism between the youth, mostly students, and the authorities.” Makis said the conflict peaked in the police murder of teenager **Alexis Grigoropoulos in 2008 and then peaked again in 2010 to protest the austerity agreements with the Troika.
A documentary filmmaker in Athens, Valerie Kontakos told me on Skype in 2014 that anyone who has the money or connections leaves Greece. People lost hope because of rising taxes and unemployment without government services like food assistance. People who worked hard all their lives are humiliated by having to go to soup kitchens that are operated by churches or city government. Fewer cars are on the streets because owners can’t pay taxes on them, property taxes have risen, and property values decreased. Kontakos said tax policies consume a large portion of news coverage. Large organizations like unions, political parties, and newspapers are in dire straits, unable to pay back their loans due to a lack of membership fees or customers.
Having to cut the number of civil servants, university staff was cut and professors went on strike to protest, shutting down some universities. Some schools were shut down because of lack of money for heating fuel until the public outcry resulted in the government paying for heating the schools. Because teacher pay is so low, teachers rely on tutoring and other second jobs that decrease their teaching excellence in the classroom. Kontakos took her two sons out of government school because of the mutual lack of respect between teachers and students, and the racist and anti-Semitic slurs her sons brought home. She explained that Greeks don’t have a tradition of working together because the country was poor for so long that survival depends on the extended family and who your connections are. The government is chaotic, reactive rather than proactive, without coherent planning for the future. She blames Greek politicians for the economic troubles.
Precursors to the May 2011 Uprising
Youth groups occupied government buildings and universities in the 1980s and 90s. Protests have continued almost without interruption since 2008. Large youth protests referred to as a “youth rebellion,” flared in 2008 after two Athens policemen shot Alexis Grigoropoulos. Alexis was killed when he was 15, visiting from his upscale neighborhood with friends in Exarcheia, the anarchist neighborhood of Greece. Outrage manifested in large demonstrations and riots, the largest since the fall of the military junta in 1974. Thousands of hooded youths fought with police and occupied universities, and took over parts of the city where police were afraid to enter. Kontakos reported that central Athens almost burned down. She had never seen such genuine outrage and passion shown by Greek youth, and she hoped they would organize politically. Solidarity demonstrations with Greek youth were held in more than 70 cities around the world and videos of clashes were posted on indymedia.org.
Protests to commemorate Alexis’ murder continued, with about 6,000 demonstrators on the street to mark the sixth anniversary of his death, including youth in black hoodies and masks. Banners read, “When the state murders, resistance is demanded.” Alexis died in the arms of his best friend **Nikos Romanos who became a cause célèbre in 2014 when he went on a hunger strike to protest not being allowed prisoners’ rights to attend university. Police tortured Romanos, 21, an anarchist, after his arrest. To show support, more than 10,000 people marched in Athens in December 2014 and SYRIZA’s youth wing called on the government to comply with Romanos or be toppled.
Youth frustration with the economic crisis, rising unemployment rates, the decline of the middle-class, and government corruption fueled the 2008 rebels, who wrote on a wall: “Merry crisis and a happy new fear!” Other graffiti read, “We are an image from the future.” The **Exarcheia neighborhood where Alexis was killed when he visited friends there is an anarchist stronghold where battles with police continueas young men throw Molotov cocktails from rooftops. The Athens anti-authoritarian communist group called “Children of the Gallery” (Ta Paidia Tis Galarias, TPTG) reported “people’s assemblies” appeared in December 2008, often connected with the occupation of public buildings.[132] However, the assemblies were fragmented between anarchists, leftists, and neighborhood members who just wanted to cope with their local issues, so that many died out.
Demonstrations and general strikes to protest austerity cuts continued since the first round in December 2009. Greece’s debt instability spread to other shaky economies in Ireland, Portugal, Slovenia, Spain, and Italy where critics fear that power is shifting from elected national governments to international financial institutions. Their enemy was the Troika of EU financial institutions that back austerity measures to pay back loans. Protests surged with the signing of the First Memorandum of Understanding with the Troika in 2010 (a ROAR video explains the Greek debt crisis[133]). Protests declined that year after three **Marfin Bank workers in their 30s (two women and a man) died from asphyxiation from the smoke in a fire thought to be started by three Black Bloc firebombs, but demonstrations surged again in December. Unprecedented police brutality escalated violent incidents around Athens while the government was collapsing. The police had long been viewed of being affiliated with right-wing politics including the Golden Dawn nationalist party.[134] In the five years following the 2010 agreement with the Troika, the economy declined by 25% and youth unemployment rose to 60%. Immigrants were blamed for the troubles and attacked by nationalists like Golden Dawn. Frequent strikes continued, but they happened so often that they weren’t taken seriously. Demonstrations swelled the next year in the Syntagma Square occupation from June to October, and again in February 2012 when almost 500,000 demonstrated against austerity programs.
Syntagma Occupation
In an anti-austerity demonstration occupied Syntagma Square on May 25, 2011, mobilizing around 2.6 million people. Inspired by the Arab Spring and Spanish Indignados, protests spread ten days later from Spain to Greece with the spontaneous Oxi (means No, a crossed out X) movement of the aganaktismenoi (Greek Indignados), as the media called them. A banner read, “We are not indignant, we are determined!” On May 25, the “movement of the squares” also simply called“the squares,” traveled to Greece and lasted until police cleared the square on July 30, as happened in other global occupations. It was started by a protest on May 20 outside the Spanish embassy in Athens, led by a group of Spaniards living in Greece, mainly students along with workers whose friends participated in the Spanish protests.[135] Greek friends and some anarchists joined them. The group set up a website called real-democracy.gr that attracted 6,000 visitors without 24 hours.[136] A false rumor, spread widely by mass media, was that that the Indignados in Spain had banners stating, “Shhhh, quiet, the Greeks are sleeping!”
About 100,000 people showed up the first day in Athens’ Syntagma Square, but as usual, the uprising was underreported internationally.[137] By the next Sunday, 500,000 were in the square creating the largest popular assembly ever held in Greece. They chanted Obama’s slogan “Yes we can,” Martin Luther King’s “Let freedom ring,” and their own “We don’t owe, we won’t sell, we won’t pay.” They also referred to struggles in Argentina and Ecuador. See my photos of the square and recent graffiti.[138] Soon over 100,000 people demonstrated in front of parliament night after night, with estimates that a total of 2.6 million demonstrated throughout the 66 days. The tents were set up on May 28.
Some say the occupation started in Athens when Spanish students organized a sit-in in front of their embassy. They drew squares on the pavement to play the Monopoly board game as bankers do with countries and held mock funerals of European countries. The occupation surprised Greeks who were used to union or political party leadership of marches, but they joined in the mobilization called by anonymous Facebook users. The first calls to protest in Syntagma Square didn’t get results, but the sit-in grew to 100 people by May 22 and moved down the road to Thiseio with tents where occupiers live-streamed their proceedings. Unknown members of a small group in Thessaloniki created a Facebook page calling for an occupation of squares to protest against the government. Invitations on Facebook, in emails, on blogs, and on Twitter led to occupations in Thessaloniki (with about 5,000 people on May 25) and Athens (around 50,000 protestors showed up) and spread in a few weeks to the main squares throughout Greece in the first “truly bottom-up mobilization” that was not called for by a union or political party.[139]
An assembly was organized the first day of the occupation. A Spanish musician who happened to be in the vicinity offered his sound system. A group from Thiseio provided the first facilitators of the assembly and the microphone. The group decided on discussion topics, people who wanted to speak got a number, and speakers with a number drawn from the lottery had access to the mic. Decisions were not made by consensus but by voting. An example of a statement was, “Our end goal is not just the fall of the current government, not even the revocation of the Memorandum.” Working groups were set up to deal with specific issues. They met every evening at 6:00 PM and sometimes continued until after midnight. They agreed to avoid confrontation with police but clashes occurred between anarchists and nationalist Golden Dawn members. Anarchists were a stronger voice than in Spain, as evidenced in the Greek rejection of “real democracy now” substituting “real direct democracy.”[140] Young people drummed on trash bins while others danced or played soccer as anti-police hip-hop music blasted through speakers. Assemblies closed with self-criticisms, a statement, and plans for the future
A participant named Fivos Papahadjis, 37, heard about the May 25 demonstrations on Facebook.[141] He doesn’t know who sent the first message but forwarded it to his network. The first Greeks to the square on May 25 had received Facebook messages from Spanish friends and anarchists in Athens.[142] Events were described in blogs such as Break the Blackout’s “Updates from the Greek Squares and People’s Assemblies” that faulted international media neglect of the uprising.[143] The blog described the international influences on the first months of the 2011 occupation where, deprived of their dignity, Greeks said, “Let’s carry forward the revolts in the Arab world.” “The Spaniards showed us the way.” “We are here to find the true Democracy.” The Egyptians “woke us up.” References were also made to Argentinean and Ecuadorian default on national debts and to the Zapatista model of direct democracy in Mexico.
Antonis Voulgarelis, age 23, also heard about the protest on Facebook. He was excited about being part of a “moment when the world was changing. An entire political system was being turned upside down,” because the system didn’t represent the people.[144] He stayed in the square for three months instead of going to his university classes. Demonstrators organized an artistic team that arranged performances, as well as a cleaning team, a catering crew, etc. After evening assembly, they listened to live music. Believing they were making history, Voulgarelis uploaded pictures from his smartphone to his Facebook page. He believes their main accomplishments were unseating the Papandreou government in November 2011 and the transformation of people like him into active citizens.
Previous Greek protests included general strikes, demonstrations, and conflicts with police, but occupying the square was new. As in other international uprisings, assemblies prohibited political symbols other than the national flag and demonstrators were asked to come as individuals rather than as a member of a political party or other group. The **upper square was associated with nationalists who chanted “Thieves!” at legislators and with The Greek Mothers who demanded jobs for their children but not for foreigners.[145] The** lower square was more inclusive and organized daily Popular Assemblies, a blog, and Twitter accounts. From early June, up to 200,000 people protested with a peak of 300,000 on some Sundays and during general strikes. The occupation of Syntagma Square lasted, from May 25 to July 30, with daily general assemblies, documented in the video Utopia on the Horizon (2012).[146] This was the longest major occupation of the global uprisings of 2011 to 2015 and mobilized more than a quarter of the population.
The assemblies demanded the cancellation of the Memorandum of Understanding to pay back the 319 billion euro debt and aimed for direct democracy free of control by financial powers. Speakers discussed Zapatista collectives and direct democracy practiced in the Greek village of Aperathou in their environmental projects.[147] An assembly declared, “We will not leave the squares until those who compelled us to come here go away: Governments, Troika, Banks, IMF Memoranda, and everyone that exploits us. Direct democracy now! Equality, Justice, Dignity.”
An activist, Papahadjis reported that thousands of people held their hands up with open palms towards parliament, a gesture meaning “I curse you” (unlike the Spanish gesture of peace). They chanted, “Thieves! Take your [austerity] measures and get out.” He ran into friends; like a festival some people were smoking a joint or drinking a beer, setting up tents and hammocks. An open mic enabled people of various ages to speak, including immigrants who were applauded. The next day he saw more Greek flags, a band played samba, and some banged pots and pans as protesters did in Argentina and Iceland. A banner proclaimed, “Quiet or we’ll wake up the French!” Over the next two months, Papahadjis said the crowds ranged from 10,000 to 40,000 people, with more on Sundays and when a general strike was called.
Theodora Oikonomides, a teacher and activist, described the form of the camp by mid-June.[148] Service teams were in the center, surrounded by left-wing and anarchist groups. Conservative and nationalist groups occupied the sidewalk across the street from parliament, but Golden Dawn wasn’t present. (Some Greeks found it easy to blame immigrants, leading to the rise of the Golden Dawn party that entered parliament in 2012, but was reigned in by the government in 2013.) Oikonomides said the protests dissipated because the assemblies couldn’t agree on specific demands.
In May 2016 I videotapedtwo Greek participants in the demonstrations, Althea (last name withheld) and Aggelos Androulidakis.[149] The following summarizes Althea’s report:
A memorandum from the Troika is what started it. The government changed the laws in a way that wasn’t 100% democratic, using a procedure to get it passed with less than 180 votes of members of parliament. They passed laws to lower pensions and cut funding to schools and universities, and other programs that we had won through the years. People started reacting to this, people who had never been to the streets—the powerful unions didn’t lead it. Everyone felt we had to react to what was happening. It was initiated by youth through Facebook and phone calls. We thought, we’ll go because no one else will. The media didn’t cover it until it became big. The first day, it was impressive with a sea of people, thousands of them in Syntagma Square. There were a lot of young people, and all ages, my mom went out, almost every part of the society. People were there 24-7 for two months, operating a kitchen, media group, organizing events, etc. At the evening General Assembly a person had two minutes to speak after signing up on a list, about equally male and female speakers. It was beautiful. The circle got bigger every night. For me, the themes were about how to change the country’s mindset and turn it into a powerful producing country, not waiting for someone else to take action, but rather be active citizens to make change. We realized we had to change ourselves; everyone had a very strong feeling in this optimistic period.
Aggellos said the upper Square by the parliament was home to more nationalist right-wing demonstrators and the larger Square home to leftists.
Lower Square had a General Assembly every night at 6:00 or 7:00 where people who didn’t have a voice expressed themselves about what needs to be done. The majority of people in the lower Square were not anarchists, but many were left-wing. Most were people who weren’t involved with politics but were frustrated with corruption and wanted to participate for the first time, not just suffer. The main demand was real democracy—the webpage was titled Real Democracy Now. Protesters were against being transformed into an authoritarian political party or any other organization.
Syntagma Park was filled with tents. Meals were prepared every day by volunteers, along with a time bank exchange of services without money, creating a sense of community. The biggest demonstrations were every Sunday—around 200,000 people at the largest one. I was there when the demonstrations were organized and participated in General Assemblies, and witnessed lots of work cleaning and preparing meals. Although it was very peaceful, at the end of June, some protests became violent, due to hooded people and the police. Occupation of the square was annoying to the government, so they exploited the violence to justify using tear gas. During a concert on the lower square, the police threw tear gas, like a chemical war. The people hung the spent canisters like trophies.** Thousands came back to the square to clean the tear gas, a very touching moment. In August, the police cleared the tents.
Did it have an outcome?
Probably not, Aggellos said. The same memorandums were signed by SYRIZA at the same time it supported the demonstrations, so they started to fade out. Since a new memorandum was signed, some felt there was no impact. The violence also contributed to the decline of demonstrations. SYRIZA was initially a radical left-wing party and people invested their hopes in that party’s anti-memorandum rhetoric, said they would tear them up, so they stayed home waiting for SYRIZA to oppose the Troika. In a referendum to say in the EU or leave, 62% said no, leave. There was a celebration in July 2015, a big celebration in the square for the no vote, but the government did the opposite action and signed the memorandum. The money the government collects goes to the banks, not the Greek people. That was the last big moment in the Square. This year (2016) people lost hope. But the legacy was local assemblies in neighborhoods that discuss the environment and need for green spaces and gardens, issues of solidarity, organizing meals for people in need like the thousands of refugees because the state was absent. Another legacy is social centers and an activist mentality shaped younger people. A few months ago we gathered stuff for the refugees, a self-organized effort. The square was filled with people, self-organized volunteers, with piles organized for food, clothes, babies, etc. I learned about it on Facebook. Such initiatives are a legacy, although they also existed before due to the economic crisis.
Althea added,
In addition to neighborhood assemblies, generally there is more solidarity, realizing working together can bring results. We’re more supportive of each other. Alternative economy happened a lot, especially with younger people creating social enterprises like farmers’ markets without a middle-person, an issue in Greece. In the political scene, nothing changed. SYRIZA got power because they seemed to be in the direction of change to get rid of the old Greece. Especially younger people thought maybe there’s something different. We all hoped, and then got a big kick, which brings you lower. We were willing to sacrifice for the next generation. Unbelievable what SYRIZA is doing now, it’s worse than what any government did. For me, they’re traitors to the nation. Three days ago they passed crazy laws, raised taxes, lowered pensions, while hospitals are in a very bad state without enough funds or doctors. Public schools very understaffed, so that a class might be missing a teacher for months. One good thing for the environment is because the gas tax will go 10%, people are giving up cars, we notice less traffic. I’ve totally lost my hope for the country, I don’t believe in the politicians at all. (She and two friends started a business called Athens Insiders for tourists.) We’re working 12 to 14 hours a day, haven’t had a vacation for two years. Although we are doing well, we have zero euros in our pocket. We decided to open the business to help the country, not do what other people do and leave; we will stay here. We really have difficult lives, especially with high taxation (without social benefits Scandinavians get for their taxes.)
A general strike was called for June 15 when the new austerity measures were scheduled for ratification. Almost 200,000 Greeks protested, people of various ages and backgrounds clapping and chanting slogans. The general strikes of June 15 and 28 brought in more demonstrators after parliament discussed additional austerity cuts and clashes with the police generated solidarity among the demonstrators. For 48 hours they attempted to blockade parliament to keep members out, resulting in some injuries, but parliament approved the austerity legislation in order to get loans.
Police first used tear gas when the protesters blocked members of parliament from entering to give their vote of confidence to Prime Minister Papandreou’s government. Small groups of anarchists, in turn, attacked the police, which gave them the excuse to attack other protesters. A reported 2,860 tear gas canisters were used on June 29 alone, the day of the austerity report. Activists sprayed Maalox and water on each other to ease the effects of the gas. The Guardian listed an hourly account of that day’s actions.[150] Papahadjis said the police chased people for hours, beating them and throwing stun grenades. He said tear gas is like breathing fire, but the protesters kept returning to the square cheered on by a stray dog they called Loukanikos, meaning **Sausage, the riot dog, who is memorialized in a large mural that says “All dogs go to heaven.” Despite all this protest, the austerity bill passed. Crowds diminished after that, but rallies were held daily throughout July and until the police cleared the square on July 30.
Debates occurred over the use of violence to repel riot police attacks, with Black Bloc youth attacking police with sticks and rocks. A banner in front of police read, “Your mum and dad are down in the demo. Throw them some more chemicals to make history.” Break the Blackout blog explained the origin of movement conflicts; “This partly reflects the difficulty of political coexistence in Syntagma of anarchists and other leftists, most of whom belong to left political parties. But there is also a split among those who don’t belong to any of these groups.” A strong influence was the Radical Left Coalition (SYRIZA) founded in 2004 by several leftist organizations, accused of packing assemblies with people who believed in their own “political line.” The more radical section of the party is referred to as the Left Platform.
Founded in 2013, SYRIZA Youth is a member of the European Network of Democratic Young Left that advocates socialism, feminism, and anti-racism with at least a one-third quota for women members in SYRIZA Youth. A member and student at the University of Athens, Aris Spourdalakis explained their goals were first and foremost to end corruption and then to find a more fair tax system, to end privatization of industries like mining, and to encourage cooperative economic ventures.[151] Like many other Greeks, they would like to remain in the EU. A spokesperson for the SYRIZA youth wing said, “Both SYRIZA and the young wing are more radical, at least in their positions, than the government is,” and they work to address problems of privatization, human rights of prisoners, immigration, and LGBT issues.[152] Many youth wanted Greece to do what Iceland did when it rejected austerity measures, defaulted on loans, and nationalized banks. Professor Juan Cole observed, “What is clear is that Greece has rejected the austerity policies of the old in favor of the risk-taking of the young” in voting no.
Other issues discussed in youth assemblies included gender, along with rural versus urban conflicts. Assemblies in the square passed proposals to organize an exchange between farmers and city dwellers and to organize feminist and LGBT events. Demonstrators talked about using boycotts to protest cuts, discussed how to connect with rural areas and how to establish food distribution systems. Women pointed out that the speakers invited to address the crowd were all male and the audience was often addressed as if they were all male. Most of the SYRIZA leaders in the news are male, but Nadia Valavani and Rena Dourou are examples of women leaders; SYRIZA has the most women members compared to other parties. The coalition has a quota for women in its central committee. The President of the Supreme Court and a member of the Independent Party, Vassiliki Thanou-Christophilou became the first woman prime minister in August 2015. She was an interim leader until the elections the following month when Greece faced a 430 billion euro debt.
Some labeled themselves as anarchists–a thread in all the global uprisings. They didn’t want formal organizations as “traditional forms of organization have failed.” They want a new form of politics in every neighborhood and workplace that includes “a life of freedom and dignity.” Delegates representing assemblies from around Greece met in Syntagma to report on their progress. Argentinean worker-controlled factories were pointed out as a model of direct democracy and anti-capitalism, so they studied Argentinean neighborhood coalitions.
As to characteristics of the protesters, researcher Markos Vogiatzoglou maintained that students were “largely absent” from the anti-austerity protests of 2010 to 2012.[153] Two participants said young precarious workers and the unemployed were most of the demonstrators, although on some Sundays the middle class was the largest group.[154] According to the communist group TPTG, members of the proletariat (including unemployed workers and university students) were the majority of demonstrators in the square. They called for real democracy free of political parties and ideologies, but “leftist politicos” tried unsuccessfully to manipulate the assembly. TPTG said direct democracy of voting on proposals wasn’t effective because it rendered individuals passive. When the police cleared the square at the end of July, the daily assembly in the square dissolved.
After the Syntagma Occupation
The legacies were a new coalition government was formed and assemblies spread around Greece. The protesters didn’t achieve material gains but they achieved unity and the confidence that they can take over a public space. A small village outside Athens rebelled against government plans to build a garbage dump. Villagers and police clashed, the latter throwing tear gas and the villagers throwing Molotov cocktails that they had made in the forest. They won, and a similar event happened in a village in Northern Greece.
Local assemblies continued around Greece with fewer participants. Many decided to organize local support for the unemployed, immigrants, and the evicted, part of an initiative started in July of 2011, called “Nobody is Alone in the Crisis.” They organized around issues like refusal to pay a new property tax collected as part of electricity bills–electricity is expensive, but if the bill isn’t paid, it’s turned off. The next phase of the anti-austerity movement, from September 2011 to May 2012, was led by workers’ organizations and civil disobedience such as refusal to pay new taxes. A large strike was held in February 2012 where the streets belonged to the people, but they didn’t know what to do with their power, according to Klara, a Greek panelist at the Global Uprising Conference. The government controls the large labor unions so they were detached from the large strikes, she said.
Successful alternative projects had specific goals such as Radiobubble news, a web radio and online information source. A “We Can” initiative transports surplus food to soup kitchens and other needy groups. Several crowdsourcing websites permit people to report corrupt practices. Tutorpool matches free tuition with families who can’t afford the common after-school private instruction. One of Tutorpool’s founders said, “Syntagma was like a fire of dry wood, it burnt high and bright and then died away. But it spread left and right—hundreds of little flames—and these are still going.”
Vio.Me self-run factory workers aim to create a new world without bosses, well known for taking over their factory after the bosses abandoned it in 2011. Demetri, one of the Vio.Me co-op factory workers who spoke at the Global Uprisings conference advocated “Workers of the World Unite,” the well-known Marxist slogan inscribed on Marx’ gravestone. They were inspired by Argentine workers who took over their Zanon factory in 2002, calling it Factory Without Bosses. Demetri said their struggle is an effort to take over the means of production “from those stealing our work and lives.” The working class is being destroyed, he said, so workers need to unite to seize abandoned factories. He advocates overthrowing the government and capitalism to create a better society where profits go to the community, classical Marxist thinking. Academics in the US who think Marxism is dead are wrong.
Demetri said the reason the workers have been successful in their factory since 2011 is because of the democracy of their general assembly where decisions are made together, without the interference of a large union. They don’t compete with each other. They formed a legal cooperative in April 2014 and brought in over 1,000 “solidarity supporters” who buy a certain amount of products a year and have an advisory vote in the worker assemblies. Vio.me workers aim to be part of an international network of factories under worker control. “Recuperated factory” workers held a meeting of the European “Economy of Workers” in France in 2014 where workers took over a Unilever tea processing plant and a Pilpa Ice Cream factory. Workers from Argentina, Mexico, and Brazil attended. In 2015, Vio.Me was threatened with eviction to auction the state-owned land and feeling abandoned by SYRIZA, as shown in a documentary Occupy, Resist, Produce – Vio.Me.[155] I interviewed a Vio.Me member in Athens in June 2016. I asked him why they didn’t have women workers and he said they were trying to recruit them.
A rare optimist, Aris Konstanidis, says the chaos is an opportunity for entrepreneurs like himself: “I think it’s an opportunity to go out of our comfort zone, shape our future and get rid of all the old negative ways of doing things. Many young people in Greece are afraid of trying new things. They do what their parents advise. We must become the leaders of Greece.” [156] Some people are leaving the city for family farms in the countryside where it’s easier to get food. My Greek friend Alexandra reported from Athens in July 2016, “The worst of the crisis and suffering is in Athens and the larger areas whose economy is business based. The islands with tourism like Santorini, Corfu, Hydra, etc. hardly have a crisis. Unfortunately, the refugee exodus and nearby terrorism [as in Turkey] caused quite a few tourist cancellations in Greece this year.”
2013 to 2014
After the 2011 uprisings, “the youth of Greece became invisible in social and economic life,” similar to other European countries.[157] Costas Lapavitsas, a journalist and SYRIZA member of parliament, and journalist Alex Politaki attribute unemployment and not being able to afford higher education for “sapping the rebellious energy of the young,” who are dependent on their parents. The communist group TPTG reported neighborhood assemblies were distracted by the “Antifa” struggle against the rise of fascist neo-Nazi Golden Dawn (GD), which was at that time the third most popular political party. A growing number of teens are drawn to Golden Dawn. Frequent riots broke out, with violent clashes between nationalist anti-immigrant groups like GD and anarchists on the left. A communist party and a coalition of leftist groups are represented in parliament, but anarchists detest parliament and political parties.
Fascist GD created its own civil society with food, legal aid, and healthcare—for ethnic Greeks, only of course (as the Muslim Brotherhood did in Egypt). After a popular young hip-hop musician named Pavlos Fyssas (34) was stabbed to death by GD thugs in September 2013 because of his anti-fascist songs, the government cracked down on GD leaders for violent acts against immigrants. Six GD members of parliament were arrested on charges of running a criminal organization. About half of police officers are suspected of working with GD and ignoring attacks on immigrants, gays, and antifascists such as Fyssas. Tens of thousands of Antifa protesters marched on the GD headquarters in Athens to protest Fyssas’ murder.
On November 10, 2013, another call was made to assemble in Syntagma Square, organized by SYRIZA. It wanted support for a confidence vote against the government that had no chance of passing, so the turnout was small. Reporter Leonidas Oikonomakis regretted the ascendancy of a political party in 2013 as the main force of resistance, without horizontal assemblies. He participated in the 2011 occupation and was co-producer of the documentary film Utopia on the Horizon.[158] He pointed to the leftist governments in Latin America where leftist parties that gained power marginalized the radical movements that brought them to the capitals in Brazil, Argentina, Bolivia, Uruguay, Nicaragua, and Ecuador. Oikonomakis worried that the same process will happen in Greece with the rise of SYRIZA.
Public sector workers went on strike against further budget cuts and layoffs when unemployment was 28% and youth unemployment rose to 60%, higher than in the US during the Great Depression. This was one of over 30 general strikes organized since the crisis began. In October 2013 students took command of over 100 high schools in support of their striking teachers to protest education cuts and layoffs. When the government shut down the public TV station ERT in Athens in June 2013, the workers occupied the building and continued news coverage until police stormed the building at 4 AM in November. One of the broadcasters told BBC he hoped to sneak back in and broadcast, “Because it’s for democracy. We feel like we are Robin Hood. We are the voice of the people.” They continued broadcasting in front of the lines of riot police who surrounded the building. Independent journalism continued online as at www.thepressproject.gr, with English translations.
Writing in December 2013, BBC reporter Mark Lowen said Greek unemployment was down slightly, tax evasion was no longer accepted, the public sector was reduced, and the government was more optimistic.[159] Despite the fact that hospitals and schools can’t afford basic equipment, and suicides rates remain high, protest movements have diminished with almost no violence. Lowen pointed to the lack of unity between communists, unionists, anarchists, and “the weary middle class.”
Rising political star Alexis Tsipras (born in 1974), the young leader of SYRIZA, was elected prime minister in 2015. Referred to ironically as the most dangerous man in Europe, he wanted to cancel the €240 billion bailout agreement with the Troika and stop cuts to social programs. He stated in 2012, “The rotten and reliant establishment is making its last stand. Their dominance is ending after they looted the country and saddled it with debt.”[160] He explained, “Our political plan is to effect alternative policies that will efficiently address the crisis and kickstart the economy by supporting the weak, creating new employment and supporting basic incomes. Greece’s reconstruction will come from a fresh developmental plan, one that is aimed at income redistribution, decent jobs and the enhancement of public goods.”[161] However, he didn’t succeed, leading Greeks I talked with in June 2016 to view him as weak. Some even joked he was incapacitated by an evil spell.
As a 16-year-old high school student, Tsipras led student protests against education reforms, appearing on TV as a spokesman. He was a student member of Communist Youth where he met his partner and mother of his sons, but after he became prime minister a leftist journalist said, “The guy with the Che Guevara T-shirt, we lost him.”[162] A photo of Che Guevara was on his office wall. Unlike many other Greek politicians, he isn’t a member of an elite family and is rarely seen wearing a tie. He campaigned to be head of the European Commission in 2014, and some leftist philosophers who usually opposed participating in meaningless elections to support him.
Italian philosophers Antonio Negri and Sandro Mezzadra explained essential issues can “only be addressed at a European level. Outside of this sphere there is no such thing as political realism.”[163] While French philosopher Alain Badiou denigrated the uprisings in Egypt and Greece as “communist invariants,” Negri believes It’s possible to create a “new political grammar” by working with European organizations. A Greek activist, Markos Vogiatzoglou, criticized Greeks and other Europeans for not establishing networks to exchange information and experience in a “set of horizontally interlinked nodes operating in a common trajectory.”[164] Former finance minister Yanis Varoufakis attempted to do this in 2016, described below.
On a Global Uprisings panel, Pablos, an activist from Athens, was not hopeful about youth uprisings: “Although the last four years has shaken the world, we are not winning.” He faulted the persistence of beliefs in John Maynard Keynes’ economic theory that government spending can create prosperity, although neither austerity cuts nor stimulus plans solve the problems created by capitalism. The situation in Greece certainly is grim, with many youth’s only hope being to leave the city or the country. Strikes and anti-austerity demonstrations occur almost daily, with 28% unemployment, and rising poverty, and diminishing services. When I arrived in Athens, the metro and bus drivers were all on strike, something people were used to experiencing.
Bailout loans continued in 2014, but Alexandra reported from Athens in September, “The tourist industry has really increased this year leading to expansion in all areas of commerce. Plus, there are more enterprises springing up, though not much looks very different yet. They extended the metro lines, a very good thing, and the sentiment is more hopeful. I think the worst has passed.” In 2016 she was less optimistic, concerned about the paucity of Greeks “networking or cooperating with their peers for the most part—strange and sad and time for a change!” Increasingly citizen groups turn to the courts to challenge government programs such as firing public workers to pay back loans and the new property tax imposed in 2011. Some are winning their cases, similar tocourt cases in Portugal.
Large student demonstrations broke out again in November and December 2014. Students occupied hundreds of schools and university students joined the protest against the shortage of teachers and the 60% youth unemployment rate. When hundreds of riot police turned out in large numbers to block the planned occupation of the Athens Law School, as usual, the police violence galvanized more protesters to turn out. Thousands of students demonstrated that evening. A Greek friend told me, “Don’t take it too seriously. This happens frequently and it looks worse on video than in reality. Yes, schools closed, but sadly, that’s nothing unusual these days.”
Greece needed another bailout, in addition to the $325 billion granted by the Troika since 2010.[165] An avenue to express despair about the 27% unemployment rate and a blighted future is graffiti seen in a slide show.[166] In 2016 Alexandra reported from Athens, “The refugee crisis is unbelievable and economy at a near standstill. Somehow, most Greeks continue to be very gracious. I saw Big Short; it tells the story of Greece and the banking system so well. Banks are amping up again offering loans now. So, so wrong! Because they lend to ignorant people.” She said the situation is very bad and that Tsipras, a weak leader, caved to the Troika.
2015
By 2015 the government reduced public jobs and social programs, and also raised taxes, but public debt remained high. One in four Greeks live below the poverty line, over a quarter are unemployed, three million are without health insurance, infant mortality rates and adult suicides are rising, over 60% of youth are unemployed, and a brain drain continues as educated people seek jobs elsewhere. SYRIZA won on an anti-austerity platform when Tsipras promised to end five years of humiliation and pain. “Hope has made history,” he said. The Financial Times compared him to President Chavez in Venezuela and President Lula in Brazil. Finance Minister Yanis Varoufakis said SYRIZA encourages self-help groups rather than relying on representative democracy. He resigned after only five months in office because he couldn’t convince Tsipras to reject the deal with the Troika. Varoufakis said that Tsipras “folded” in July 2015, even though by the previous year almost half of Greek families had no employed adult. Politicians butted heads with German leaders who insisted that loans depended on continued austerity measures. The conflict led to fears that Greece would default on their loans and drop out of the Eurozone and EU. Varoufakis compared the Troika austerity cuts to “fiscal waterboarding,” but said in 2016 that although the EU crushed the Athens Spring, it raised awareness of the formerly silent majority about Europe’s “crumbling power structures.”[167]
In July Tsipras signed a new bailout plan that included the austerity measures he spent months fighting. He said, “Our European partners and Germany were very, very tough” and that the EU is “the kingdom of bureaucracy.”[168] He resigned the next month, but was re-elected in September. Finance minister Varoufakis resigned permanently in July 2015 after the referendum and spoke against “troika-friendly” media attacks on the “Athens Springs” anti-austerity actions. He opposed austerity cuts in favor of going after the “oligarchy” and reforming public administration. In 2016 he pointed out the “endless suffering” of small businesses crushed by the 24% tax, frequent home foreclosures, and hospitals that ran out of basic supplies, while universities couldn’t afford toilet paper.[169] Varoufakis said in Athens, “only the soup kitchens are flourishing.” He blamed Berlin for escalating austerity programs when the IMF pointed out the impossibility of the cuts for Europe’s most depressed economy.
Varoufakis went on to lead a grassroots European campaign for democracy launched in February 2016 called Democracy in Europe Movement 2025 (DiEM25) with branches throughout Europe.[170] This “utopian undertaking” aims to connect progressives to take back political power from the ruling elite that he described as the “shadowy world of bureaucrats, bankers, and unelected officialdom.” The online manifesto called for transparency in government by live-streaming all meetings and forming a European Parliament that shares power with national parliaments. His book about this movement was published in 2016, And the Weak Must Suffer What They Must? Europe’s Crisis and America’s Economic Future. Varoufakis said, “It’s a utopian project, but the only alternative is a dystopia.” DiEM25 reached out to British progressives after the Brexit vote to leave the EU, to join in the European democracy movement.
Varoufakis’ call for a European movement garnered some criticism. Journalist John Malamatinas published an open letter,“Dear Yanis,” pointing out earlier European protests. He implied that Varoufakis wasn’t including existing movements such as Blockupy and suggesting that he talk directly with activists. Malamatinas pointed to the activism of the Greek student protests of 2007 and 2008 against neoliberal university policies and Greek general strikes; and progressive members of leftist parties, which have contributed to a movement from the bottom; the Spanish Indignados; Greek occupation of Syntagma Square; the Blockupy protests against austerity and the opening of the new headquarters of the European Central Bank in March 2015; the 2015 #ThisIsACoup campaign against austerity measures in Greece. [171] Malamatinas listed examples of anti-austerity European-wide forums: Blockupy International[172] and Beyond Europe launched in 2013. Malamatinas asked Varoufakis to meet with Blockupy, which described its tactics as “transnational, targeting, confrontational, hybrid.” In 2016, Blockupy launched a “Europeanization of the OXI” [Greek for no] as the spirit of both refusal of austerity and dignity for all—as a campaign taken up everywhere and by everyone.”
The new government wanted to freeze privatization of national resources, reinstitute a monthly 751-euro minimum wage, cancel public employee layoffs, and provide immigrant children citizenship. Among the new government’s first acts was to take down police barriers in front of parliament and remove riot police from Exarchia, the anarchist neighborhood of Athens. SYRIZA also aimed to end home seizures by banks, raise the minimum wage (starting with young workers), change tax laws so the rich pay more than the poor on their homes, improve the quality of education, provide better treatment of immigrants and shut down their detention camps, and demand World War II occupation reparation payments by Germany.[173] A leader of SYRIZA, Antonis Markopoulos explained, “We are talking not only about the reorganization of government, but of society as a whole.” He looks to Spain, Italy, Portugal, and Ireland to join Greece in creating a more equitable Europe. However, a Greek IT worker told me, “Except for the second generation immigrant children citizenship bill, which was actually voted in May 2015, SYRIZA continued and hardened the austerity policies of their predecessors after July 2015.”
Jerome Roos, a Dutch graduate student in Athens, reported that he sees ordinary people sleeping on the streets like stray dogs, thousands of “for rent” signs on apartment walls, immigrants afraid to go out of their homes for fear of being attacked, and smog over the city as people who can’t afford electricity burn wood and plastic.[174] I saw a few people sleeping in doorways but not more than I see in my hometown in Northern California. Roos finds hope that in the midst of the dissolution created by neoliberal policies, Greeks are self-organizing as unconscious revolutionaries or communists to help each other with free soup kitchens, health clinics, and clothes distribution. SYRIZA organized Solidary for All in 2012 to coordinate and fund food banks and other initiatives.[175] It coordinates the food distribution networks without middlemen, groups provide legal aid on how to avoid eviction, and co-ops and hundreds of other self-help groups create the Solidarity movement. Greece is developing a new DIY paradigm, explained Theano Fotiou, a member of SYRIZA’s central committee, although Argentinians did similar DIY activities after their economic collapse in 2001.[176] Families are expected to help each other, which may explain why I didn’t see more homeless people in 2016 than in my college town in Northern California.
Greeks continue to create alternative economic networks like cooperatives rather than relying on the capitalist system. A group of German activists visited Greece for ten days and interviewed 20 activists at collectives, a free health clinic, community gardens, an art collective called Political Stencil, squats and other social centers, finding anarchists, anti-authoritarians, antifascists, and members of SYRIZA Youth. Communist was not a popular label.[177] Christos, a member of a horizontally organized health collective, told the Germans, “We are just a small ant against a big elephant [Troika] but if we manage to gather millions of ants relations can change. At the moment we are in the process of bringing down the elephant.” Another activist, Fereniki, commented, “Everything is very new and fluid right now in Greece.” A member of a group named Konstantinos said, “Syntagma never died—it spread” like seeds from a tree.
In February 2015, the government negotiated a loan extension, but defaulted on the IMF loan in June, causing a run on the Greek banks followed by bank closures. The country was 323 billion euros in debt by July 2015 leading to talk of a “Grexit,” from the EU. SYRIZA asked the people to vote in a referendum on whether to accept austerity plans and thereby stay in the Eurozone, asking them to vote No. The government didn’t have the funds to pay public sector wages and pensions, as it was dependent on foreign financing. The no vote won, supported by a greater percent of youth than other age groups.
In order to receive 86 billion euro bailout, the Greek Parliament agreed to new tax increases, raised the retirement age, and promised greater competition in the economy. Left Platform members opposed the bailout deal, including Zoe Konstantopoulou, the speaker of Parliament. They included about a quarter of the party’s parliamentary members led by Panagiotis Lafazanis who called for giving up the euro and a return to the drachma. They formed the new Popular Unity party but it didn’t poll enough votes to enter parliament. Tsipras therefore called for a vote in September for the people to decide if he should be returned to power. SYRIZA got the most votes with 35%, followed by the center-right party New Democracy. Almost half of the voters didn’t turn out, exhausted by the crisis. In November, 25,000 protesters went to the streets to protest continued austerity cuts and some young men threw Molotov cocktails at police.
2016
More demonstrations with thousands of people and confrontations with the police occurred after the third austerity package in May that cut $6.2 billion in pensions and other reforms. Greeks were angry: A young waiter told the Guardian, “Every day they destroy our country a little more.” Germany opposed debt relief while the IMF supported it. Alexandra emailed from Athens in February,
The farmers have been blocking roads on and off for weeks now and have been on strike so produce has been sparse. They can’t pay the new taxes that are imposed on them and they are substantial. On the other hand, they have NEVER paid taxes and have received enormous subsidies over the last 15 years to improve their farms, even on land that did not exist or claiming neighboring properties for greater subsidies. Many of them bought fancy cars, very fancy houses and hired Albanians and other foreigners to meagerly work their fields. Now they are freaking out because they can’t make ends meet without the subsidies or reap the goods from the poor management of their farms. But they need to work them! Government and common folk are both at fault as everyone turned a blind eye–all too frequently the story here.
Another hot issue is pensions and insurance. There are so many unemployed and pensioners whom the government cannot support. They are asking the middle and upper class to pay more so the poor and retired folks can continue to receive some meager funds. But, like many things Greek, there have been such incredible abuses in the pension system. For decades people have been collecting pensions for dead folks or recording false information. Furthermore, if you have a parent who once upon a time served in public office, and you are an unmarried female, you can collect a pension for the remainder of your life.
Melody, a college student from California, went to Greece to assist refugees: over 44,000 of them are trapped there. She reported on Facebook about an anarchist refugee center in Exarchia, Athens, which I also visited. **Notara26 was an abandoned government building taken over by local anarchists in order to house refugees. Some live in the former CEO’s office, with the nameplate still on the door. Over 130 refugees live there, sleeping on mats on the floor with sheets hung to provide some privacy for families, some are seen in my photos.[178] Melody befriended a refugee in the center, age 17, from the Ivory Coast whose entire family was killed in the civil war there. He traveled through Syria, to Turkey, and then rowed in a rowboat with 11 other people to the Greek island of Lesbos. Melody reported, “He doesn’t know if or when the borders will be reopened, so like tens of thousands of other refugees, he is stuck in Athens although he would like to find asylum in Germany. He doesn’t often leave the building because it is unsafe for him to do so. If he goes outside and a police officer sees him, the officer will ask him for his papers. He does not have any, so he would be arrested.” I talked with an 18-year-old boy who left Morocco because his atheism got him into trouble with authorities. You will also see photos of a charming 10-year-old Afghan refugee boy who wanted his hair to look good in the photo and was learning French when I arrived.
The Greeks are short of funds but are opening refugee centers in military camps, a hotel, a castle, and the Olympic Park in Athens. Nearly 57,000 refugees were stranded in Greece. However, the SYRIZA government shut down three squats for refugees in Thessaloniki in July 2016, generating protests around the country and occupation of the local university. The worker-run Vio.Me factory provided a warehouse to store supplies for the refugees; locals and refugees managed the centers together in horizontal assemblies. The Deputy Minister of Civil Protection, who thinks of himself as a leftist, said about the eviction, “We don’t need the autonomous actions of a bunch of kids; we want a mass popular movement, we should turn the youth towards the parties of the left.”[179]
In June 2016 I interviewed Lydia, age 19, in Athens, home on vacation from university in London.[180] She’s not hopeful for her generation because they grow up with corruption and feel hopeless about Greece’s economic troubles. As an example of dishonesty among the administrators, “I went to a private school because public schools aren’t that great. Parents would pay for problem like bullying not to be written in the student’s file or to ignore it. Since they’re had it from such an earlier age; it’s natural to young people.” She feels legislators aren’t interested in helping the people, as seen in the new 24% VAT tax: “This shows how they only think of themselves.” Even supposedly humanitarian Prime Minister Tsipras got a new house and his children changed schools, opposite to what SYRIZA supports. She doesn’t know of any government programs to help unemployed youth, who rely on their families.
Lydia reported that her peers, “feel kind of hopeless, not motivated to be something big, but if they’re not educated, how can they change their world?” It takes money to afford tutoring (around 9-12,000 euros a year). Tutoring is necessary in order to do well on university entrance exams and get into the free, but competitive, public universities with few open spaces. In contrast, “The students I’ve met abroad want to do things to develop themselves.” She feels her British peers take life more seriously, while “Here most of my friends don’t have goals. If you see people in the city center people searching through trash for something to eat, without money to buy medicine, it’s hard to have hope.” The coffee shops are full of unemployed youth with nothing else to do. Hers can be called a lost generation, but her circle of well-to-do friends avoids politics. “To go to Syntagma Square, you would be stigmatized depending on who you support. This could lead to problems in your social life. You don’t want that label.”
Olivia is altruistic, like many educated global youth. “I want to do something to help society. I don’t understand why they don’t want to change. I’m interested in medical anthropology, the third generation of antibiotic resistance. I would like to do something about how pharmaceuticals are being distributed in undeveloped nations.” During her summer break, she is thinking of volunteering for an NGO that unites refugee children with their families.
Althea observed about youth,
I’m quite happy because young people in Gen X and Y really would like to change things. You wouldn’t see this before because you could do almost anything and avoid the law with a little bit of money under the table. The older generation tried to take as much as they could from the state for themselves, a crazy mentality of the older generation. The problem is youth unemployment is huge, almost half. When you’ve finished your studies, full of energy and passion, you fall on a wall. Some pack your suitcase and go like thousands have done. We’re very well educated so we can get jobs abroad.
Europe 2014 to 2018
The People’s Tribunal on EU Economic Governance and the Troika heard testimonies about the economic crisis. The Tribunal concluded that the goals for European social movements should be to: roll back austerity laws, enforce taxes on corporations and the wealthy, provide basic human needs including housing and water, close refugee camps, fully recognize the right to collective bargaining, and end precarious temporary work.[181] Some protesters are returning to a focus on leftist political parties as an organizing tool: SYRIZA in Greece, Die Linke in Germany, Front de Gauche coalition in France, and Podemos in Spain—the newest party. Professor Lawrence Cox, in Ireland, reminds us that neoliberalism is at most about 40 years old and that impermanence is the nature of things, so its power isn’t set in stone.
As to why the European uprisings quieted, Jerome Roos listed explanations in 2014: youth in an era of neoliberal dominance feel anxious and hopeless due to being in debt and unemployed, especially since they don’t see results from the 2011 uprisings.[182] Roos is not optimistic about Europe’s unified future due to the rise of racism and nationalism, building border fences as a response to the largest refugee crisis since World War II, an ongoing decrease in voter turnout in elections since the European Parliament was created in 1979, and the “inhumane austerity regime” response to the Greek and Eurozone debt crises.[183]
Spring 2016 saw a return of the Movement of the Squares and the Real Democracy Movements: in Reykjavik, Iceland, huge demonstrations ousted Prime Minister Sigmundur Davio Gunnlaugsson over offshore investing exposed in the #PanamaPapers scandal, the biggest leak of global tax evasion. Protesters threw eggs and demonstrated outside the parliament building. The same issue led to demonstrators wearing Panama hats calling for UK Prime Minister David Cameron to resign, which he did after failing to prevent the vote to leave the EU in Brexit. Thousands of Greeks marched at around the same time to protest the EU deal to send migrants to Turkey (over 50,000 stranded refugees were in Greece) with slogans like “No to deportations.” The snowball of the global occupation of squares rolled on to France in March 2016 in #NuitDebout, “on our feet in the night,” which brought over a million people to the streets.
The original trigger in France was Socialist President Hollande’s proposed labor law that would make it easier to fire workers, even though the unemployment rate was at 10%. A petition against the law gathered over a million signatures, a video was created called On Vaut Mieux Que Ca [“We’re Worth More Than This”], and a general strike was called. Instead of “general strike,” it was called Reve [dream] General in a play on the word grève(strike). High school students blockaded their schools as part of the strike. A collective of young activists called for a demonstration on March 9, “L’appel du 9 Mars.” Asking themselves, “How can we make them scared,” they decided not to go home after the next big demonstration, which happened on March 31. It attracted around 500,000 protesters in the Place de la Republique with a night-time sit-in despite the pouring rain.
Their slogans were, “The youth are in the streets. Your law is gone,” “Generation Revolution,” and “Youth in pain, elders in misery, that is not the society we want.” Prime Minister Manuel Valls explained, “Our youth feel neglected by society. Nuit Debout is expressing this, in its own way.”[184] A reporter described it as a young, white crowd, some dancing to techno music.[185] A young woman told her, “Neo-liberal economics are hurting everyone. Now we have the Panama Papers. [Leaks about offshore banking in Panama.] We’re headed for a wall.” Demonstrators want to change the system, which their predecessors failed to do in uprisings in 1968 and 1995. They acknowledge the need to include more people of color as in the campaign #BanlieuesDebout to reach out to Muslim immigrants in the suburban housing projects. Rappers like Médine aim to give voice to these people in their songs, and he also wrote a book titled Don’t Panik (2012) to speak to French fears of the young people in the banlieues.[186] (Muslim culture in Europe is explored in Inventing the Muslim Cool: Islamic Youth Culture in Western Europe, 2014).[187]
Alex, age 29, has been an activist in Paris since he was a teenager; he whostudied political science in university and worked for a member of parliament. He left that job because of the lack of freedom to criticize policy, which he blames on the form of government set up by the Fifth Republic’s constitution of 1958. It replaced the parliamentary government with a stronger president. He defines himself as an existentialist like John-Paul Sartre, who doesn’t believe we have an essential nature, so he is concerned about the declining quality of French education needed to shape informed citizens. He’s a leftist “red” socialist who believes that utilities like nuclear power should not be privately owned, but it’s fine to have private ownership of something like car manufacturers. Alex said President Francois Holland and his Socialist Party are not socialist when we talked on Skype on May 8, 2016, available on YouTube. You can also see photos on his Facebook page, Activideo.[188]
Current protests are “all new, not the old way of seeing the world,” Alex believes. He explained that what’s new is they want the rules to change, so they disobey them with “means of pressure” such as doing occupations or unauthorized marches, as when over 2,000 people marched to the Prime Minister’s house. He said, “We’re not afraid anymore, we do what we want.” They’re not afraid of the police because protesters are so numerous and activists have a phone app that the police can’t see, so they can organize quickly. He observed, “People on the square are writing new rules, discussing new political and social organization, making a network of people who share views. We experiment with direct democracy in the squares, this is never lost. People now have a taste for it.” Nuit Debout demonstrators aim for a “new world” of genuine democracy, with “no leaders, no demands, no pre-fixed ideas.”[189] In the beginning, people even used the same name, Camille, which can be for both sexes. They adopted the slogan of the May 1968 student protests, “L’imagination au Pouvoir” (the power of the imagination). A cartoon in Le Monde showed a group of penguins with the caption, “Let’s meet here every night until we can figure out why.”
Alex’s model democracy is the Paris Commune of 1871, where workers governed themselves democratically before the German army helped the French military kill 25,000 people in just one week. Alex credits the commune experiment with free education, equal pay for women, and separation of church and state. Along the theme of what’s new about Nuit Debout, I asked Alex about high school activists today; he said they are more aggressive but not violent; they never stop, and go faster than older activists.
Alex said the current movement is influenced by economist Frédéric Lordon (age 54), the first time since Sartre that such an intellectual has been part of the movement. Lordon maintains that Nuit Debout is not like Spanish Podemos, which tries to replace concepts of left and right with the 1% versus the 99%. Lordon believes that left and right remain important ways of looking at politics: “In France, someone who says they’re neither left nor right is, without exception, on the right or will end up on the right.”[190] He also advocates that tactivists not negotiate or make demands of politicians, as the problem is the political system itself. He thinks social democracy surrendered to the capitalist empire and looks to self-managed co-ops in Argentina and Spain as models of alternatives. Lordon wrote an influential article about the film Merci Patron, published in the February 2016 issue of Le Monde Diplomatique. This article encouraged the filmmaker, Francois Ruffin, to call for a public meeting that happened on March 31. Lordon spoke, advocating uniting the various leftist factions.
To protest proposed labor laws that would weaken hard-won rights from previous struggles, a petition against it got a record million signatures, which doubled quickly. Although the law aimed to reduce hiring and firing protections at a time when 25% of youth were unemployed, Prime Minister Manuel Valls used special constitutional powers to force the labor law through parliament in July 2016. Alex called for a demonstration against the erosion of worker rights via Facebook for March 9, liked by 200,000 supporters. He posted polls to ask about where and when they should assemble. They decided on the Place de la Republique at 2:00 PM. He also called for donations to purchase flags and other supplies, and organized security for the march. Union leaders ignored his calls for three weeks, and then called in their support the day before the march, bringing about half of the demonstrators. They organized a protest on March 31 with over a million people in 250 cities, despite the pouring rain, in the first Nuit Debout protest that continued in nightly assemblies of “nuitdeboutistes.” A popular anti-capitalist documentary film, called Merci Patron, fueled it. Tens of thousands more marched on April 9 in cities across France to protest the law, and the movement spread to Belgium, Germany, and Spain. A group called Convergence des Luttes (convergence of the struggles) claims credit for starting Nuit Debout to unify the anarchists, ecologists, and other leftists.
This was the first large demonstration not organized by unions. Like other global youth activists, Alex didn’t want to be associated with a political party, union, or other group, and instead reached rout to unaffiliated supporters. Another new tactic was the use of videos and the Internet, which was only utilized by the left for the previous three or four years (before the right dominated this media). Alex reported about 500,000 demonstrators showed up around France and 100,000 in Paris at the largest demonstration in years. Yanis Varoufakis, the Greek leader of a European democracy movement, spoke to the crowd saying, “I’m bringing you solidarity from Athens and one request: Don’t let this energy go to waste.”
The March 9 event was a predecessor for Nuit Debout, where Alex helped organize security. A DJ, he also helped set up a radio transmitter in the Place de la Republique. To avoid loudspeakers, demonstrators brought their own radios and boom boxes to listen to the radio station and dance to the music. They also organized a TV station, YouTube channel, and a kitchen. A group worked with Alex to build the media center; people who had never worked together before achieved a lot in an hour. Other activities were poetry readings, concerts, food stalls, and assemblies where anyone can speak for five minutes, using the usual hand signals to express an opinion in a crowd of up to 3,000 people. Police restricted time in the square, which reduced time spent in General Assemblies. One of the topics of discussion was how to deal with right-wing agitators who tried to take over. Sometimes they violated the law by not notifying police that some of the demonstrators were going on a spontaneous march.
Since a common issue is that men dominated discussions, I asked Alex if this has been a problem. “Yes, men talk more. It’s really hard to change; it’s part of our society. It’s something we discuss a lot but you can’t change all social dominations in one day.” The feminist group active in Nuit Debout, Feminismes denounced sexual harassment in the square, with cat calling and sexist comments or unwanted touching. However, Alex is against Affirmative Acton for employers because after they reach a quota they tend to just hire white men. He prefers penalties such as fines for companies that discriminate.
Alex also joined in the first-time occupation of the national theater, the Comedie-Francaise, the world’s longest established theater. It’s near a tourist hub with the Louvre, and shows that the protesters had the power to do what they wanted to make a public statement of protest without the police being able to interfere. They were careful not to damage the theater.
Alex also protests the reduction of liberty and rights enabled by the state of emergency that President Hollande put in place in reaction to terrorist bombings, renewed after a terrorist attack in Nice on Bastille Day in 2016. Mass demonstrations are prohibited. Police violence against protesters, who are called terrorists, increased, even though protesters are much less aggressive and numerous (about 10,000 people) than in protests a decade ago. However, some protesters smashed bank windows and cars as capitalist symbols. Protests in Geneva and Seattle included hundreds of Black Bloc protesters. Police not only use tear gas but hundreds of grenades: a fragment of one hit his bike helmet, which police confiscated. Police even threw grenades down the Metro, similar to the Syntagma protests in Greece in 2011 where police are also often right-wing nationalists. A video of a Paris high school student being beaten by police went viral, sparking more outrage. One of the first actions of the spring mobilizations in Paris was to prevent police from beating up refugees, and Parisians became more sympathetic to them.
Violation of citizen rights increased, such as police seizing cameras and deleting photos and videos of the Comedie-Francaise occupation or searching an activist’s home without judicial authorizations. Alex was beaten up by police in a demonstration at a political science university on March 17 and a young woman got her scalp torn by a police baton; protestors who were arrested at the university were put on trial. By July, nearly 2,000 demonstrators were arrested in confrontations with police.
When I interviewed Alex, he reported that around 5,000 people had been arrested in the past few months, mostly activists. A political science student got six months in jail for throwing a Coke can at police who interfered with a discussion of politics at his university. In lieu of jail, some activists are required to report to a police station three times a day, which means they have to give up their jobs and can’t pay their living expenses.
Nuit Debout protesters used the familiar general assemblies starting at 6:00 PM, using and the familiar hand signals with reports from working groups such as gardening and poetry. They used held up differently colored cards to hold up to vote yes or no. Discussion groups met by using cardboard signs labeled education, feminism, housing, and so on, and assemblies also met in neighborhoods and reported back to the GA. After two weeks, the GA decided to modify consensus agreement with voting. Organizers referred to themselves by their first names so as not to be identified as leaders. As usual, activists set up free food, a medical tent, legal help, a play area for children, live music, a radio and TV station, a choir, films, drumming circles and meditation areas, and other prefigurative creations, seen in photos on their Facebook page.[191] Classical musicians presented a concert in the square, which was videotaped, of course.[192]
Protesters kept coming back each night and included high school students marching and singing behind banners made of sheets with their school names. Unions were also involved. As usual, police used tear gas to clear the crowd after 11 nights of protest and made some arrests of people who threw blocks of concrete and glass bottles. Nuit Debout is compared to the Spanish Indignados with “similar magic in the air and a feeling like anything is possible,” but with stronger support from unions.[193] Unlike earlier occupations, like Spain’s Indignados, they packed up their tents each night so the police had nothing to remove and the activists didn’t build barriers against the police. In a Skype interview with a Parisian activist, Alex (age 29) reported the level of police violence was new (some of his photos are on the book’s Facebook page[194]). When I asked him about models to work towards, he said the French should look at their own history with the Paris Commune of 1871. In1871, workers took over Paris for a year, governed by commissions rather than individual leaders and transferred church property to public property. Women organized feminist movements and played important roles in the Commune.
As in other occupations, issues expanded to their disappointment with Socialist President Hollande, anger at the state of emergency security measures after terrorist bombings in Paris, climate change, unemployment, capitalism, GMOs, free Julian Assange, and migrant evictions. A law student named Cecile, 22, explained her motive for participating, “To me, politics feels broken. This movement appeals in terms of citizen action. I come here after class and I intend to keep coming back. I hope it lasts.”[195] Afraid of the anger of the 25% of youth who were unemployed, the government met with student leaders in April and agreed to spend about $450 million to help young people find jobs. High school graduates will get government help for four months.
Demonstrations took place in over 60 French towns as well as in Belgium, Germany, Portugal, Italy, and Spain against austerity, inequality, privatization, and anti-immigrant policies. The French activists aimed for international unity, calling for a “Convergence of Struggles” named #GlobalDebout. They wrote in assemblies that their movement “has no limit, no border as it belongs to all of those who want to be a part of it.” They saw themselves in a line with the Arab Spring, the 15M Movement, and the other occupations in Europe and the US. Police staged their own demonstrations after stressful weeks of protests and strikes, with young people throwing paving stones and gas bombs at them. Hundreds of high school students blocked the entrances to more than a dozen schools in Paris in March of 2017 to protest the alleged rape of a 22-year-old black man by police, who also used racial slurs against him. Police said the penetration with a baton was accidental.[196]
The International Day of Action #GlobalDebout on May 15 attracted thousands of demonstrators in at Madrid’s Puerta del Sol as well as in Paris, with over 300 actions around the world. The #Nuit Debout website reported 130 cities in Europe held demonstrations, along with 266 French towns, as seen in photos.[197] Similar to all the global uprisings, a local trigger of dissatisfaction mushrooms into a critique of the unequal economic system. An activist who tweeted as @OmanReagan posted “Imagine if #BlackLivesMatter, #Occupy, #NuitDebout, #Iceland, #London, and the Bernie Sanders supporters joined in global solidarity.” Activists called for a new society with real democracy. Author Marina Sitrin reported that participants in global occupations tell her they feel more confident and more caring about others as they watch out for each other in the squares in the common focus on relationships and joy.[198]
Young people throughout Europe voted against the establishment and for new parties as neo-fascist, populist, nationalist, and anti-immigrant politics surged, such as Golden Dawn in Greece, the National Democratic Party in Germany, the Jobbik party in Hungary, and the People’s Party in Slovakia (which is led by a 39-year-old). In Turin, Italy, the new mayor, 32, Chiara Appendino explained in 2016, “Our voters are mainly young voters. I believe there really is a generation of young people, and I feel in some way that I represent them, who have desire and ability, but who cannot get ahead.”[199] The youth unemployment rate in Italy is 35%, and more than 40% in Greece and Spain, countries with strong populist movements. Appendino believes the current EU doesn’t work. Other examples of rebellion against the status quo are the UK’s Brexit from the EU vote in 2016, Italian Prime Minister Matteo Renzi’s referendum’s defeat and lack of support from the youth vote, the increasing popularity of the Five Star Movement’s economic populism, and increased popularity for Marine Le Pen in France.
Le Pen was ahead in polls in the presidential race in 2017. She is a Catholic who has divorced twice and is pro-choice but is anti-immigrant, anti-globalization, and anti-EU. Opposing her was Emmanuel Macron, who emphasized his youth (born in 1977), a socialist who ran as an outsider. In Germany, the far-right party headed by Franke Petry gets a lot of press but was no threat to Angela Merkel’s Christian Democratic Party Merkel rose to prominence as the leader of the West, due to Donald Trump’s retreat to nationalism and his criticism of the EU. In the Netherlands, extremist anti-immigrant leader Geert Wilders led in the polls in 2017 but was defeated in the elections. He wants to bring back the values and culture of national interest and believes “the genie will not go back into the bottle. The process will continue, and will change Europe forever.”[200]
In Spring of 2016, support for immigrants surfaced with protests at more than a dozen immigrant centers in the UK and in the Netherlands, Germany, Belgium, and Iceland. A large “Refugees Welcome” rally took place in London, while the Stand Up to Racism coalition took aid to the refugee camp in Calais in partnership with trade unions and the People’s Assembly Against Austerity. In 2017, millions of Romanians demonstrated in Victory Square outside the main government building in Bucharest and in cities around the country to successfully protest a law decriminalizing politician corruption and misconduct. They continued to demonstrate after the ordinance was repealed to demand the resignation of Prime Minister Sorin Grindeanu. Facebook was, of course, used to mobilize the protests, including the page of activist Florin Badita, 28. He wanted to educate citizens about the Freedom of Education Act and other grounds for ongoing change, in order to “build this in a sustainable way.”[201]
After Stephen Bannon was fired by President Trump and Breitbart.com media, he stirred up populist nationalism in Europe, headquartered in Italy. In March 2018 elections, more than half of Italians voted for populist and right-wing nationalist parties in a backlash again immigrants and European Union regulations. The Internet based party called the Five Star Movement was the big winner with a third of the votes, the most of any party. It’s candidate for prime minister, Luigi “Gigi” di Maiio, was age 31. He opposed the influx of immigrants and urged an exit from the euro. He’s a college dropout. Youth unemployment is over 30%, leading many to leave the country in search of work.
Jerome Roos has some hope for new politics and “social self-organization.” He pointed to Italy’s unifying protest theme as the way to activate people and unite various groups. Working for a common goal would correct the failure of the 2011 uprisings to “construct an alternative political imaginary and long-term revolutionary strategy.” Goals for the future spelled out by an activist group called Solidarity Beyond Borders are eliminating austerity laws, taxing corporations and the wealthy, fighting for cancellation of unfair debt, promoting the integration of immigrants, and working to secure employment and public services like healthcare.[202] European Alternatives provides videos and reports to promote democracy “beyond the nation state.”[203]
Discussion Questions and Activities
Would you prefer to live with a European or US model of government services and taxes? Why?
Would the European uprisings of 2011 have occurred if the recession of 2008 didn’t occur? If youth weren’t angry about tuition increases and unemployment? Why or why not?
Why were conservative governments able to take power in the UK, Spain, Turkey, etc.? Was UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher right that there is no alternative to the current economic system?
Why were Icelandic people the most successful in making changes, including a voting out governing parties, a crowdsourced constitution, jailing bankers, etc.? What are the implications of the parliament not accepting the new constitution?
Discuss the DIY free cooperative services created in the occupations of the squares. Are they the precursors of a more democratic future? Answer the question raised by a Spanish anarchist, “What do we do when we burn down the city?”
What’s new about the recent protests such as Nuit Debout in France?
Activities
Look at videos of young activists speaking at the Global Uprising conference.[204] How would you characterize their theoretical points of view, such as anarchist, Marxist, feminist, etc.?
Au Revoir Les Enfants tells the story of three Jewish boys who are taken from their school by the Nazis in 1944. 1987
Ponette. A girl who goes to live with her aunt and cousins when her mother dies. 1996.
L’Auberge Espagnole portrays seven students from all over Europe who share an apartment in Barcelona. 2002
To Be and to Have. A documentary about a dedicated teacher in a one-room schoolhouse in a rural French village. 2003
The Fox and the Child. A 10-year-old girl explores nature in the mountains of Southern France. She is very brave, scaring away a wolf pack, an eagle, and a bear in her defense of a fox that she gradually tames. The narration is in English.2007.
Contrast with urban life for French children and German young adults in these French and German films:
400 Blows. Francois Truffaut’s film takes place in a cruel boarding school. The young adolescent boy descends into petty crime. 1959
Amelie. An introverted young woman works in a Paris bar and tries to help others. 2001
A Ma Soeur! Portrays the relationship between two sisters; 15-year-old Elena isn’t kind to her overweight 12-year-old sister Anais. 2001
Blame it on Fidel. Anna is a 9-year-old girl in Paris in 1970. She has to cope with many changes when her parents become radical activists. 2006
Germany:
Run, Lola, Run. A girl helps her boyfriend raise money he lost, with three different scenarios. 1998.
Goodbye Lenin. Takes place before and after the fall of the Berlin Wall in East Berlin, 1989-1990. 2003
Sweden:
My Life as a Dog. A troubled Swedish boy upset about the loss of a parent pretends he is a dog. 1985
Fanny and Alexander. In the early 1900s in Sweden, a brother and sister’s father dies and their mother remarries to a stern stepfather. 1982
Simple Simon is a comedy about 18-year-old with Asperger syndrome, cared for by his brother and his girlfriend. 2010
[1] Jody McIntyre, “Youth Rising,” New Internationalist Magazine, October 2012.
[19] Cristina Flesher Fominaya, “Youth Participation in Contemporary European Social Movements,” European Centre for International Affairs, October 31, 2012.
[31] Nick Squires, “A Year On from EU-Turkey Deal, Refugees and Migrants in Limbo Commit Suicie and Suffer from Trauma,” The Telegraph, March 14, 2017.
[35] The top ten are in this order: Vienna, Austria; Zurich, Switzerland; Auckland, New Zealand; Munich, Germany; Vancouver, Canada; Dusseldorf, Germany; Frankfurt, Germany; Geneva, Switzerland; Copenhagen, Denmark; and Sydney, Australia.
[55] Alexander Hensby, “Exploring Participation and Non-Participation in the 2010/11 Student Protests Against Fees and Cuts,” Ph.D. dissertation University of Edinburgh, February 2014.
[61] Sam Halvorsen, “Beyond the Network? Occupy London and the Global Movement,” Social Movement Studies Journal, Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 427-433, October 30, 2012.
[81] Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, eds. The Future We the People Need: Voices from New Social Movements. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, February 2013, p. 63.
[85] Neil Hughes, “’Young People Took to the Streets and all of a Sudden all of the Political Parties Get Old’: The 15M Movement in Spain,” Social Movement Studies, Vol. 10, No. 4, p. 408, November 2011.
[89] Mayo Fuster Morell, “The Free Culture and 15M Movements in Spain,” Social Movement Studies, Vol. 11, No. 3-4, November 2012, p. 387.
[90] Jose Luis Marti, “Democracy, Indignados, and the Republican Tradition in Spain,” chapter in Routledge Companion to Iberian Studies, Routledge, 2015.
[91] Maria Cruells Lopez and Sonia Ruiz Garcia, “Political Intersectionality Within the Spanish Indignados Social Movement,” “Intersectionality and Social Change” in Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change, Vol. 37, pp. 3-25.
[95] Leonidas Oikonomakis and Jerome Roos, “’Que No Nos Representan:’ The Crisis of Representation and the Resonance of the Real Democracy Movement from the Indignados to Occupy,” Paper presented on February 20, 2013.
[97] Leonidas Oikonomakis and Jerome Roos,” paper, February, 2013.
[98] Eduardo Romanos, “Collective Learning Processes Within Social Movement,” in Cristina Flesher Fominaya and Lawrence Cox, eds. Understanding European Movements. Routledge, 2013, pp. 203-216.
[99] Michel Bauwens, “Spain’s Micro-Utopias: The 15M Movement and its Prototypes,” P2P Foundation, May 25, 2013.
[101] José Bellver, “From New York to Madrid and Back Again,” in Anya Schiffrin and Eamon Kircher-Allen. From Cairo to Wall Street: Voices from the Global Spring. The New Press, 2012, pp. 112-118.
[102] Kerman Calvo, “Fighting for a Voice,” in Cristina Flesher Fominaya and Lawrence Cox, eds.
[103]Andrés Cala, “Spain’s Indignados,” Christian Science Monitor, May 17, 2012.
[111] Sara Lopez Martin and Javier Garcia Raboso, “We are the 99%,” in Schriffrin and Kircher-Allen, p. 117.
[112] Jacobo Abellan, Jorge Sequera, & Michael Janoschka, “Occupying the #HotelMadrid: A Laboratory for Urban Resistance,” Social Movement Studies, Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 320-326.
[141] Fivos Papahadjis, “No Tears for Greek Democracy,” in Schiffrin and Kircher-Allen, pp. 158-167.
[142] Leonidas Oikonomakis and Jerome Roos, “”Que No Nos Representan:’ The Crisis of Representation and the Resonance of the Real Democracy Movement from the Inidgnados to Occupy,” Paper presented on February 20, 2013.
[144] Antonis Voulgarelis, “Nights in Syntagma Square,” in Schiffrin and Kircher-Allen, pp.168-172.
[145] Maria Kaika and Lazaros Karaliotas, “The Spatialization of Democratic Politics: Insights from the Indignant Squares,” European Urban and Regional Studies, May 8, 2014.
[148] Theodora Oikonomides, “The Squares Movement: Combining Protest and Solidarity,” in Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, The Future We the People Need, Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, 2013, pp. 51-56.
[162] Quote by Aris Chatzistefanou in Suzanne Daley, “Alexis Tsipras, Greek Prime Minister, Sheds His Identity as a Radical,” New York Times, July 21, 2015.
Rural school children in a crowded and poorly equipped Tanzanian government school. What you see are their only supplies.
My sole purpose on earth is to shake the world really hard until the world stands up and notices. I want to be a living testimony of true hard work and pure dedication. I would like to be the first astronaut from my country.
Banele, 14, m, South Africa
What bothers me most in life is just seeing people suffer in terms of hunger and from diseases such as HIV/AIDS. To stay calm, I usually write poems about everything I see happening around me. I would like to make sure that every woman who is abused will stand up and fight against the abuse of women and children. Nsingwane, 16, f, South Africa
The rest of the world seems to be playing games with the youth of the 3rd world countries. I see the effect of negative globalization every day deteriorating every aspect of the society. Taika, 18, f, Ethiopia
It is the youth who are going to mobilize people and bring awareness [about issues like genital mutilation] from one village to another, to parents, other youth, mothers, young girls, everyone—to the whole community.[1] Yaya Baldé, Tostan Youth Program Facilitator (The endnote includes a link to interviews with youth activists in West Africa)
Education is the most powerful weapon that you can use to change the world. Nelson Mandela
A wind is blowing. It is heading south, and won’t be suppressed forever.
Kenyan activist Wangari Maathai.
If you want to go fast, go alone. If you want to go far, go together. African proverb
Contents: Youth Issues; Development Strategies,Uprisings Debate; Sudan’s and Burkina Faso’s Rebellion; South African Youth
Africa is the world’s youngest continent with the greatest percentage of youth, the only region where youth populations haven’t yet peaked. More than half of Sub-Saharan Africans (SSA) are under age 25 and nearly half are under age 14. Africa has over 200 million people ages 15 to 24 and could surpass Asia as having the most youth by 2080.[2] In 2014 the population of Africa was 1.1 billion, expected to double to 2.4 billion by 2050. The population will double by 2050, the young continent in the world. The youth dividend means that Africa will have more working-age adults than children in 2030. The average woman gives birth to 5.5 children, the highest fertility rate in the world. Strong economies are needed to take advantage of the youth dividend, as in Ghana and Namibia. Helpful government programs are spelled out by the Population Reference Bureau.[3]
Most Africans live in rural areas (63% according to a UN Habitat study in 2010), and 48 million youth are illiterate.[4] Youth are more likely to live in rural areas than cities. Radio is the main source of news in some areas and can be controlled by governments, and the educated new middle-class urban populations may not be interested in political change although Africa is changing rapidly, seemingly more than any other region, composed of 47 countries with nearly one billion people.
Africa is characterized by some of the most unstable governments, declining economic growth rates since 2014, lack of economic diversity in a time of falling commodity prices (such as oil), and the world’s fastest growing population. Currently, Africa is home to 1.2 billion people. Economists suggestions are to diversify by growing the manufacturing and offshore service industries, develop the infrastructure, as is happening in East African countries, and achieve political stability as in Ghana. Including women in development is also necessary, as a previously patriarchal Maasai village in Kenya learned when working together to cope with drought, inspired by the Gender Action Plan adopted internationally in 2017 to include women in planning for climate change.[5]
Although only about 10% of Africans had access to the Internet in 2014,[6] satellite TV and smart phones bring Al Jazeera, BBC World and CNN news to the masses. Phones also enable money transfers and independence from physical bank locations. Cell phone use has exploded faster than access to electricity (only about half of Africans have access to it), secondary school enrollment doubled in the past decade, and urbanization rapidly expanded to include 40% of Africans.[7] Economies grew with the stimulus of Chinese purchases of raw materials; however, that stimulus slowed with Chinese financial problems. The fastest growing economies are in Rwanda, Senegal, and Cote d’Ivoire.
Samuel, a SpeakOut high school student in Addis Ababa (age 16), repeats a global theme that his generation is less superstitious, more rational, more technological, and less formal and respectful. He plans on becoming a psychiatrist. He points out with technology available to young people, “the sky is our limit” if they work hard and aren’t slackers. Paul Kagame, President of Rwanda, said Africa is consuming technology, but not producing it, although technology is required to connect people with solutions. The digital divide is leaving more women behind than men: “Getting women involved is a policy decision,” he said at the Davos World Social Forum in 2016.[8]
SpeakOut student Ahorlu complains (16, f) that youth in South Africa are ignored in the second largest economy in SSA:
The present day youth in SSA are neglected and nobody trusts in our ability. We often hear the government and the leaders of the world talking about youth unemployment and under-employment. If you should ask me most of the talks are not yielding results in addressing the situation. The youth should be given the chance to help in providing solutions.[9]
The generation gap is noticeable. Young people criticize tribal traditions, such as Kenyan university student Eunice Kilonzo who blogs against tribalism[10] and educated youth with new ideas oppose traditional tribal aristocracies.[11] A discussion of popular Nollywood comedy films made in Nigeria reported that traditional African respect for elders is contrasted with contemporary young people portrayed as disrespectful and a threat to adults, materialistic schemers who will cheat their own family members to get money.[12] Young men are especially obnoxious in these Nigerian films. They make about 2,500 movies a year, second only to Bollywood, and explore the tension between urban and village life and Christianity and traditional beliefs like witchcraft. Comparing respect for adults with the informality in the US, a Rwandan orphan assisted by an NGO to study at Harvard University observed, “In Rwanda, we have a different way of talking to adults. We don’t shout. We don’t be rowdy. But here, you think independently.”[13] He said another difference is Americans do things fast and they tell you their experiences.
SpeakOut student Nomthandazo, 16, compares her life with her parents’ childhoods in South Africa:
My parent’s generation is different from my age group because they mostly lived according to their culture and customs. They were scared to talk or reveal facts about diseases like HIV that eats our people. I guess they were not told to. Their education system was very poor; their technology advancement was very weak compared to ours. They also experienced oppression and corporal punishment during the apartheid era.
I also asked Maame (age 23), who lives in Accra, Ghana, about differences between her parents’ generation and hers: “My parents had more informal training than I did [she went to a public boarding high school where water was very scarce]. They were more handy and self-sufficient at my age than I am now. They didn’t have this influx of technology, which meant they spent more time chatting with their grandparents, listening to advice from elders, spending time on the farm and doing more manual work.” I asked her about differences between Ghana and Pennsylvania where she got a scholarship to attend college:
1) Individualism versus communal life in Ghana
2) Variety of products, e.g., ten different types of cereal or laundry detergent. We have a variety of products here but not as many.
3) Racism in US vs. classism in Ghana
4) Basic things taken for granted in the US, like running water, food, electricity
5) Many Americans are very patriotic even with the injustices going on. They will support America and hold on to their citizenship with their dear life.
African youth are the first generation to have access to sophisticated technology. Facebook reported 38 million African users in 2011 but only 5% Africans were connected to the Internet and 600 million lack electricity.[14] Teens frequently text on their cellphones, as in other parts of the world.[15] This is the first generation to have access to cell phones and many report obsession with them, a global problem. The World Bank reported over 650 million mobile users in Africa. A college student in Rwanda said her friends text each other even if they’re in the same place, including religious services. Teens are the biggest group of users. In some SSA countries more people have access to phones than clean water or electricity, so the phone becomes a multi-service device. The cell phone is used as a bank, for Internet and email use, and instruction such as at Namibia’s Polytechnic. Youth manage the mobile phone kiosks that provide a variety of services, a source of much needed employment.
From Ethiopia, SpeakOut student Taika, 17, observes:
A lot of changes are occurring in Africa, but I always wonder if it is actually for the betterment of the continent. I ask if Africa is changing in a direction that the rest of the world wants it to follow (for their own benefits) or in a path that can restore the power of the continent. When I say this, it doesn’t mean I am disregarding the changes in infrastructure, health programs, etc.
I feel like Westerners are trying to help or make a difference not for our sake but for themselves. [Over half the Ethiopian budget comes from Western aid.[16]] I feel like they are preparing a land where they can settle in when things fall apart. It is true that we’re closer to nature than the others. And whether we like it or not, nature is our paradise and what will save us at the end. You might ask me why we haven’t changed things yet and my answer is we are still colonized. This one is actually worse than the previous colonization. Because now we aren’t physically colonized but rather mentally which is harder to overcome.
Education, youth poverty and unemployment are discussed on the book webpage.[17]
Development Strategies
In Ghana, young adult Mabel Ahorlu doesn’t feel youth are respected. She is trying to start a company to employ other youth but she has not found financial backers, despite the UN’s Youth Agenda target of reducing the number of NEETs. A Pan African Youth Union provides a network for young people and an African Union (AU) Youth Volunteer Corps encourages youth service. The AU Youth Charter encouraged the increase in national youth policies to 32 countries in 2016, up from 23 in 2014. Most of the new constitutions mention rights of children and youth. Knowing that youth are discontent with employment opportunities and government corruption, more African governments are interested in youth development programs, such as the UN plan to include youth in African development.[18] The IMF reported that economic growth averaged 5% in 2014, compared to 2.7% worldwide, but much of this is from extraction of natural resources that don’t go to the people.
Without oil wealth, Rwanda is at the forefront of change from seeking donors to attracting investors to develop a knowledge economy with young entrepreneurs to leapfrog into the industrial stage.[19] The Rwandan government made ICT available, building national fiber-optic lines, provides technology development centers, and a solar-powered Internet school. An NGO called Educate! teaches entrepreneurial skills to secondary school students. Malawi’s government rebelled against donors like the World Bank and IMF, reacting to a maize shortage in 2005 by providing $74 million in subsidies for subsistence farmers.[20] The government aims to increase the use of organic fertilizers and sustainable farming techniques. The plan worked so that Malawi was able to export maize.
SpeakOut college student and NGO founder Felix reports from Zambia:
It is not so much about forming youth organizations that will address developmental challenges in Africa but allowing Africa to have its own perspective of development, governance, and politics. It is so sad that most African countries feel inferior to express who they are and what works for them. African long workable [traditional] policies are never implemented successfully. Why? The answer is simple; it is not the African way of doing it, but a copied way doing things from Western lifestyles.
When I asked about the African way, Felix said it’s not liberal democracy but monarchy and that Africa skipped the gradual process from agrarian to industrialization, although development should be gradual. Policies should be chosen from the bottom up rather than being imposed from the top. When I asked him what he would do if he were a monarch, he said he would target “emancipation education” with the goal of not just learning a subject like Algebra but teaching how to tackle poverty. (Rob, 16, agrees that, “the California school system does not teach material in high school that we actually need to know.”) This involves teaching creativity and innovation rather than old theories. Felix would also slow population growth.
Wiza Jalakasi is a 23-year-old techie entrepreneur from Malawi who launched his first start-up as a teenager.[21] Regarding development strategies, he agreed that Africans should not copy Westerners:
One of the biggest problems I see at present is the lack of true African stories. Everything you read online about startup success is typically about a white male who dropped out of an Ivy League school, raised a ton of money and built a company with it. Where are the African stories? That’s why I’m writing this blog. Secondly, the global media has such a pessimistic narrative of Africa as a continent. I think the world is really changing and Africa really is rising, despite what the media says. The solutions for Africa, solving African problems will come out of Africa and be championed by Africans.
A major issue throughout Africa is wealthy countries like China and Saudi Arabia that buy huge tracts of the most fertile land and water sources, pushing out poor farmers. Taika commented from Ethiopia, ”It is true that land is being bought by the wealthy countries. When the companies start their business on the fertile lands, it is obvious that we will get some benefit. But, the local farmers are being pushed away and also the fertile land is being degraded; after 20 or 30 years, the companies will leave with a land that can’t be reused ever.” Foreigners took over about 227 million hectares of land in Africa in the last decade, according to an Oxfam report (one hectare equals about 2.5 acres).[22] A Nigerian banker, Lamido Sanusi complained, “China takes our primary goods and sells us manufactured ones. This was also the essence of colonialism.”[23] When I was in Tanzania I was told that traditional African fabrics are now made in China (in Istanbul I heard the ancient Grand Bazar is really the Chinese Bazar). Edith Nawakwi, the head of an opposition party in Zambia, recommended, “What we need is a change in the way we approach China. You get from China what you ask for,” which should be infrastructure that enables economic development.[24]
Another hindrance to development is government corruption. The Mo Ibrahim Foundation grants an annual good governance award for African leaders who excel in office and leave at the end of their term of office. It was only able to give three awards of the $5 million prize to former heads of Cape Verde, Botswana, and Mozambique because of the prevalence of corruption and leaders who overstay their term of office. The foundation reported that 32 out of 50 African countries declined in implementing the rule of law since 2000. However, Ibrahim is hopeful that youth will change corrupt government because, “Africa is changing and the young African generation is different. It is a better educated people…the sense of duty, the whole political atmosphere around the issue of leadership is changing.”[25]
Felix commented about African development and generational relationships:
To most learned and educated Africans, Africa needs more than this adopted way of doing things. Most people do not realize that culture shock is what Africa has experienced since colonization up to present, thus, to change, serious and drastic emancipation is urgently needed. The time is now to allow both young and adults to find viable solutions to the issues Africa is facing. For the old folks, flexibility is important and must be embraced, and for my fellow youths, experience is what we cannot do away with needing. Hence, these old lads are needed, but the caution is that time and time again, there is a virus somewhere in our way to development.
This virus comes in the name of dependency syndrome, inferiority perceptions, greediness, ignorance, lack of creative and innovative minds, jealousy, envy, external influence, propaganda, and corruption. In summary this is the cancer and poison of Africa. Thus, in order to develop, Africa needs to fight these evils, unlike what is happening. It is not about the governments and their systems but the above. Most importantly it is now time to emulate the good sides of different cultures and find what can be adopted: “African challenges need African solutions.”
Critiquing a draft of the chapter, Taika added,
I share some ideas with what Felix is saying. In Ethiopia, there are many youth organizations that are being formed and most are under the supervision of the government and not in a productive way. They are not encouraged to be innovative or challenging. All they are expected to do is comply with the rules and regulations of the government. In a country that claims to be democratic, the youth are contributing less to the concept of democracy. [Six bloggers were arrested in 2015 for reporting on political issues in their blog Zone9, named after a prison for political prisoners. Three journalists were also jailed, charged under the Anti-Terrorism Proclamation.] To add to that problem, the rest of the world seems to be playing games with the youth of the third world countries. I see the effect of negative globalization every day deteriorating every aspect of the society.
I asked Taika to explain what she meant by the world playing games with youth.
Many years ago while Africans were fighting for their freedom and the black Americans were struggling to free themselves, the youth played very important roles in accomplishing their goals. I feel like now the Western world has made sure that we are confused enough about our identity and we are not taught to challenge our surrounding and the Western [influence], so that we accept whatever they dump on us. Every single concept imported to Africa comes with not only the face forward product but also an inner motive, e.g. movies.
From Ghana, Maame (23) reported about the negative legacy of colonialism,
Africans still have a slavery mentality and do things like they are still in the slavery era. Of course this is changing rapidly today but the effects of colonialism still linger in our society. In terms of Africans adopting Western ways of things, which definitely affects us because the Western countries are far ahead of us in industrialization and their cultural contexts are different from ours, so adopting and assimilating Western ways of being is not always the best decision. It is good to pick the good and try to see how it fits in with our culture but we usually copy blindly.
An outstanding example of youth-led community development led by an African, Kennedy Odede grew up in one of the largest African slums–Kibera in Nairobi, Kenya. He described his struggle in Find Me Unafraid (2015). His mother struggled to save $3 a month to pay for the informal school since there are no government schools or other services in the slums (including sanitation, water and power), but he was turned away because tuition was $5 a month. As a girl his mother wasn’t sent to school because “a girl reading was rebellion,” so she secretly taught herself. Odede learned literacy basics from other boys who were able to go to school. His family couldn’t afford to buy water, so his mother filtered sewage water through sand. Their shack was invested with lice and fleas but soap wasn’t affordable either. Their only book was the Bible. His drunken stepfather beat him more severely than the rest of the family, so Odede left home to join a gang of street boys at age 10. They stole to eat, picked through garbage in more prosperous areas, or sniffed glue to muffle hunger pangs. When his best friend was killed by a mob for stealing, a common occurrence, he left the gang. He found a priest who would help him out and gave him a dictionary, but the priest returned to Italy and was replaced by a pedophile priest who painfully molested the boy. Odede then turned to a Rastafarian group and was influenced by reading books by Martin Luther King, Nelson Mandala, and Marcus Garvey who advocated “Africa for Africans.”
When he was 16, Odede made a soccer ball out of trash in order to provide something positive for slum children, the beginning of SHOFCO, Shining Hope for Communities in 2004. He explained, “I was tired of being angry. I was tired of violence. Enough is enough.” He thought if he could bring the community together having fun, good would result. After a game, they decided to start a lending group similar to one his mother started for neighborhood women, a plan called “pass it forward” where instead of paying a loan back, the recipient picks another person to receive a loan. Odede and his friends did street theater to protest rape, a common problem even for little girls in such a crowded community where children are often unsupervised, police accept bribes from rapists, and elections are rigged.
When Odede gathered seven friends to start SHOFCO, one of them asked if he had a white donor, reflecting the common belief that change could only come with Western support and knowhow. Odede knew that grassroots organizing and community involvement is the only effective solution. He quoted his mother, “Only he who wears the shoe knows how it pinches” and “When a snake bites you, don’t spend time looking for a spear. Use whatever stick you have.” He replied that they didn’t need money to clean the streets, organize co-ed soccer, do journalism, or perform street theater to expose problems and solutions to protect girls and women from abuse. He said they were starting a movement, which happens when “you have been pushed to the wall and all you can do is bounce back.”[26] They were joined by some members of the Catholic Church youth group that expelled Odede because he advocated using condoms to prevent HIV infection, although it remains a major cause of death for young people. This is especially for girls, due to early marriage and sexual abuse. Hundreds joined in their first cleanup effort, singing together as they worked. Next they organized a women’s empowerment program called SWEP.
In 2007, after four years of organizing, the SHOFCO performance group was invited to the World Social Forum. They made T-shirts and bracelets to sell for fund raising and performed Odede’s play “Another World is Possible.” By this time SHOFCO had thousands of members, mostly young people and women of various ages. The slum community called Odede “The Mayor.” With the help of Jessica Posner, a Wesleyan African Studies student on her junior year abroad in 2007, they got grant funding. Posner insisted on staying in his shack to experience the community, talking a bath with two plastic pans of water, using the outdoor pit latrine, and getting scabies and malaria. Without electricity, Odede used a battery-powered radio. Despite these difficulties, they fell in love and eventually married after he graduated from Wesleyan. At the university he was amazed by the running water in the shower and the abundance of food in the cafeteria that didn’t run out. SHOFCO applied for grants from Echoing Green, Dell Social Innovation Competition, Do Something Award, America’s Top World Changer, 25 and Under, and Newman’s Own Foundation.
Grants enabled SHOFCO to build a girls’ school called the Kibera School for Girls in 2009 to be the center of community transformation, a community center with toilets and clean water, a medical clinic including AIDS treatment, a nutrition program, a preschool and childcare. Other community development projects were a cleanup program, computer education, and providing sanitary napkins to schools so girls could attend all month. They started a boarding house for girls who were abused and raped, unsafe at home, and a community group to advocate for rape victims in the legal system. Odede also organized the Urban Network, called SUN, for young people and women to organize for their rights and start businesses. Facilitators lend money enabling slum dwellers to create over 400 businesses a year. The reason for their success is Odede involved the community and overcame tribal rivalries, as by including girls from different tribes in the school (last names indicate tribal background, similar to caste in India.) Parents don’t pay tuition but volunteer at the school for five weeks a year overseen by a parents’ committee. Odede understood the informal hierarchy that must be involved for a project to be successful in a way that an outsider wouldn’t know.
When tribal violence threatened in 2014, Odede brought together community leaders and their wives to sign a peace declaration and a thousand people marched in support of peace. The same year they opened a girls’ school in Mathare, the second largest slum in Nairobi, led by young people from the community. Odede and Posner aim to spread these programs throughout Africa. Posner explained, “In communities where there is greater gender inequality there is greater poverty, and we believe this is because women are so central to development and family.” They’re included in The Path Appears book and film by Nicholas Kristof and Sheryl WuDunn, authors of Half the Sky (2010) about the status of women globally.[27]
Regarding development efforts by large formal organizations, UN’s Youth Agenda aims to reduce the number of NEETs. The UN appointed the first youth envoy in 2013. Ahmad Alhendawi, 29, is from Jordan and had worked in Cairo. He pointed to UN data indicating that literacy rates in Africa increased to 67% of girls and 78% of boys by 2013 and that the first priority for youth is education while the second goal is access to health care systems.[28] His job is to promote the UN’s World Programme of Action for Youth approved in 1995. He focuses on job creation and entrepreneurial opportunities for youth because high unemployment leads to unrest; “a ticking time bomb” about to explode as Zambia’s finance minister described the problem.[29] As the largest group of eligible voters, Alhendawi advocates that youth get involved in local governments. Many UN agencies work with African youth including UNICEF, UN Women, UNFPA, and UNECCA (UN Economic Commission for Africa.) A UN Fact Sheet reported that many African youth policies have “significant shortcomings” and recommended that youth be approached as valuable resource rather than as the source of problems.[30]
All African countries except Morocco are members of the African Union (AU), a pan-African organization that aims for African solutions to African problems. The Youth and the African Union Commission provides updates online.[31] However, Felix observes that these organizations are often ineffective:
It is amazing and shocking if you look at the times spent on meetings at national, regional and continental levels on poverty reduction, unemployment, HIV/AIDS, development and good governance, yet what is happening at the grassroots is deteriorating with the continuation of the widening gap between the poor and rich. Change is only possible if we can trace the roots of this confusion, which some people think can be sorted out in mere planned and funded meetings. That has failed but it seems no one is willing to see and make drastic changes that will only come from inclusive leadership and governance. The major questions are what have the meetings of African leaders yielded positively after lots of years of political freedom? Should such expensive gatherings continue when the vast population is still very poor? Will African leaders ever know how to differentiate politics from development?
The African Union (AU) created the African Youth Charter in 2006, implemented three years later, a framework for how to develop youth policies and empower youth. It requires African countries to adopt a national youth policy but it’s still not ratified by all the African Union members (38 countries ratified by 2016). The 10-year commemoration included the Pan African Youth Union, National Youth Councils, Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Partners in Youth Development, and Youth Champions. Countries like Ghana limited youth input into their policy and youth were excluded from its implementation after the decade-long process.[32] The AU included a youth division in its New Partnership for Africa’s Development and ratified the 2009-2018 AU Plan of Action for Youth Empowerment and Development, a volunteer corps, and African Youth Day.
The first Pan African Youth Leadership Forum’s theme in 2007 was the “New Generation of Leaders.” The theme of the fourth Forum in 2014 was “The Evolving Role of Africa’s Greatest Resource, The Youth.” Since 2002 the African Youth Parliament developed action plans for youth enterprise, HIV/AIDS, the environment, armed conflict, and culture and identity.[33] An example of a regional group is the Mano River Union Youth Parliament, developed by the West African Youth Network for youth in Liberia, Sierra Leone and Guinea in 2003 at a peace-building seminar. Youth for Peace in Africa is a continent-wide organization.
Priority youth issues for government youth policies are employment (training, apprenticeships, and career counseling as in Senegal’s Office for Youth Employment), participation (youth congresses and parliaments, volunteering), and education and health (including protection from violence and bullying, and providing drug and AIDS education). As many as 11 million young Africans will enter the labor market every year for the next decade. The Brookings Institution lobbies for a better connection between the skills of young people and the skills needed by employers. The World Bank suggests that governments should implement better vocational and technology education; an example is the Northern Uganda Social Action Fund that pays for vocational training and business startup (Uganda has the world’s youngest population accompanied by over 60% youth unemployment.[34])
Ghana and Nigeria created a national youth service and provide job skills training. Nigeria’s YouWin funds young entrepreneurs and Mauritius organized vocational education. Zambia’s youth policy includes a youth enterprise fund to stimulate job growth. Other governments started young entrepreneurship programs in South Africa, Kenya, and Tanzania. Public works programs hire unskilled youth to work in programs like reforestation and urban sanitation, as in Senegal, Ghana, South Africa and Nigeria. National service programs provide similar work programs in Nigeria and South Africa. SSA’s task is to implement development tactics that build on local cultures. Nigerian scholar Akin Iwilade is optimistic that “Africa is at last showing signs of emerging from its underdevelopment,” partly because youth activists bring up issues of democratic governance.
Uprisings Debate
No African Spring Occurred
Young Africans worked for liberation from colonial rule and then turned to local issues, influenced by Third World Marxism and Black Power Internationalism.[35] They worked in student organizations and young people rebelled against government policies in street protests in Sudan, Angola, Burkina Faso, Malawi, Nigeria, Mozambique, Senegal, and South Africa. Like other young protesters against corruption and inequality, activists lack a plan for replacing the current neoliberal system as politics revert to the familiar. This is the observation of a Mozambican scholar Alcinda Honwana based on her interviews with youths.[36]
Did young rebels lead an African Spring? Some observers maintain that SSA lacks an African Spring without the necessary conditions of democratic ideals and educated youth, while others point to North Sudan and other uprisings as similar to the Arab Spring. Jolyon Ford maintains that democracy in various forms became common in the 1990s.[37] Compared with the Arab Spring and Occupy movements, Ford suggests, “Social protest in Africa is more likely to revolve around land or extractive sector schemes (in rural areas) or cost of living, electricity and other services, and high-profile instances of corruption or abuse (in urban centers) than around the more structural reform agenda discernible in the ‘Occupy’ movement.” Ford pointed out African countries are very different from each other, as when people in Mali supported a military coup against a democratic administration in 2012. The same year youth-led protests in Senegal in the 23 June Movement (M23) chanted “Don’t touch my constitution” and got President Wade to back down from his plan to extend his two-year term and groom his son to succeed him. Around 60 groups joined together to form M23, a new social movement.
However, Freedom House reports that the number of “free” or “partially free” countries dropped from 34 in 2005 to 30 in 2012, and pseudo-democracies exist in Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Ethiopia, and Uganda.[38] The BBC reported that about 98% of Africa’s 57 nations are not free at all or “partly free,” complicated by frequent civil wars and internal conflicts.[39] Taika gives the view from Ethiopia:
Uprisings in Ethiopia are simply confusing. To begin with, we never actually hear about them for reasons that seems obvious coming from the government. From what I can remember, the only uprising that actually happened and was acknowledged by the government took place about nine years ago. It was basically against the government for corrupting the election results. Sadly, nothing came out of it. The leaders of the opponent parties went to trial for apparently initiating the uprising and they were even sentenced to death. But after some time of imprisonment, they were pardoned.
Journalists critical of the Ethiopian government created a blog called Zone 9 named after prison Zone 9 for political prisoners, implying that the country is a virtual prison.[40] Some of the bloggers were arrested on terrorism charges in 2014 and released the following year. Young activists in a country where the median age is 17 led uprisings against the repressive People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front dictatorship in 2005.[41] In 2013 they demanded the release of political prisoners, justice and “respect for the constitution” with an uncensored media. The next year they protested against abuse of Ethiopian migrants in Gulf States and discrimination against the Oromo ethnic group who struggled with efforts to oust them from their land. University students led the protests and where met by live bullets fired by government thugs. I asked Taika to comment on this in September 2015:
This is the type of information that is partly denied but orchestrated by the government! The bloggers were arrested on the offence of terrorism but they were released during Obama’s visit. The bloggers claim that they were doing their job while the government claims otherwise. What happened at the universities is also true. The result was just unrest for a short while and nothing else.
Felix commented from Zambia that democracy is not his main goal,
To me dictators are not an issue because even elected leaders have so many times become a tyranny, therefore, in order to have change we should not only point at the wrongs being done by dictators, but go deeper and check the so called democratic systems if they are working or not. Most young people have been drawn and dragged in these debates and arguments over governance without really understanding what constitutes governance. Mostly, young people have adopted Western perspectives and cannot really see what is workable for their African setups. Consequently, time and time again the vicious cycle continues where people are arguing more than they are acting.
The biggest problem Africa is facing “loss of identity;” we are not Westerners but Africans, with a different history and cultures. Thus, to develop we need more than democracy. For instance, our education system, economic and social lifestyles etc.…. are so important in asserting the kind of governance that will change the face and story of Africa.
In 2013, youth protests kept presidents from running for a third term. However, predictions were that many African leaders would continue to try to get around term limits partly because many leaders have closer ties to China than the democratic West. China isn’t interested in spreading an ideology such as democracy, but is motivated by gathering resources and protecting itself from undesirable aspects of globalization. Many rulers attempt to repeal term limits, resulting in a “retreat of democracy,” as professor Richard Joseph observed.[42] He believes that there are no coherent democratic big states in Africa. For example, Gambian President Yahya Jammeh told BBC in February 2011, “If I have to rule this country for one billion years, I will, if Allah says so.” Like some other African rulers, he is homophobic, stating, “As far as I’m concerned, L.G.B.T. can only stand for Leprosy, Gonorrhea, Bacteria and Tuberculosis.”[43] He vowed in 2014 to “fight these vermins called homosexuals or gays” and said his critics could “go to hell.” Joseph traces the decline of democracies to the “autocratic tendencies” of post-colonial regimes–many of whom came to power through armed struggle, donor pressure for economic growth–especially from the Chinese government, and desire for stability in the face of terrorism. He makes suggestions for how to stimulate democracy in his article and is optimistic that civil society including youth, women’s, professional and other organizations will expand freedom.
Jason Nicholson believes the reason for the lack of African uprisings is that most African governments are based on traditional social hierarchies in tribes, clans, and social classes.[44] Although governments are often corrupt and totalitarian with votes for sale, thus providing grounds for revolts, a catalyst is needed and then a way to communicate a call for action. Some countries in SSA lack the centralized state governments found in North Africa with homogeneous Arab ethnicity and Muslim religion, leading to ethnic and tribal conflicts. North Africans have more access to social media and a better-educated population.
Yes, There are African Uprisings
University students had privileged status and played an important role in independence from colonial rule and continued their activism in student groups during independence.[45] However, neoliberal austerity policies in the 1980s and 90s cut funding to universities and therefore to students. These problems led to the re-emergence of social movements the decade before 2011 and protests in Western Sahara, Zimbabwe, Senegal, Gabon, Sudan, Mauritania, Morocco, Madagascar, Mozambique, Algeria, Benin, Cameroon, Djibouti, Côte d’Ivoire, Burkina Faso, Botswana, Namibia, Uganda, Kenya, Swaziland, South Africa, Malawi and Uganda. Some lasted for a day or two and others sporadically for months as in Gabon (against President Ali bongo Ondimba), Zimbabwe (against President Robert Mugabe), Mauritania and Morocco.[46] CANVAS trained activists in the Maldives; in 2008 activists were able to oust an autocrat in a free election who had ruled since 1978.[47] Some protests were led by women, as in Cameroon and Zimbabwe.
In African Awakening: The Emerging Revolutions, editors Sokari Ekine and Fronzi Manji report, “Rebellions in Benin, Gabon, Senegal, Swaziland, Ethiopia, Djibouti, Uganda, and in other parts of the African continent have gone virtually unnoticed.”[48] They state that neoliberalism and its structural adjustment programs, cuts in social programs, land grabs, and privatization policies are the underlying cause of poverty and corruption and therefore lead to uprisings. Billions of dollars flow out of Africa to the West pay interest on loans. Financial institutions like the African Development Bank state that SSA has a growing middle-class, but define this as an income of $2 to $20 a day. Manji stated that this definition neglects the 61% of Africans who live on less than $2 a day on a continent where 70% of city dwellers live in urban slums, according to UN Habitat.[49] As evidence of growing rebellion on the continent, Manji lists movements for self-determination that try to reclaim government for the people such as the Bunge Sisters and Unga Revolution in Kenya (The People’s Parliament worked for a new constitution in 2010 and reduction in food prices), the Landless People’s Movement in South Africa, the growing LGBT movement, organized labor and farmer organizations and alternative media like his Pambazuka press.
The Arab Spring of 2011 spurred movements in Mauritania, Djibouti, and Sudan.[50] Firoze Manji observed that many of the uprisings were brutally suppressed and the gains of independence from colonial rule reversed. He reported other uprisings occurred in Western Sahara, Algeria, Benin, Burkina Faso, South Africa, and the Walk-to-Work protest campaigns in Uganda.[51] He compared them to uprisings in Wisconsin, Spain, Greece and Italy against neoliberal policies. The US and other Western powers manipulated regime change behind the scenes, including ousting Muamar Gaddafi who Manji said provided social networks for the people. He believes Gaddafi’s death was plotted long before the demonstrations, similar to efforts to get rid of Fidel Castro, Hugo Chavez, Evo Morales, Salvador Allende, and Jean-Bertrand Aristide in Latin America and Haiti. The usual solution to global problems is local organizing, so Manji suggested remedies to regain power for the people are farmers’ and peasants’ organizations—especially those led by women. These farmers resist US foundations’ efforts to get them to use Monsanto GMOs and pesticides. He sees the Bolivarian countries in Latin America as models of how to escape neoliberalism, along with the solidarity provided by the World Social Forum.
Kola Ibrahim is a Nigerian student and labor activist who addressed the question of why Sub-Sahara Africa hasn’t “caught the bug” of MENA’s revolutions, despite having worse economic and social problems.[52] He reported that analysts blame corrupt regimes that pretend to be Western-style democracies and offer regular but rigged elections. An interest in democracy is encouraged by Western media, NGOs, African students who studied in the West, and multiplying converts to Islam, a religion that teaches charity and humility. However, since SSA is divided by ethnic and religious differences, it’s hard for protesters to unify around a goal. As a socialist, Ibrahim thinks analysts’’ bourgeois explanations are an “excuse to cover the revolutionary potential of the region . . . and downplay the impact of the capitalist dislocation of the region.”
Ibrahim pointed out the history of Africa includes pan-national mass movements against slavery, colonialism and neoliberalism. However, he thinks African activism is undermined by weak trade union leadership bought out by business interests and “the absence of a revolutionary party of the working class” to oppose imperialism. Ibrahim noted that since the 2008 recession, workers, youth and the poor engaged in uprisings more massive than in MENA, such as South African miners, the Nigerian youth and workers protests against a fuel price hike, Mozambique’s movement against increases in food prices, and various demonstrations in Cameroun, Ghana, Uganda, and Malawi. He points out that opposition leaders are often “actually offshoots of the ruling regime. They mostly become opposition during struggle for spoils of office.” He believes that revolution against corrupt governments and the capitalist system is imminent.
Africans overturned dictators using the ballot in Malawi (Hastings Banda ruled from 1963 to 1994) and Zambia (Kenneth Kaunda ruled from 1964 to 1991), but the lack of Internet access and tribal divisions inhibited more recent uprisings in those countries. Seven countries had pro-democracy struggles in the early 1990s that utilized general strikes and nonviolent resistance campaigns: Benin, Madagascar, Cameroon, Mali, Togo, Malawi and Kenya.[53] Women leaders were especially prominent in Kenya and Mali. Youth protested neoliberal Structural Adjustment programs of the 1980s and 1990s. Young activists lost their lives during election conflicts in Ethiopia (2005), Kenya and Zimbabwe (2008), and Cote d’Ivoire (2010). For example, in Benin students led a strike in 1989 because the government wasn’t paying scholarship money or salaries to teachers and government workers. After 15 months the government gave in to their demands, including a democratic election.
A group of five young people founded the African Youth Trust in 2005 to influence Kenya’s laws and policies with an Action Guide. More Internet activist groups developed from the sixth World Social Forum held in Nairobi in 2007 where Kenya had a more advanced software industry than other SSA countries.[54] Kenyan bloggers formed an association called BAKE, which organizes educational camps to encourage citizen journalists and oppose government regulation and prosecution of bloggers. (Their first blog was posted in 2003 and the first Twitter account in 2007.)
Revolts against the Mugabe regime in Zimbabwe persist since before the 2008 elections, including members of “Women of Zimbabwe Arise.” The leaders of a new youth political party called Viva Zimbabwe were detained in July 2016. At their launch the month before, 26-year-old organizer Acie Lumumba said, “President Robert Gabriel Mugabe, fuck you. I have drawn the red line; come and get me if you want to. I am here and my name is Lumumba, Lumumba, Lumumba, am saying it three times so that you hear it clearly.”[55] He was the former ZANU PF youth leader, Mugabe’s party. However, he went into hiding fearful for his safety. Two years later Lumumba said that youth could form a political movement to influence the 2018 elections, as they organize on social media and youth groups to “change this country.”[56] Demonstrations continued in August 2016 to protest corruption and unemployment, but after the largest demonstrations in two decades, Mugabe (age 92) warned no Arab Spring would happen in his country. He accused Western countries and terrorists of being behind the uprising.
A Pentecostal pastor, 39-year-old Evan Mawarire was also arrested for inciting public violence in July 2016, after organizing the largest protests in a decade, although he called for non-violent strikes. Using social media in the #ThisFlag campaign, including a video where he is wrapped in a flag, he asked people to shut down the country and stay home from work on “stay-away day.” His goal was to protest economic problems, 86% unemployment rates, and government mismanagement under Mugabe. Mawarire repeated language used by other uprisings, as in Egypt and Greece, stating, “We have been sleeping, and we have been beaten, jailed and were afraid. But now we are waking up.”[57] Also typical, Mugabe blamed terrorists and Western powers for the uprising. Groups in Kenya and Uganda also protest the rising cost of living. Urban protests increased over the past decade, according to a conflict scholar.[58]
In Africa Awakening: The Emerging Revolutions, (2012) the editors argue that an African Awakening took place in 23 Sub-Saharan countries in 2011, with strikes and protests against their governments. They pointed out, “There are thousands of activists and social justice movements from across Africa and the Diaspora who are totally committed to changing the socio-political landscape in their countries.”[59] Manji and Ekine maintain that, like the Arab Spring, the revolutions were made by ordinary people acting independently who valued non-violence and aimed for human dignity. Thousands of young Mozambicans protested and riots erupted in 11 countries in 2011 and North Sudanese claimed to be conducting the African Spring. Kenya’s “maize flour revolution” occurred in 2011. Nigerians protested against increased food and fuel prices in 2012 while Ethiopians marched to protest government corruption. In Kenya in 2013, the government alleged that former Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s campaign manager was plotting “an Egyptian-style uprising.”
In familiar themes that could apply to any of the Arab Spring uprisings, Nigerian scholar Akin Iwilade observed that African youth organized protests against austerity programs that increase the cost of food and fuel, bypassing the established opposition such as labor unions.[60] The global economic crisis of 2008 destabilized established politics, thereby enabling “a global youth culture of protest” and criticism of neoliberalism. African youth are motivated by the economic crisis to construct “hybrid identities” using global social media to address local issues. Iwilade explained, “What emerges from this identity construction process is a hybrid youth that is acutely aware of global discourses of development and democracy and at the same time in touch with the local dimensions of exclusion and disempowerment.” Iwilade reported that urban lower-middle class youth are the new activists because of their access to cell phones (SSA had about 700 million cell phone users by the end of 2012) and the Internet, as they were in recent protests in Uganda, Nigeria, Senegal, Kenya, Mozambique, Tunisia and Egypt.
Being part of a protest is seen as cool in youth culture, unlike the more differential attitudes of older African generations. Youth activists tend to distrust adult leaders of opposition groups. Using Twitter, Facebook and texting they use their technical expertise to organize leaderless uprisings, sometimes joined by poor uneducated youth. For example, food riots occurred in Mozambique in 2010 to protest rises in the price of fuel, bread and water. Youths texted their friends to join them on the streets, leading to the government to reverse the price increases. In Malawi, Robert Chasowa was a student and activist at the University of Malawi. He led the student group “Youth for Democracy” and wrote a weekly newsletter opposed to Malawi’s president. He was murdered in 2011. Manji explained that, “Chasowa represents a generation of politicized young Africans who will speak uncomfortable truths to the powerful and have tragically lost their lives in the process.”[61]
In Zimbabwe, strongman Robert Mugabe arrested 45 people and had them tortured for watching online reports of North African protests in 2011, but China awarded him the Confucius Peace Prize in 2015 (previous winners were Fidel Castro and Vladimir Putin). They were charged with treason for inciting public revolt, although most people there are too preoccupied with survival to be politically active. Six of the activists were fined and given community service hours as a court decided not to put them in jail. When Serbian Otpor leader Srdja Popovic met in South Africa with Zimbabweans who were trying to oust Mugabe in 2003, he was surprised by how much they knew about Optor. Their slogan was the familiar Zwakana (Enough!). Popovic commented, “If the people in rural Zimbabwe are inspired by what we have done in Belgrade, there is something bigger we don’t see.”[62] He added that people keep coming to Optor for instruction.
In Dakar, Senegal, the slogan was also “Enough is Enough!” (Y’en a Marre!), founded by hip-hop musicians who brought youth to the streets to stop the approval of constitutional amendments pushed by President Abdoulaye Wade. They helped remove him from office in February 2012 with the slogan “my voting card, my weapon.” Youth used hip-hop to motivate a voter registration drive for first-time voters with the slogan “my voter card, my vote.” As usual, when police harassed the young activists, the movement grew stronger. The young activists valued being unaligned with political parties and campaigned to create a ”New Type of Senegalese” who is a responsible citizen. Young hip-hop musicians also used their songs to protest government corruption in the Democratic Republic of Congo, meeting together to “develop new strategies to rise up.”[63] They launched Filimbi, a youth movement to encourage youth political activism and produced a song to promote its goals for democracy in 2016. Hip-hop youth were prosecuted for rebellion and plotting a coup against President Jose Eduardo dos Santos and 17 young people were charged in 2016.
Occupy Nigeria was a protest movement involving tens of thousands, organized in 2012 against abolition of government fuel subsidies and corruption, resulting in concessions from President Goodluck Jonathan. A popular Nigerian blogger, Tolu Ogunlesi wrote, “A culture of citizen protests appears to be sweeping the continent.” In a country where a majority live on less that $2 a day, Occupy Nigeria responded in nine days to subsidy cuts with a national strike in major cities as youth protested on the streets. They criticized government ministers on Twitter and YouTube at a time when 23% of youth were unemployed. University students organized blogs and websites and livestreamed videos in support of the movement. Lacking structure, young activists tried to negotiate a settlement with the government without leaders and specific demands, so the organized old guard moved in as the unions and opposition politicians took over, a common theme. A Nigerian observed, “It is unprecedented that Nigerians across economic divides will unite to fight a cause.”[64] The establishment took credit for youth achievements when the government rescinded the fuel subsidies cuts. The movement was documented in Fueling Poverty (2012) by Ishaya Bako.
In Ethiopia, a new opposition group, called the Blue (Semayawi) Party organized peaceful protests with around 10,000 anti-government demonstrators in 2013. They demanded “Justice,” “Respect for the Constitution,” release of political prisoners, and separation of church and state (the government favors Orthodox Christians over Muslims). About a hundred leaders were arrested and some were beaten. The leader of the Blue Party, Yenekal Getinet explained his party represents the desire for change among the 70% of Ethiopians under age of 35, who want to break away from the Marxist ideas of the older generation.[65] I asked Taika, who lives in the capital, about this; “I have heard about this group but not as much as I should have living in a supposed ‘democratic’ country.”
Ghanaians protesting government corruption and fuel shortage organized an “Occupy Ghana” protest on Facebook in July 2014 with thousands of followers, plus Twitter support. They marched into the president’s office. A Facebook post noted how all social classes were hurt by the economic situation; “I saw people like you and I, the Facebookers, the known young middle-classers, who greet our poor neighbors every morning with a wave and a condescending how are you?, now anxious about how you can buy fuel, or pay for that mortgage, or service that car loan…”[66] President John Dramani Mahama responded with a tweet, “I want to assure you that we will create change.”
Sudan’s Rebellion
Sudan is most often mentioned as the SSA inheritor of the Arab Spring. Similar to MENA countries, it has high youth unemployment, corruption, and rising costs of living. Before 2011, Sudan was the only Arab country to rebel and oust two military dictatorships.[67] It was also the first Sunni Muslim country to be governed by Islamic law. Sudan is the SSA country most like North Africa in its religion, culture and language (Growing up Global compares the impact of globalization on a Sudanese village and a New York neighborhood[68]). It has an educated urban population that gets news from Al Jazeera on TV and 42% of the population is below age 14.
Popular revolts had overthrown governments in 1964 and 1985, but the democratic governments were replaced by military coups. President Omar Al-Bashir ruled corruptly since 1989 when he led an Islamist-backed military coup. He worked closely with the IMF and World Bank and directed foreign investment to the oil industry, although 80% of the people worked in agriculture and almost half were poor. Similar to Egypt, the military is invested in industries. Bashir installed Sharia law in 1989 and abolished political parties in 1990. Bashir’s National Congress Party copied its platform from its earlier incarnation as the Muslim Brotherhood. Over half of the north is Arab, while the minority who identify themselves as Africans are treated as second-class citizens. Bashir was indicted by the International Criminal Court for genocide in Darfur against the non-Arab population starting in 2003.
The Sudanese pro-democracy movement is called Girifna, meaning fed up, similar to the global slogan Enough. It adopted the color orange (used by Ukrainian rebels) and V-for-victory sign as a logo (first used by Allied soldiers in World War II, then used in counter-culture protests).[69] University students helped form Grifna in 2009: A video about Grifna is available in Arabic.[70] One of their resources is donations from Sudanese expatriates who give money and provide computer expertise and another resource is US sanctions against El Bashir’s regime. As in other countries, rigged elections in 2010 triggered protesters’ movement for a fair vote and they used Facebook and leaflets to garner support. Several large protests occurred in the North, after the split with South Sudan in 2011, to protest austerity cuts to pay back $40 billion in international debt, at a time when the South took three-fourths of the oil reserves. Activists used Facebook and text message to organize demonstrations in February 2011 and the government used Facebook to publicize a fake demonstration in order to arrest activists who showed up.
More protests were triggered by new austerity plans in 2012 resulting in the Sudan Revolts. In the “Sudanese Spring” in June 2012, thousands of students protested on the streets, armed with sticks and stones. The deaths of four Dafuri students led to days of protests by pro-democracy activists. Students chanted, “No to high prices, no to corruption” and “Tunisia, Egypt, Sudan together as one.” After almost two months and about a dozen deaths, the police arrested thousands of people to end the demonstrations.
In September protests broke out again in response to the YouTube film blaspheming Prophet Mohammed, made by an Egyptian living in California. Over 10,000 people joined the protest in Khartoum where the US and German embassies were vandalized. Security forces killed three protesters while protecting the embassies, leading to anti-Bashir chants. September 2013 saw the largest protest in many years, against ending fuel subsidies. Students from secondary schools turned out shouting “down with the regime.” Bashir replied that his government was “guarded by God.”
Demonstrators carried banners proclaiming “our revolution is peaceful.” Hashtags against government violence included #SudanRevolts and #Abena (We Refuse). A member of Sudan Change, Amjed Farid explained, “It was about the economic crisis but after our blood was shed in the streets, we are saying this government should go, this regime has to go, and it should go now because it killed us. We demand a responsible government that can lead us out of these hardships.”[71]
GRIFNA wrote to IMF head Christine Lagarde in 2013 explaining that lifting subsidies on food and fuel is an “unbearable burden” in a country where almost half the population lives below the poverty line.[72] They complained that almost 80% of the budget is spent on military security rather than programs to help the people. The letter asked that Lagarde not negotiate loans with El Bashir, who they equated with Hitler.
Girifna utilized tactics from previous global struggles, duplicating a Serbian ad they found online where a young man washes a white T-shirt with the ruler’s face on it and pulls it out of the water to remove the stain. “The government’s harsh crackdown on Girifna’s peaceful organizing activities is a testament to the potential power of youth activism,” reported Olivia Bueno, a leader in the International Refugee Rights Initiative.[73] One of the university student activists said his father told him he was wasting his time, but he believes change can happen slowly, indicating generational optimism as a resource for change. “This is our Arab Spring, this is the African Spring,” an activist named Ahmad told NBC news. (Videos and photos of the resistance are online.[74]) He explained, “We’re tired of this corrupt government. They started shooting at people, aiming at them. We will not put up with this anymore.”
The 2013 protests started with the urban poor, sporadically protesting the end of fuel and cooking gas subsidies suggested by the IMF. Amnesty International reported that more than 200 protesters were killed in the cities of Was Madani and Khartoum. Police fired live bullets killing more than 50 protesters including a well-known pharmacist from an affluent family named Salah Sanhouri, age 28. He was well known on Facebook. When middle-class people saw gruesome photos of dead protesters online, they got involved, chanting “freedom.” Students played a large part on the streets and the doctors’ association went on strike in support. As usual, the regime said it was fighting terrorists, and demonstrators did attack police vehicles, government buildings, and banks.
Security forces sent phony Facebook and text messages telling rebels where to assemble, and then arrested those who showed up. The largest newspaper Al-Intiaha was closed, along with several others, and several TV news stations. The foreign minister explained, “If the revolution is created by the media, we have to be serious in dealing with it.”[75] Failure to meet the challenges of poverty “could result in Sudan’s becoming a conduit for an immense wave of societal change throughout the continent. Many Africans, increasingly connected to the global community, are watching the winds of change blow.”[76] Political opposition groups, youth organizations, and unions joined in the Coordination of Sudanese Change Forces in September 2013, demanding elections for a new government. Islamist movements, however, typically are more organized than the pro-democracy ones. The protests lacked organization, unlike the 1985 uprising coordinated by unions and leaders of professional organizations.[77] Protests continued. Opposition leaders called for a popular uprising to overthrow the president in 2015.
The Dark Spring in Burkina Faso
The “Dark Spring” boiled up in Burkina Faso in October 2014 after President Blaise Campaore tried to re-write the constitution to allow himself to seek another term after 27 years in office. He took power in a 1987 coup when he was 36 and a protégé of Muammar Gaddafi (and some say he had CIA support). About 60% of the population is under age 25 and the average yearly income is around $300 a year.[78] The capital in Koudougou is filled with many unemployed young people who set fire to parliament as the vote was to take place and took over the headquarters of state television. Young people campaigned against Campaore, forming groups such as the Citizen Broom (Le Balai Citoyen) whose Facebook page attracted over 20,000 followers. They repeated the slogan of youth-led uprisings, “Enough!” Also, “Burkina will have its Egypt” and “Tunisia is in Koudougou.” They started a radio station featuring hip-hop artists to encourage activists to prevent the coup. A young activist, Alli Konseiga, predicted, “Young people in countries with leaders who act like our former presidents will be inspired by us.”[79] The previous endnote includes a video of the demonstrations with huge crowds of mostly young men on the streets.
The military took over, similar to Egypt after the ouster of President Morsi, saying they were on the side of the people and announcing the creation of a transitional government. Opposition parties rejected military rule but the military tried to use force to prevent civilian take-over of the government, but then backed off. Young protesters carried signs in French saying, “The military confiscated our revolution.” The president said, “I have heard the message,” withdrew his proposed law, resigned and fled the country. Reporter David Blair said deposing the president was the “first successful revolution in the history of sub-Saharan Africa since the Arab Spring.”[80] A former diplomat named Michel Kafando was appointed to head a civilian government, so protesters prevented military rule. Young people also took to the streets of Nigeria, Senegal and Sudan.[81]
A military coup loyal to Campaore kidnapped the interim president and prime minister in September 2015. Labor unions called for a strike and world leaders such as UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon condemned the coup. At least three people were killed in street demonstrations, reported on by #Iwili and a new radio station set up to report on the events and call on people to demonstrate against the coup. Two days later President Kafando and his ministers were freed.
South African Youth Focus on Education and Housing
After Nigeria, South Africa is the leading African economy, one of the emerging BRICS nations. Almost half the population is under 24 with over half of them unemployed despite ANC promises to create more jobs. Inequality and poverty are widespread and South Africa has one of the world’s highest rates of HIV/AIDS (18% of adults), leaving many children orphans. South Africa also has one of the highest rates of income inequality in the world and 47% of the people live in poverty. The official unemployment rate is 25%, but over half of young black men are unemployed and large numbers of young South Africans have never had a job. Whites still control most of the farm land and generally have higher standards of living, even though the apartheid that began in 1948 ended in 1994 when Nelson Mandela was elected president. The average white family has five times the income of the average black family. Young people interviewed by Rhodes University were pessimistic about their economic opportunities and politics.[82] One of them said, “I voted because I wanted freedom. But I will not vote again because there is nothing to be gained.” Another said voting doesn’t improve services, so protests are common, as usual facilitated by cell phone and Internet communication.
About 80% of the population is South African is black and many have tribal loyalties. Tribalism is still influential as evidenced by 11 official languages. A 2012 survey found that most South Africans identify themselves by race, ethnicity, or language rather than first as South Africans.[83] The percentage of nationalists is even lower among young people. Some tribes require circumcision of teen boys in initiation rituals. In the Eastern Cape Province, since 2006 nearly 500 young men died as a result of the botched cutting during the ritual, indicating following tradition can be problematic. [84]
Nicholas Drushella, an American who teaches in a private South African high school in a rural area, emailed:
While the country has an incredible amount of resources, those resources and the wealth are concentrated to a very small number of individuals. The Gini coefficient is one of, if not the highest, in the world. This has far reaching impacts on development, and the gap between the rich and the poor is enormous. This extends particularly to education. South Africa has an excellent university system but those who thrive (or even get through) come from cities and more wealthy backgrounds. The system of education in South Africa is deeply troubled, particularly for rural students who have less resources. They are expected to travel far distances and pay fees, despite not having access to any information on this. Nkomazi, the region where we work, has one of the highest HIV/AIDS rates in the world. The level of youth unemployment in South Africa is astronomical, much like other African nations.
In the South African school where Drushella teaches, one of his students, Nomthandazo, a girl, 16, reports on their problems; “Some teachers do their work very lazy; especially when the sun is hot they don’t feel like teaching. The school furniture is not very pleasing, for some learners vandalize it. Some learners disrespect others and their teachers which is the cause of most conflicts.” Youths struggle with basic issues such as access to decent housing and education. A young activist named Ntuthuzo Ndzomo joined Equal Education when he was a student to protest “messed up” education.[85] He advocates, “Young people need to be more involved. They’re angry and tired of inequality. Their involvement is important for us to move forward.”
In the past education issues centered on the language of instruction. In 1976 black students led the Soweto uprising to protest apartheid and the government decree that Afrikaans, the language of the colonizers, be used as a language of instruction in secondary schools. Banners read, “If we must do Afrikaans, [Prime Minister] Vorster must do Zulu.” Soweto was the home of school boycotts and a famous uprising of 10,000 students against the introduction of Afrikaans.[86] Up to 1,000 young people were shot by police, commemorated on Youth Day. The Congress of South African Students was organized in 1979, a leader of school boycotts against apartheid. Young radicals also organized in unions, the ANC Youth League, the United Democratic Front, the South African Student organization, the Black Peoples Convention, and organized discussions of the Black Consciousness Movement. They marched in every major city, closed schools and boycotted exams, and occupied city centers similar to recent protests in public squares, preparing the way for the first democratic elections in 1991. President Mandela developed reconciliation groups to try to ease racial tensions and established a youth council in 1997.
Under the leadership of President Nelson Mandela, South Africa established a National Youth Policy initiative to encourage youth participation and leadership. Mandela recognized, “Youth are the valued possession of the nation. Without them there can be no future. Their needs are immense and urgent. They are the centre of reconstruction and development.”[87] The plan states that governments on all levels should have “youth desks,” to work with young people but not staffed by youth themselves.[88] Looking at the policy, it emphasis economics—entrepreneurship and employment, as well as access to education and health care for various groups of young people (e.g., disabled, rural, and female).
A 15-year old boy named Lebohang said after Mandela’s funeral in December 2013, “I’d like to believe everyone has a photo of Mandela in their house,” but loyalty to the ANC has eroded. Their heroes had flaws, leading youth activists to oppose the neoliberal economic policies adopted by President Mandela. A member of Right2Know campaign against government secrecy, Mark Weinberg said his lowest moments were going to Parliament and seeing heroes of the liberation struggle “dressed in power suits, bowing to the Minister of State Security and voting for the secrecy bill.”[89] Weinberg observed that since the early 1990s the ANC began demobilizing citizens, “promoting the neoliberal dogma that citizens are consumers who should wait patiently for services and compete individually for opportunities in a growing economy.” University graduates are angry with the government about the lack of jobs.
The African National Congress (ANC) received much criticism for ignoring the poor when in power, evidenced in police attacks on activists in the shack-dwellers movement for decent housing. The ANC was re-elected in 2014, despite the slum dwellers struggle with long lines for water and lack of sanitation. The slums are governed by local committees, like the Symphony Way Pavement Dwellers. The group works together to make sure children go to school, reduce crime, reduce the use of crystal meth and build a semi-autonomous community.[90]
A Soweto slum resident, Monky (age 16) reported little progress in 2014; “There are no things for young people. You have to walk a long distance to get to a library.”[91] Lebohang, 15, also lives in an all-black neighborhood in Soweto where boys hang out on the street corners. He observed that the kids who really need help, the ones who drop out of school, don’t have guidance. Youth do have a soccer field, houses with yards and some have computers. Most of his friends have mobile phones because they love technology. However, an average of 50 people are murdered each day and almost half of the people live in poverty in shantytowns. Although South Africa now has the largest program to treat its 6.4 million HIV+ people, the number of infections is increasing.[92] In the past President Zuma just recommended taking a shower after intercourse to prevent infection.
In August 2011, members of the ANC’s Youth League demonstrated to call for the ouster of ANC President Jacob Zuma. The Youth League was led by 30-year-old Julius Malema.[93] He claimed to represent the poorest of the poor and advocated nationalizing the mines and seizing white-owned farmland. He had joined the ANC’s Young Pioneers group at age nine and became regional head of the Youth League at age 14. He was expelled from the ANC in March 2012 due to his opposition to Zuma who remained in power. Malema formed his own populist party called the Economic Freedom Fighters inspired by Venezuelan Hugo Chávez, built a palace for himself, and faced charges of corruption and money laundering.
Police violence continues, most infamously when police killed 34 striking platinum mineworkers in 2012. A miner said he felt betrayed by the Mandala’s ANC; “The ANC is no longer the party of the poor man, the working man. They care only about enriching themselves.” At Nelson Mandela’s state funeral the next year, President Zuma was booed due to corruption in his government and charges he raped the young daughter of an ANC activist. The anti-corruption Public Protector group criticized him for spending $15 million of state funds on his private home and the top court ordered him to pay it back in March 2016. ANC had its worst outcomes in elections in August 2016 since the days of Mandala’ presidency, losing control of parliament. Corruption scandals and international divisions had weakened the ANC.
“The Born Free” generation in South Africa is focused on their own future, not the apartheid past, as stated in a 2013 video.[94] A 24-year-old TV producer, Akhumzi Jezile says youth don’t react the same way as older people; “We cannot talk about apartheid every day forever,” but they’ve led education campaigns to end HIV, crime, and substance abuse. About 40% of the South African population grew up in the Rainbow Nation led by Mandala. They’re critical of the ANC and the greed shown by its leaders, but they don’t trust the opposition either. As in other parts of the world, older activists accuse the Born Frees of being apathetic and apolitical. A hip-hop singer named HHP sang in his song “Harambe,” that, “I’m not the political type. Not the type to fake an image for the sake of this whole consciousness type.”[95] Other young people think it’s time for the youth to step forward, concluding that, “Africa is like a rough diamond that needs to be refined by youth.”
Similar to youth globally, they’re more likely to socialize with friends of different races than old people and much less likely to have faith in political leaders, according to a Reconciliation Barometer yearly survey.[96] Even slum dwellers are overwhelmingly optimistic despite the fact that their rates of unemployment and poverty are twice as high as the general population. Miles, 18, explained, “We young people have the potential to come up with new strategies of how to save the country, how to do things better, how to accommodate everybody in this country.”
Young freedom fighters stress their independence from the ANC and other political parties and use direct democracy to liberate the poor. The shack dwellers’ movement began in 2005 with a road blockade to resist eviction of a slum. The largest grassroots organization, the shack dwellers’ movement spread from Durban to Cape Town and other cities. Abahlai is not affiliated with ANC or any other political party. The Mandela Park Backyarders and Abahlali baseMjondolo work for shack dwellers’ housing rights. The Mandela Park Backyarders aims to facilitate communication between “socialists, other radical groups and backyarders across South Africa.” Abahlai baseMjondolo says although Mandela said all people would have homes, “Today there is only housing for ANC members,” and “Black Boers” (Boers is the term for white Afrikaners with Dutch or German ancestry) or “Black Diamonds.” Abahlali states that it is not just about housing but creating dignity.
A founding member of Abahlai, S’bu Zikode was a Boy Scout who learned about equality and justice. He said, “I couldn’t take seeing homeless people, especially when their houses are bulldozed as if they are not human beings, so I thought I would contribute to finding a solution.” Corrupt leaders are the main problem, but he believes the poor are now treated with more respect.[97] Similar to other youth activists globally, they reject alliance with any political parties including the ANC, relying on self-organization and direct action. In 2013, they occupied land in Durban and named it Marikana in honor of the 34 mine workers who were killed by police while striking against poor working conditions and pay.
Peace is another theme for young activists. I interviewed a high school student named Justice, available on video.[98] After graduating from high school where he was student president, he started a youth organization called Young Peace Activists in the rural region of Acornhoek in Mpumalanga and then at his Wits University in Johannesburg. In December 2014 Justice organized a youth peace conference at his former high school in Acornhoek and continues to organize youth as peace activists.
Reporter Sarah Wild investigated activism in South Africa in 2014, finding class influences with the poor concerned about housing and delivery of government services, but all groups challenged by ANC dominance.[99] White middle-class issues include crime and violence, culture, animal rights such as rhino killings, and feeling excluded from the political process. Local community groups are influential in the post-apartheid era, such as a local ANC branch, ward committees, or community police forums. A member of a graffiti artists group warned that activism organized by NGOs could derail organizing in local communities. Youth activists, such as Janet Jobson who manages a youth group called Activate, explained that activism is about principles but party politics is about power struggles that prevail in South Africa. The Tokolos Stencil Collective aims to “terrorize the South African elite–those who screw us with forced removals, privatization, gentrification.” The Collective’s graffiti also features women’s right to public spaces and is anti-homophobia.
The youth unemployment rate is 50%, partly because of poor education (over 75% of students in 2014 received low quality schooling) and a high drop- out rate from high school.[100] No useful job centers are available to youth and looking for a job requires access to the Internet and printing (and sometimes bribes to gatekeepers) and other costs that jobless youth can’t afford, especially black youth.[101] Although South Africa is 80% black, they comprise less than a quarter of the university students at the most respected and oldest public university, the University of Cape Town where the language of instruction is English. Only 5% of the faculty is black; looking at all 26 public universities, only 14% of full professors are black.[102] Students protested the lack of black students and faculty in 2015, occupying the student government office in an effort to “decolonize” the university, shown in a video.[103] Faculty spoke about the need to recognize the ongoing impact of colonialism and deconstruct and reconstruct the university, as shown in a video of a panel discussion.[104]
In March, a student threw feces at a campus statue of Cecil Rhodes, the British colonialist who donated land to the university, part of a call for “Rhodes Must Fall” in the “poo protest.” The statue was removed the next month leading an activist student to comment, “We finally got the white man to sit down and listen to us.”[105] The #rhodesmustfall movement was led by black students joined by white allies. Students did marathon readings of anti-colonist author Fantz Fanon and Steve Biko, the leader of the black consciousness movement. They also demanded more black faculty members and students and a more African curriculum. Similar to other young activists, South Africans support intersecting causes. Rhodes was followed by #FeesMustFall and #StopRacismAtPretoriaGirlsHigh.
South African students demanded free education (university fees are around $8,800 a year) and an end to outsourcing university support employees. A BBC TV reporter said youth delivered “a potent new message” because the ANC and other political parties didn’t participated in the grassroots student protests. Graduate student Mikaela Erskog, a member of the Black Student Movement, believes the protests illustrate “a shifting of generationally-embedded ideologies in a real challenge to the existing relations of power…Unlike elders who refuse to transform the older of things—the movements are re-imagining what a truly transformed African university might look like.”[106] Their student movement aims to “decolonize the mind.”
In the largest Born Free student demonstrations since apartheid ended in 1994, in October following the Rhodes demonstration, young men threw rocks after a week of student demonstrations by both black and white students. They opposed hikes in university fees in one of the most unequal major economies where over half the people living below the official poverty rate.[107] The police reacted with stun grenades, rubber bullets and chemical water cannons. A BBC news report showed a young woman trying to stop the violence to no avail. The #FeesMustFall movement closed 17 major universities and rallied large crowds at parliament in Pretoria.
The National Shutdown Collective organized students from 19 universities; many were members of student movements such as the Black Student Movement and Uprising. The Communist Party Minister of Education Blade Nzimande supported a price increase and said “students must fall,” not the statue. Students won when President Zuma agreed at a press conference not to increase in university fees in 2016 but he ignored other demands. Students won a “historic victory over South African neoliberalism,” commented Professor Patrick Bond.[108] Student leader Mcebo Dlamini predicted: “The ANC government will never give us free education. We must take it.” In September university student protests shut down three universities to demand free education after the government announced that 2017 tuition fee increases would be capped at 8%. Police fired at the crowds. Although Zuma thought that his party would rule “until Jesus comes,” that year the ANC lost elections in black-majority cities, including Pretoria, as voters rejected the party’s corruption and lack of responsiveness to voter needs. About 10% of the population owns more than 90% of the assets. Black students are four times less likely to attend college than white students. Voters turned to the Democratic Alliance party with many young black leaders such as the party’s head, Mmusi Maimane, age 36.
When the government announced 8% tuition increases in October 2016, students went on strike again in #FeesMustFall in over half the universities, asking for free university education. Activists said they were fighting a “generational struggle” for justice, highlighted by lack of support from ANC leaders.[109] Rose, age 19, explained, “Our parents don’t understand…but they have been brainwashed.” Photos show students holding rocks and sticks to throw at police who fired stun grenades, rubber bullets and teargas. Protesters also sang protest songs from apartheid days and most protests were peaceful. The government claimed demonstrators caused $40 million in damages, up from one million in 2015. President Zuma said the country can’t afford free education for all but supports assistance for poorer students.
We’ve seen that the youth bulge and youth ability to communicate and organize electronically creates a powerful force. Their lack of economic opportunity predicts continued upheavals. The worst drought in more than a generation is another problem facing southern and eastern African nations, leaving millions without adequate food and starving livestock. Youths’ desire to help others needs to be tapped by governments, NGOs, religious groups, volunteer agencies, and their schools. Above all, African youth need job training and job creation. As Felix and Taika advocate, Africans must figure out solutions based on their own cultures, not their former colonial rulers who are discussed in the next chapter on Europe.
Discussion Questions
Do you think Bill Gates is accurate when he predicts there will be almost no poor countries by 2035? Why or why not?
How is widespread use of the cellphone changing Africa?
How does SSA’s education compares with your primary and secondary school education? How would you do away with school fees so all children can attend school?
Felix and Taika are critical of Western influence on African identity. Discuss.
Did an African Spring occur? If not, why not? Include discussion of the conditions required for a successful move towards democracy.
How are South Africa’s “Born Frees” similar to their age mates globally?
Films
Emmanuelle’s Gift is the true story of a teenager who bicycled all over Nigeria with only one leg to raise funds and awareness/rights for the disabled in his country where the disabled generally had no income or rights. 2005
Lost Boys of Sudan. A documentary about two orphaned young boys who make it to the US. 2004.
The Boys of Baraka. A documentary about a school in rural Kenya where delinquent black teenage boys from Baltimore are sent to help them get on track, and they do. The funding for the school is cut due to political upheaval. 2006, plus an update on the boys in 2010.[110]
God Grew Tired of Us. Documentary about three of the lost boys of Sudan who walked for five years to escape war and ended up in the US. 2006
War Dance. Ugandan schools compete in music competition. The focus is on kids from a refugee camp fir the Acholi tribe. Some of the children were forced to be soldiers, some are orphans. 2007
Nairobi Half Life. A young aspiring actor, Mwas migrated from a village in rural Kenya to Nairobi where he is exposed to slum life and gang crime. 2013
[12] Ogochukwu Ekwenchi, et al., “Youth, Popular Discourses and Power: A Critical Analysis of Three Nollywood Feature Films,” Covenant Journal of Communication, Vol. 1, No. 2, December 2013.
[67] Leah Sherwood, “Women at a Crossroads: Sudanese Women and Political Transformation,” Journal of International Women’s Studies, Vol. 13, No. 8, October 2012.
Istanbul’s Gezi Park occupation, 2013. The banner refers to the activist role of the Carsi soccer fan club and includes the anarchist “A” symbol. One of their slogans is “Carsi is against everything.” The photographer wishes to remain anonymous for fear of repression. She gave me a tour of Gezi Park, shown on video without her face.[1] Photos of the 2013 demonstrations are on the Global Youth SpeakOut page and many videos are online, including Gazi to Gezi.[2]
Contents: GezI Park Uprisings, The Aftermath: Assemblies and Demonstrations
GezI Park Uprisings
An observer who refers to himself as Ali B, pointed out that, unlike the European uprisings, Turkey’s demonstrations were not caused by extreme austerity measures, but by Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan’s authoritarianism and dedication to massive privatization of land for real estate projects and urban renewal. His ADP Party (Justice and Development Party) represents neoliberal policies. Ali said these construction projects just benefit the bourgeoisie and Erdoğan’s desire to “leave a neo-Ottoman stamp on the city,” making it into an Islamic Disneyland.[3] Some rural areas were assisted by his economic policies and building projects and they feel comfortable with his working-class Muslim roots. A young Islamic activist used Western media images to convey his dismay: “It’s like the Lord of the Rings: We have the ring now, but we have become slaves to it.” Historical background on the book webpage.[4]
Prime Minister Erdoğan was elected fairly in 2003, unlike the Arab dictators, but a similar theme of protesters is the desire for freedom of expression without government censorship. He changed his title to president in 2014. Previously he was Mayor of Istanbul, 1994 to 1998, and founded the AKP Party in 2001. Public opinion polls show that Erdoğan offended people by talking about “his people, “his policemen,” “his governor,” and so on. Most of the people who govern with him are men and his party’s rhetoric is very patriarchal.
Youth were prominent organizers of the uprising. “We have achieved a lot here,” said Okan Ozkan, a 19-year-old leader of Turkish Youth Unity, before police cleared the park on June 15: “But we are afraid that as soon as the protests are over it will be the same old country again.”[5] The leader of the main opposition Kemalist party explained the failure of his party; “These kids communicate with other nations and demand to have the same confidence about this country’s citizens too. So far we have made them fear others so they vote for us. Now we see how wrong we have been.”[6] The Turkish minister in charge of EU negotiations called on “these young people to establish a political party. They would both force us to work harder and take a step for the good of the country.”
Typical of their generation, many of the demonstrators were texting or recording the events on a tablet, dancing, chanting and singing with a sense of humor. Feminist cartoonists made fun of the government.[7] A college professor, Ayşe said the protests started with college students, and then workers and the general public joined in. Like young people around the world, they have access to American TV shows, music, and movies. She said they’re very creative and humorous, skilled in communicating electronically. Ayşe remarked that the public was surprised and shocked to “see that the cell phone generation has something to say, surprised at their level of political awareness, not just hooked on their phones, Internet and TV. We had no idea this would happen in Turkey. It changed the confidence in young people and trust in them.” Protesters’ signs called Erdoğan “dictator,” told him to “Run [away] Tayyip, run!” and affirmed that they were fighting for democracy. When I was doing fieldwork in Istanbul, I saw wall graffiti in 2016 stating, “Dictator will lose.” Protester signs blamed neoliberal capitalism, saying, “End the looting of the city. Capitalism out.”
In order for a youth revolt to succeed, Public Policy professor Jack Goldstone points out that the national government must be undemocratic and weakened by a material or ideological crisis and power elites must be divided. Networks are needed to mobilize popular support for youth-led protests from other discontented groups such as workers with falling wages and facing higher costs of living.[8] Universities and cities congregate people who are most likely to rebel—young single men like Chinese students in Beijing who fomented the Tiananmen Square revolt in 1989 that is excluded from Chinese history books. Thus youth rebellions often occur at times with large increases in the number of university students, including before the English Revolution of 1640 and the French Revolution of 1789.
Writing in 2012, Goldstone didn’t predict the youth revolts in Turkey and Brazil because he viewed their governments as democratic and believed their economies provided opportunities for youth. He acknowledged that corruption was a threat to stability in emerging countries, but “other factors are moving to offset risks of rebellion.” He didn’t anticipate Turkish Erdoğan’s drift towards Islamization and the Brazilian government spending about $30 billion to host the World Cup and Olympics, plus corruption scandals and impeachment of President Rousseff.[9] Brazilian youth were angry about the large gap between the wealthy governing elites and the poor and Turks were frustrated by the increasing Islamization and autocratic rule of the Prime Minister. A Turkish author blamed his country’s “combative, divisive, cynical political culture.”[10] “The Turkish model” used to be emulated as a democratic Islamic country, but when Erdoğan felt threated by the protests discussed below and a corruption investigation that followed in 2013, he became increasingly power hungry. Tunisia replaced Turkey as the model of Islamic democracy.
Precedence for the Gezi Occupation in 2013 was the grassroots environmental movement a decade before, organizing against coal and hydroelectric projects. Environmentalists wanted to save the few remaining urban green spaces. The Neoliberal restructuring policies that began in 2001 also created dissent. The Kurds were another divisive influence; they had organized for greater autonomy for almost 30 years, as with an uprising from 1984 to 1999, which resumed in 2011. In addition, young Kemalists defended Ataturk’s secular legacy, LGBT advocates and feminists advocated their rights, communists spoke for workers, and anarchists opposed the state.
Young intellectuals saw that Erdoğan was increasingly pushing the country towards a more authoritarian and Islamic state, as in his moves to restrict purchase of alcohol (it can’t be sold after 10 PM), require Islamic religion courses in school, and require that Ottoman Turkish with Arabic script be included in the national school curriculum. He said this language form is necessary to read old documents and gravestones as “history rests in those gravestones.” Police in some conservative areas told young couples not to kiss in public and violently repressed May Day demonstrations in 2012. Women were very offended when he said that a childless woman is half a woman and that they should have at least three children. In 2016 he said that using birth control is “treason,” a follow up of his statement on International Women’s Day that a woman is “above all else a mother.” As well as a ban on birth control, his government proposed limiting abortion and caesarean sections. Two years previously Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arinc said that women shouldn’t laugh in public, so women tweeted photos of themselves laughing. Some protesters were also critical of the role of the army in Turkish public life, as well as discrimination again Kurdish and Alawite Muslim minorities.
Angered by HDP Kurdish party victory at the polls robing him of a majority in parliament in June 2015, using ISIS as a cover, Erdoğan authorized assaults on Kurds in 2015 and 2016. In July and August 2015, Turkish fighter planes bombed Kurdish villages in Iraq, killing civilians.[11] Authorities cracked down on Kurdish activists in Turkey and arrested thousands of them.[12] In 2012, Kurdish youths organized YDG-H, an organization affiliated with PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) militants, taking over Kurdish towns like Cizre on Turkey’s border. They’re called “the youth” who organize a growing number of “self-defense neighborhoods.” Other young people organize in groups like Anarchist Youth or Anarchist Women that indirectly support the HDP party although they believe in direct rather than parliamentary democracy. Many accused the president of placing his desire to contain the Kurds much higher than fighting ISIS. Turkey launched over 400 airstrikes on PKK’s base in the Quandil Mountains in northern Iraq, killing hundreds in 2015. In response PKK killed some soldiers and policemen. The military also pounded Kurdish cities such as Cizre, Sur, Yuksekova and Silopi in the southwest, destroying thousands of buildings. The excuse was getting rid of terrorists. The government said it would rebuild but only for people who signed a statement blaming PKK for the destruction. Erdoğan told Kurdish militants “You will be annihilated in those houses, those buildings, those ditches which you have dug” until “cleansed.”[13] Photos of the destruction are available, cited in previous endnote.
May and June Protests in Gezi Park
Despite the tradition of “obedience culture,” the Arab Spring spread to Turkey on May 27, 2013, as illustrated in my photos of key locations noted with double asterisks.[14] Graduate student Balca Arda objected in an email:
Obedience Culture seems over-generalizing to me when one considers Turkey’s long tradition of activist organization. Although military coups in 1971 and 1980 imprisoned many leftist intellectuals and youth members, there is a specific politicized culture always active in Turkey. However horizontalist/ autonomous organization shaped activist organization in Turkey with the emergence of digitally-connected communication tools, as it does in all over the world. I think that any activist organization structured in vertical order can be considered as obedience-based.
In focus groups with 61 university students in Istanbul in 2010 they described themselves as apolitical, easily bored, and brand-conscious consumers.[15] They also described themselves as creative and fun techies influenced by American media in a hybrid culture. Similar to their global peers, they described their parents at their age as more responsible, idealistic, respectful, better read, consuming less and more connected to Turkish culture. Young people’s lack of activism changed when about 70 environmentalists and anarchists called for help guarding Gezi Park’s 80-year-old trees against the bulldozers in an economy based on construction.
The spark that set off demonstrations in **Taksim Square with over 30,000 people was the government’s plan to convert one of the few green spaces in Istanbul, Taksim Square in Gezi Park, into a shopping center and hotel, although Istanbul has the least amount of green space of any European city. The square isn’t green but the park next to it has many trees and lawn, with benches to rest and enjoy the bit of nature, as shown in my video.
Protests for the “right to the city” (a widely-used term coined in 1968 by Henry Lefebvre to mean access to and influence on urban life) were often held in Taksim Square. Turkey joined uprisings in other countries in occupying open urban spaces, usually squares, to organize and demonstrate for change. A photo on the Global Youth SpeakOut Facebook album shows the occupation of the Ataturk Cultural Center building on the side of Taksim Square transformed from a “soulless black box” to a colorful collage of leftist posters and banners.[16] The building has historical significance but Erdoğan wanted to replace it with a new building, perhaps with his name replacing Ataturk’s. Photos of the building on social media connected material and virtual space, leading young academic Basak Tanulku to ask, “Can soulless cities re-gain their life back due to the new culture of Gezi commune?”
On May 27, 2013, around a dozen protesters from Taksim Solidarity spent the night in the park with two large tents and guitars. The bulldozers returned the second day and police used tear gas to oust the protesters. A photo of police spraying tear gas at a young woman in a red dress went viral to become the symbol of police violence. Photos of protesters reading books to police also went viral. Like Julia Butterfly who guarded the old growth redwood trees in northern California by living in a tree from 1997 to 1999, protesters hugged, tied themselves, or climbed a tree to prevent demolition. Kurdish rights groups and several opposition members of Parliament joined protesters to stop the bulldozers, and the Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions called on its members to support the occupation.
For the first time, the Kurds weren’t the main instigators of rebellion and understanding and support of their cause grew.[17] When a Kurdish boy named Medeni Yildirim was killed while protesting the construction of a police station in Kurdistan, the Gezi activists organized demonstrations in support of the Kurds. The demonstration started with protecting the trees in Gezi Park and then opened up a decade worth of discontent with the increasingly autocratic government.
On May 29, several hundred people joined the demonstration to enjoy concerts, sing songs (John Lennon’s 1971 song “Imagine” is a global favorite) and watch films. Activists planted tree seedlings and a vegetable garden in the park. Demonstrators included young women with and without headscarves and young men carrying flags and signs demanding “Tayyip Resign!” (see photos[18]). In news videos I saw more women in the protests than in videos from Middle Eastern countries. High school students brought their homework to study on the lawn.
About 150 people who were sleeping in the park were woken up at 5:00 AM on May 30 by tear gas, which was repeated at dawn the next morning as the police expelled about 200 people. The police burned their tents and fired tear gas canisters at their heads, kicking people who were holding onto trees to protect them. As news spread on social media requesting people to come to Gezi, by morning 5,000 people came to the park. By evening more than 10,000 people joined them. Several hundred slept in the park that night, again roused by police who escalated violence. They shouted “infidels, Alevi bastards [a Shia sect], terrorists!” as they attacked the demonstrators.
By May 31 between 5,000 and 10,000 people gathered in the park and over two million tweets with protest hashtags were sent. Protests spread to other districts in Istanbul and to over 60 other cities, including Ankara and Ismir. Police again used tear gas and water cannons against peaceful crowds. A common slogan was “Everywhere is Taksim, everywhere is resistance.” The next day #DirenGezi Parki (“Resist Gezi Park,” which was also a webpage) was the most viewed Twitter account. (Turkey has the fourth largest Twitter community behind the US, UK and Japan.) Late that night, the police barricaded the park and closed all roads and public transportation leading to the park. People gathered in their neighborhoods and walked together to the square, with estimates of 40,000 demonstrators. From their balconies, neighbors booed and yelled at police at they marched down the street to Taksim Square and flipped their lights on and off to show support for protesters.
A left-wing group of Beşiktaş soccer fans, called Çarşı, whose banner with the anarchist “A” heads this chapter, cleared the way for marchers to move past police into the park. Rival Istanbul soccer clubs came together to support the Solidarity Movement—similar to club activism in Egypt, tweeting “Damn American imperialism to hell.” They united under the slogan “We’ll fuck Erdoğan” (see a documentary about the clubs).[19] He responded, “If you use provocative words, our people will never forgive you. If you gather 100,000 people, I can gather a million.” On June 1 police withdrew from Gezi but continued clashing with demonstration in the nearby district of Besiktas until Çarşı agreed on a truce with police on June 3, but conflict continued in other cities. The Turkish Doctors’ Union (TTB) reported that over 4,000 people were injured in the protests, much higher than the government estimates.[20] Çarşi organized a huge march of soccer fans from opposing teams to march to Taksim Square on June 8, without police interference.
With each wave of police violence, the crowd grew larger—the largest demonstrations in a decade. The Minister of Interior estimated two and a half million demonstrators took to the streets, but the activists thought it was probably five million. Many thought it was the largest crowd ever assembled in Tashim Square. Some protesters wore Guy Fawkes masks as in other Occupy movements and some threw Molotov cocktails at police in the park. In a reference to the American film The Godfather, posters of Erdoğan’s face imposed on the Mafia boss played by Marlon Brando were posted around the city. This protester unity was unprecedented and unexpected, observed Professor Ayca Cubukcu, from Istanbul. She explained at the Global Uprisings Conference (Amsterdam, 2013) that protests against shrinking urban space spread to more than 50 cities. At one point, Erdoğan blamed artists for provoking the protests, as well as terrorists, for being pawns of the Mossad Israeli intelligence agency.
Activist Joris Leverink reported that over 100,000 demonstrators took to the streets and in just a few days the protests spread to 80 cities.[21] The new solidarity carried over to demonstrations to support Kurds when soldiers opened fire on them on June 28: “Before Gezi, it would have been unimaginable for such expressions of solidarity to spontaneously erupt from a non-Kurdish segment of society.” This unprecedented unity indicated the power of emotion and the Gezi spirit rather than simply economic motivations for political action. During the 15-day occupation, the demonstrators created a “culture of kindness.”[22] Balca Arda emailed, “The Gezi spirit of kindness was remedying neoliberal brutalism under AKP’s rule. Therefore, although motivations of Gezi protests seem to be not economic, there is an indirect economic reason behind it.” On June 11, riot police entered Taksim after a ten-day break, using water cannons and tear gas in a struggle that lasted into the night. On June 13 the Prime Minister met at midnight with members of the Taksim Solidarity Platform where the government agreed to comply with a court order preventing the destruction of Gezi Park. On June 15, police cleared the area, destroyed tents and other possessions and stood guard to prevent gatherings.
Diverse groups supported the protests, including socialists, feminists, LGBT activists, anti-capitalist Muslims, and Kurds. The various groups of protesters are examples of social identity theory of social movements. The theory explains that a person feels oppressed because of their identity as a woman, a Kurd, a gay person, etc. We can have multiple identities such as a lesbian Marxist Kurdish mother. How strongly a person identifies with these identities and how much she feels her actions will be effective determines her commitment to take political action. The large numbers of occupiers increased the feeling that together we can make a difference and group identities changed as demonstrators became more politicized and began to view themselves as activists.
Activist and blogger Oscar ten Houten reported that authorities looked in vain for non-existent leaders because activists are not an organization but “a world wide web. We are the people on the threshold of changing times.” Ten Houten reported on the revolution in his book Occupy Gezi (2013) as he saw it unfold. He included a map of the “Gezi Republic” with kitchen, first aid, library, radio, TV, etc. and the location of anarchists, communists, socialists, nationalists, LGBT, Greens, Muslim, Kurds, and soccer fans in the park.[23] He commented on demonstrators’ courage in the face of police violence with tear gas, bullets and arrests. The protesters were supported by neighbors’ pan banging throughout various Turkish cities and shinning strong laser beams from their windows on the drivers of police vehicles—even throwing burnings sofas from roofs. They were joined by demonstrations in various Turkish and European cities, the hacker group Anonymous attack on government sites, and Canadian magazine Adbusters that created a poster on Occupy Gezi. An anonymous person blogged from Istanbul, “We have never felt so alive! They can’t kill freedom!”
A video of the protests can be viewed online, showing many women on the streets, as well as other marginalized groups such as Kurds, students, and LGBT groups carrying signs identifying their causes.[24] The LGBT movement allied itself with democracy movements in Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries.[25] A university student, (21, f) reported, “The government has sought to divide us, but has succeeded in bringing a lot of different people to the same cause.” Academic Basak Tanulku reported the largest group of demonstrators were well-educated urban young people with many women and leftists, leading to criticism that the urban poor were under-represented.[26] However, resistance continued longest in working-class neighborhoods. Low-income street boys also participated. Most of the participants were previously apolitical, first time protesters.[27] Many of them vote but don’t trust political parties. They trusted the other protesters “to support me and help me” and valued the role of graffiti and music in showing “another way of life.”
Feminist and LGBT groups were active in the Gezi uprising; women painted over walls with sexist slogans against Erdoğan with white and purple and corrected football fans’ sexist chants. Women were almost half of the protesters occupying the park, despite their lack of representation in parliament and in management positions in the private sector. Turkish women gained the right to political representation in 1934, but in the 2011 general elections only 14% of members of parliament were women and only one woman was on the cabinet, predictably in charge of the family portfolio. Erdoğan’s sexist policies generated extensive protests with slogans like “My body belongs to me.” The prime minister proposed that abortion, which he called “mass murder,” be prohibited a month after conception, and he urged women to have at least three children (Russia’s President Putin also urges women to have three babies but acknowledges they need social supports to be able to be employed). Erdoğan blames rape victims for being “immoral” and made it legal for families to take children (mostly girls) out of school after only four years. A slogan “every day, men’s love kills three women” highlights increasing violence against women. Ministry of Justice statistics show that an average of 10,000 women are abused and/or raped annually.[28] Erdoğan also opposed wearing red lipstick and white bread.
The film Mustang (2015) illustrates the continuation of cruel sexist practices in the present. The five teenage sisters are taken out of school and married off because a neighbor complained about them roughhousing with boys on the beach on their way home from school. A doctor gave them a virginity check because if there was any doubt among villagers they wouldn’t be marriageable. The girls are kept at home behind bars in what Lale (the youngest and strongest) calls a “wife factory,” teaching them to be housewives, to cook and clean. When the older sisters are married off, the second sister is taken to the hospital for a virginity check after her wedding night to a man she didn’t know because she wasn’t able to show the bloody sheet demanded by the groom’s parents. The third sister shoots herself rather than get married and to escape sexual abuse by her uncle. Ironically, their uncle and guardian listens to a TV show where the speaker says modest women shouldn’t even laugh out loud in public.
First-time director Deniz Gamze Ergüven travels back and forth from Turkey to France. When she returns home, “I feel a form of constriction that surprises me” so she wanted to explore the status of girls and women in contemporary Turkey in the film.[29] She said, “Everything that has anything to do with femininity is constantly reduced to sexuality,” as when high school principals prohibit boys and girl from using the same stairways. Women are viewed as babymakers “good only for housework.” However, the youngest sister leads a rebellion (played by an actor born in 2001), saving the fourth oldest sister from a marriage she didn’t want. They escape to her former teacher who moved to Istanbul. Ergüven described the young actors who played the younger sisters as empowered, “They are also crazily plugged-in; they know everything about everything.” I asked a Turkish woman about the film’s accuracy when I was in Istanbul in 2016: She said, “It is exaggerated in some ways and it other ways it shows the truth. We had a real rape issue just a few months ago,” where children were abused by their teacher and the government made an attempt to cover-up.[30]
Participants I talked with in Turkey all commented on the joyous feeling of unity (similar to protesters around the world), their shared dislike of Erdoğan, and the lack of fixed leaders in the occupation as everyone did what they could to help. Social media let people know what supplies were needed on a daily basis. A participant and soccer fan who I’ll refer to as Elif, as she fears reprisal, told me in June 2016 that the demonstration was spontaneous, a strong reaction to the bulldozers in Gezi Park, what she called the last sip from a glass, what I would call the last straw. Elif said people reacted emotionally and instinctually, from their hearts, like being in love without logic. Without any leaders, they communicated on Twitter and Facebook. She gave credit to an organized group, a left-wing group of Beşiktaş soccer fans, called the Çarşı, who pushed police back so demonstrators could occupy the park and were in front when the police shot tear gas canisters.
Elif said most of the demonstrators were well-educated and young people were the ones sleeping in the tents. They also excelled in their use of humor, making jokes and slogans to express themes. Their mothers brought them food. For a week it was Woodstock (the New York rock concert in 1969), she said. Despite protester peacefulness, police violence continued. The main outcome in Elif’s view is that Turks who thought they were alone in resenting the president’s growing autocracy and efforts to Islamize Turkey realized they had allies. She told me in 2016 that high school students prepared manifestos to protest efforts to change modern curriculum to an Islamic one. Turkey is a moderate Muslim nation, she said, unlike Pakistan or Afghanistan.
Two Turkish scholars observed that a new phenomenon emerged, different from previous contentious action, characterized by “peacefulness, creativity, insistency, sense of humor, and sudden expansion.[31] Different groups were able to work together. A festival atmosphere attracted people to the park especially when police didn’t intervene from June 7 to 15. Protests were strengthened by the government’s vacillating between harsh police crackdowns and attempts to negotiate.
Although the demonstrations were initially peaceful, police moved in with tear gas canisters fired at people’s heads and chests, pepper spray, plastic bullets and water cannons. A university student told NPR that she heard police brag about shooting demonstrators in the face with gas canisters. Football fans referred to themselves as “tear gas addicts” from previous run-ins with police, so they knew how to ameliorate the effects of tear gas with vinegar, lemon or milk. A sarcastic sign read, “Enough, I’m calling the police.” College professor Ayşe explained that these were not ordinary street police, but special forces of young men who felt powerful with guns in their hands even though they were loaded with plastic rather than metal bullets.
Medical professionals who helped injured demonstrators were threatened by the authorities with losing their licenses and police attacked and arrested lawyers who denounced the repression. Hospitals and hotel lobbies that treated injured demonstrators were punished with water hosing their interiors or with tear gas. Police even fired tear gas canisters at doctors in their white lab coats, beat hospitalized protesters and didn’t allow passage for ambulances, as shown in a video.[32] A 2014 law gave authorities new powers to prosecute doctors for giving unauthorized medical care. I visited the **posh hotel next to the park whose owner opened it as a first aid center. When I was there in June of 2016, hotel staff checked each arriving car, using a mirror to look for bombs hidden under the car.
The violence (five deaths and about 5,000 injuries included 11 people who were blinded in the first 18 days of demonstrations) and arrests of thousands of people generated sympathy in cities all over Turkey. Supporters banged pots or metal street signs at night from their apartments similar to protesters in Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, Quebec, Greece, Iran, Iceland, continued by protesters in front of the Trump White House in 2017. Erdoğan suggested in July that banging pots and pans is a crime and at least one criminal case was filed for this offense! Other protesters waved Turkish flags, and people drank beer in public toasting “Cheers Tayyip” because of his Islamic opposition to alcohol. Some neighbors threw down furniture from their apartments to be used to build barricades against the police and some made keys available for protesters to find safety from police in their lobbies. Large jugs of water were left out to extinguish gas canisters. Neighbors also left out baskets of lemons and milk to soothe the tear gas and lowered food from their windows to feed the demonstrators. Restaurants left food outside their windows and protesters were free to hide in restaurants and bars until tear gas cleared. Turkish flags were everywhere.
After two days of non-stop fighting, the police retreated from the square and Gezi Park. Similar demonstrations occurred in every major city, especially in the capital Ankara. They invited famous entertainers to join in. Labor unions organized a one-day strike to support activists on June 17, leading a university professor to observe, “The fear threshold has been broken,” as demonstrators weren’t afraid of the authorities.
The prime minister said they were “extremists running wild” and puppets of foreign powers. Similar to other autocrats, he called them terrorists, hooligans–çapulcu, although as a Sunni Muslim he supported the Syrian Sunni rebels against Alawite President Assad. **The protesters painted “çapulcu” on their tents and printed çapulcustickers so the word came to mean a champion of the environment and freedom. A sign read, “I’m a çapulcu baby, why don’t you gas me?” Erdoğan blamed the uprising on a foreign plot to destabilize his government, part of what he viewed as a “global conspiracy” that spread to Brazil on June 17. Typical of his age group, he doesn’t understand the possibility of leaderless uprisings sparked by shared media. Referring to the banners and flags demonstrators posted around the square, he said, “Were we supposed to kneel before them and say, ‘Please remove your pieces of rags?’ They can call me harsh, but this Tayyip Erdoğan won’t change.”
After 18 days of the sit-in in Taksim Square (the same number of days as Cairo’s Tahrir Square), Erdoğan sent in a massive police force early in the morning on June 15 to clear out the thousands of demonstrators with tear gas, water cannons and rubber bullets, and make arrests. Cigdem Ozturk said at the Global Uprising conference it was a real war with protesters using slingshots to throw rocks. Like their global comrades, they said, “We’re not afraid of anything.” The police attack was brutal, despite children’s presence in the park with their parents. Amnesty International reported human rights violations on a huge scale, including more than 8,000 injured protesters, the deaths of 22 protesters, sexual abuse of women protesters by police (as occurred in Tahrir Square and Occupy Wall St.), and adding chemical irritants to water cannons. The report called for a boycott of all imports of riot control equipment to Turkey. Erdoğan later admitted, “The police acted severely,” so he brought the people responsible for burning the tents into his office and said proudly that he yelled at them to make them cry.[33] Police beat journalists, some were jailed, and foreign reporters were deported.
Protesters said the huge fires in the square set by the police to burn the tents looked like the movie Apocalypse Now, using the global imagery of western films and TV series. Protesters retreated into surrounding streets where they build barricades, chanting, “Tashim is everywhere. Resistance is everywhere.” Gezi was cordoned off by police, but reopened on July 8 when crowds continued to gather, especially on Saturdays in neighborhood parks accompanied by police surveillance. Erdoğan organized pro-government rallies on June 16 with hundreds of thousands of supporters, offering free transportation while cancelling public transportation to protester events. He did suggest a public referendum on how to develop the park.
After the square was cleared, protester Erdem Gunduz stood motionless in Taksim Square for six hours ignoring police harassment, becoming an icon of the rebellion. Police didn’t know how to handle new protest styles developed by the mostly educated middle-class urban demonstrators such as reading to police or the “standing man” who did nothing but stand in Gezi. Police finally arrested him around 2 am, but let him go on June 17 because police didn’t know what to do with the performance artist. Gunduz inspired other standing protesters, joined on June 20 by a woman wearing only a bikini. Others joined him in standing silently reading books like 1984 and activists in other countries copied his “standing man” pose.[34] People continued to come to the park to play music, sing, and debate politics.
Middle-Class Youth Activism
Committed to their individual rights, Nihan Dinca, a woman age 26, told Al Jazeera, “We are here for our freedom, for a space to breathe. We are here to be able to kiss in public, consume alcohol, read without any censorship. We are here for a life without any pressure from the state.”[35] Yesim Polat, 22, added, “Prime Minister Erdoğan thinks that he is a sultan, he does not listen to anybody, consult with anybody. He thinks he can do whatever he wants.” A university student commented, “We thought he got the message not to interfere with people’s lives at Gezi. I guess we were wrong.”
A poll of 4,411 Gezi activists in June 2013 by the Turkish Research Institute reported that over half were employees, 40% were students, 56% had some university education, 13% had a university degree, 6% were unemployed, 3% were retired, and 2% were housewives.[36] Many were from middle-class backgrounds, while poorer Turks supported Erdoğan’s AKP party. Demonstrators included members of trade unions and farmers, not just young middle-class demonstrators. In the 2013 poll, the average age of demonstrators was 28 and 50.8% were female. Most said they were motivated by restrictions on their personal freedom, 37% were against the AKP, 30% against Erdoğan, 20% against cutting down the trees, and 20% against the state. Most (77%) learned about the demonstration from the Internet.[37] Disenchanted with politics, 47% said there was no political party they wanted to vote for. According to surveys of 5,409 Gezi participants, many voted for the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP). These voters were mainly young people raised by CHP parents.[38] About 30% were radicals who didn’t trust any political party.
Activist Foti Benlisoy from Istanbul said at the Global Uprisings conference that attempts to portray the conflict as a culture war between secular youth and the Islamist government obscures the actual leftist motivation. He said that the protest was a right-to-the-city movement against the encroachment of capitalism on the urban public space. Ubiquitous urban renewal projects around Turkey displace the urban poor and erode common space for everyone. During the occupation of the park they created a transfigurative alternative to capitalism and “existing social conventions.” As well as organizing food and medical care, demonstrators set up LGBT and gender awareness tents and invited individuals to talk with someone with different religious beliefs. Benlisoy said Gezi was not the classical Marxist workers’ revolt and that efforts by unions to strike weren’t successful. The new proletariat is formerly middle-class professionals who have precariously fallen into the working class, economically alienated due to neoliberal policies. Although they don’t think of themselves as working class, he believes they’ve permanently lost their high level of prosperity in an era when youth unemployment averaged 19% from 1988 to 2016.[39]
Benlisoy advocates replacing spontaneity with strategic planning for alternatives to capitalism because “improvisation alone is not sufficient to confront the enemy.” The Gezi uprisings didn’t change the balance of power, he said, but ended the moral apathy of the last 15 years and began the struggle for the “right to the city.” He viewed the uprising as weakened by the lack of general strikes and mainstream labor movement support.
As in other Occupy movements, young people set up a tent city with a library including books donated by publishers, free food distribution centers, first- aid center, pharmacy, plant nursery, children’s center and playground, stages for musicians and workshops in a variety of subjects including yoga and painting. A group called Müştereklerimiz (“Our Commons”) helped set up some of these centers. Different tents featured specific approaches such as the socialist feminists who erased sexist slogans from walls or media experts who recorded the protests. A “feminist tent” was set up the first day of the occupation and remained active. Everything was free, they practiced direct democracy, and some professors held classes in the park. Many people crowded the area almost like sightseeing but also to show support. Professor Ayşe said they created an alternative city with a multitude of activities, until the police burned the tents and other structures.
Many of the protesters were previously called apathetic because their middle-class parents who had experienced traumatic coups told them to be quiet, similar to the Arab Spring countries. Activist Surkru Argin called them not apolitical but counter-political. Student respondent Balca Arda doesn’t compare Gezi protests with the Arab Spring in his email to me: “Turkey has a tradition of parliamentary system since the Ottoman era. AKP government has been elected by democratic elections although corruption in voting exists and there is a high percentage threshold (%10) for entering the parliament in Turkey. Consequently, Arab Spring cannot be the primary source of comparison in my mind.”
As we’ve seen, anger galvanizes rebellion fired up when it seems like many other people are showing up. For example, a young lawyer who read about police burning tents in Gezi Park said, “I got really angry and I called all my friends” to demonstrate with her. They bought gas masks and water at the pharmacy on their way to the park. Even though they were assaulted by water cannon, they were motivated to continue marching by neighbors banding pots and pans in support and their political will changed with their new identities as activists.
Thousands of the lawyers joined the demonstrators similar to their helpfulness in the Tunisian uprising of 2011. Turkish eyewitness reported on Facebook about government attacks on June 12,
Couple of hours ago, police attacked the biggest court house in Istanbul and arrested around 70 lawyers, who were only protesting against the morning attacks, probably as a response to their help with protecting the rights of the people arrested and injured during last week’s protests. In response to today’s events, people of Istanbul are going back to Taksim Square this evening at 19:00 possibly with larger numbers than the protests on May 31. Please share this information. The Turkish media has failed miserably and it is very important that the world knows what is really going on in Turkey.
One of the protesters interviewed by BBC TV said his goal and that of other young intellectuals was a socialist revolution. He definitely considered himself a revolutionary and others mentioned their opposition to “neoliberal impositions of uniform ways of living, producing and consuming through violence….” Demonstrators chanted “shoulder to shoulder against fascism,” “anticapitalism,” and “capital out.” Muslim groups against capitalism and for democracy were active along with secular youth. At the same time, thousands of protesters marched to protest austerity programs and neoliberalism in European cities including Brussels, Madrid (chanting “Government, resign”), and Lisbon “(IMF, out of here”). In front of the European Central Bank in Frankfort they chanted “Humanity above profits.” More than 10,000 protesters gathered in front of the Bank’s new headquarters in Frankfort in March 2015 with the slogan “Blockupy,” met by a large police force.
An observer viewed youth activists as less ideological than youth in the ‘60s and ‘70s who were “more ideological” and aligned with political parties.[40] The majority of protesters were motivated by government restrictions on their liberties, not just by desire to protect trees. They blamed the Sultan, the Dictator. As in other uprisings, no central political organization existed although a Taksim Solidarity umbrella group (with over 100 groups and a Facebook page) coordinated some of the Gezi sit-in. I asked a Turkish participant in the uprisings about this group: She is afraid to email the president’s name so she used his initials: “Taksim Dayanisma held a talk with .r.t.e. for negotiations.”They did some organizing on Twitter after the first days.” The group presented the government with five demands: keep Gezi a park, end police violence, ban tear gas, release detained protesters, and lift all restrictions on meetings in public squares around the country. Prominent members of Taksim Solidarity were investigated by the government under anti-terrorism laws.
Role of Media
Twitter (#OccupyGezi[41]) and other social media were used to communicate, as the mainstream media didn’t cover the demonstrations. For example, during the height of the clashes, CNN Turkey ran a documentary on penguins instead of covering the demonstrations, leading to posters of penguins saying “Antarctica Supports You” and a penguin with a gas mask. Graffiti on walls stated, “Fuck the media” and “Penguin media” was an insult. A Capuli TV station was set up in Gezi Park to broadcast events.
Because millions of tweets were sent in a day, the prime minister denounced Twitter as a curse and “the worst menace to society,” despite having two million Twitter followers himself. The Ministry of Communication tried to obtain copies of messages sent on Twitter and Facebook during the uprising, but the companies refused. The government sent out its own tweets. An eyewitness reported that the government staged events for the media to make demonstrators look violent while real events were ignored. Turkey is rated poorly on freedom of the press, ranked 154 out of 179 nations in the World Press Freedom index. Facebook reported that India and Turkey were the most frequent censors of its pages, such as blocking “The Other’s Post” that reported on Kurdish issues and the Gezi protests. In February 2014, parliament used a 2007 law to allow the government to block webpages without court order after YouTube was blocked for 18 months. President Erdoğan said, “I don’t like to tweet, schmeet, because you know what they cause in society. Facebook and Twitter are ending lives,” but he uses social media anyway.[42]s
Erdoğan shut down YouTube because of leaked government conversations about provoking military intervention in Syria. The updated law forced Internet companies to retain data for two years so government could access it. The government put 29 people on trial for tweets posted during the Gezi uprising accused of “inciting the public to break the law,” and three were also accused of insulting the prime minister. All but two were acquitted in September 2014. Turkey already leads the world in jailed journalists, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, and is the top country for requests for Google to delete content. A student named Nedim Coskun worried, “The media already distorts the truth because it is under the government’s control. So when they take over the Internet, everything will go black, and we will become ignorant and Erdoğan will gain power.”[43]
Protesters went to the streets again to be met with the familiar water cannon and tear gas, not afraid of the fact that thousands of activists, health workers, journalists, lawyers, and teachers had been detained and investigated at their schools or workplaces and their homes raided. Thousands were injured; water cannon can damage eyes, it’s not just about getting wet. An “Urban Transformation Act” of 2012, called the “Disaster Act” by activists, aimed to remove legal barriers to building projects. Conflicts were exacerbated by economic problems in 2013 and 2014 when Turkey and other developing countries were hurt by the US Federal Reserve slowdown in bond purchases, leading to rising global interest rates.
Hundreds of protesters again went to the streets to protest the Internet censorship bill on January 18, 2014, and police fired the usual rubber bullets, tear gas, and water cannons. Erdoğan shut Twitter down in March 20 before important local elections, but of course young techies figured out ways to get around it and it was available again in a few days. A professor said his son got through the ban in 15 seconds and student Engin Alturk said, “We know all the tricks to get around this. Erdoğan must think us stupid.” In a series of tweets President Abdullah Gul opposed the shutdown, but Erdoğan threatened he would eradicate it; “I don’t care what the international community says. Everyone will witness the power of the Turkish Republic.” He viewed users of Twitter and Facebook as people who “incite any kind of immorality or espionage for the profit of these institutions.” A widely re-tweeted post showed the Twitter icon of blue birds over the prime minister’s head dropping excrement on him. Another put his face on an Obama campaign poster with the modified slogan, “Yes, we ban.” And another slogan referred to the folk tale of the Emperor’s New Clothes, “Look, the king is naked!” Later in the year after a quiet period, in November Erdoğan came out against coed dormitories at state universities including in off-campus housing.
The Aftermath: Assemblies and Demonstrations
The main outcome of the uprising is that the people are empowered, although currently in a period of discouragement. An activist named Zeynel Gul said self-organizing in the Gezi occupation “gave us a powerful sense of a world based on solidarity and equality, which we could not imagine before. No one can take away what we experienced in the park.”[44] Since Gezi, Turks have given support to minority groups including LGBT people, Kurds, feminists and Alevis (the largest Shia sect that the police insulted in their conflicts with the demonstrators). Since no major political party represents the goals of the uprising, forums focus on neighborhood problems such as evictions.[45] Other post-Gezi outcomes are boycotts, strikes, marches, and public forums. The fact that around half of the protesters were women is empowering, calling attention to government gender discrimination. A Gezi slogan is, “This is just a beginning, we keep struggling,” in the spirit of the Zapatistas.
Professor Ayşe observed that discussion continued in public parks and universities, discussing national politics and local issues. These public forums use consensus decision-making. She added that in rural areas people have always made time for social connections in their neighborhoods. The June 15 eviction from the park evoked huge anger and frustration that crystallized in general assemblies—about 70 throughout the country as of November 2013, according to Cubukcu. They formed self-organized, democratic, leaderless assemblies called “people’s forums” in various neighborhoods, similar to Spain, Greece, the US and other Occupy Movements. Activist Binnaz Saktanber reported that assemblies in the Gezi Spirit continued in local parks around the country, some with thousands of participants, some a dozen. Activists set up barricades in some neighborhoods and parks, stood silently in protest, and threw stones at police. They offered workshops, yoga, art activities, and free books, as in other global occupations of public spaces. They created their own radio station and newspaper. The Turks used many of the familiar hand signs for communicating in a large group, such as crossed arms signifies “no.” People line up with a number in order to speak for a few minutes and no applause is permitted, as hand gestures signal approval or disapproval. Cubukcu observed meetings were generally quite smooth, although in some neighborhoods some political parties were prominent.
Cubukcu reported the assemblies began by sharing experiences with weeks of police violence as a way of healing each other. I imagine this process is similar to the communists forming Speak Bitterness groups for peasants after they took over China in 1949. They focused on how to sustain solidarity and collaborate with groups in different neighborhoods with weekly newsletters. Some forums brought in experts on topics such as what to do when arrested or how to form alternative media. Spontaneous actions occurred like protesting Egyptian President Morsi’s ouster by the military at the Egyptian embassy, protesting censorship at a TV channel, visiting wounded demonstrators in hospitals, and joining protesters shouting Kurdish slogans in a Kurdish town where police killed a demonstrator. Some assemblies were open and some had themes like LGBT pride. They discussed boycotts of certain corporations, formed social media platforms, worked with small shop owners, discussed non-sexist language, conducted legal rights workshops, and discussed how to influence urban transformation. One theme that united them all was anger at the Sultan.
Turkey’s first squat was a social center called Don Kisot (Don Quoixte), set up shortly after the eviction from Gezi Park. The Windmill Solidarity group claimed their “right to the city” and occupied an abandoned building (vacant for 15 years) to create a squat culture center with spaces for art, conferences, forums, children’s events, and concerts. “Another world is possible” was painted by the entrance to the first squat, but the authorities shut down the coffee house in 2015.
Another act of direct democracy inspired by Gezi, female and male workers took over an Istanbul textile factory on June 28 after their bosses disappeared without paying four months of back pay and after two years of struggle, stating, “No one will ever be able to exploit our labor again.” A short video documents the takeover where one of the workers said, “I learned not to be afraid.”[46] They adopted the slogan of the Landless Movement in Brazil, “Occupy, Resist, Produce!” One of the members of the cooperative said the Turkish state is pro-boss and wants women to stay home and have lots of children to produce more slaves for the bosses.[47]
Protests continued in the park, including weekly Saturday demonstrations, even though the court said the park should be preserved. Although two Turkish scholars concluded that other than the cancellation of the development of Taksim, the protests “did not have any other substantive outcome,” they do acknowledge a new identity resulted.[48] Other disagree: A Facebook post on August 5 reported, “Gezi Park is closed and cordoned-off on a near-daily basis, but the Turkish resistance lives on. In the streets, on the barricades, and most definitely as well in the parks, at the people’s forums all across the city.” People started painting public steps and streets in bright colors. When the authorities painted them back to gray, the people painted them rainbow colors again, as you can see.[49]
A video titled After Gezi highlights the ongoing protests, including anger at repression of Kurdish and Alevi people and accusations that Erdoğan assisted the Islamic State terrorists in order to weaken the Kurds and Assad’s Alevi regime in Syria.[50] People went to the streets when Berkin Elven died a year after being put in a coma by a tear gas canister in June 2013 when he was 14 and went out to buy bread for his mother. They also went to the streets after hundreds of Soma mine workers were killed in a mining accident in 2015 and Erdoğan said mining disasters happen around the world, as well as protesting lack of support for Kurds attacked by ISIS. The “Children of Gezi” civil organizations continue to meet, as in the Radical Democracy Urban Encounter in December 2014, committed to making cities meet the needs of all the urban dwellers, not just the rich.[51]
Critics were angry about the new presidential compound with over 1,000 rooms on almost 50 acres of land costing $1.2 billion and the purchase of a new presidential jet. Despite a court ruling that the palace was illegal, Erdoğan said, “If you have the power and the courage, then come and demolish the building.”[52] His family moved in at the end of 2014. The arrest of a 16-year-old boy for insulting the president by calling him the “thieving owner of the illegal palace” created an uproar.[53] After his release the boy, known as M.E.A. said, “We shall not yield to the fascist unprogressive pressure.” He said Ataturk inspired him and his mother was proud of him. Turkey’s Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag reported that 1,845 cases were pending based on charges of insulting the president from 2014 to 2016.[54] Bozdag justified these actions: “I am unable to read the insults leveled at our president. I start to blush.”
Around the same time, 35 soccer fans who took part in the Gezi demonstration the previous year were put on trial for being part of a conspiracy to “remove the government,” threatened with life in prison. Police raided media centers accused of being aligned with Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen for trying to take over the government. When the EU protested, Erdoğan told them to “keep your opinions to yourself” and it didn’t matter if Turkey is accepted into the EU.[55] His government increased the number of religious schools that provide food and free transportation and limited the number of secular schools, thereby limiting parents’ choices about their children’s education. He mandated classes in “religious values” starting at age six, intending to raise “a pious generation,” meaning conservative Islamic. He also told schools to teach about Islam’s contribution to arts and sciences and Turkish Ottoman language “whether they like it or not.”
Turkey struggled with a $129.1 billion debt due in 2015 and a credit squeeze due to the end of low-interest rates set by the US Federal Reserve that fueled consumer credit card spending with a collective Turkish debt of $45 billion. The economy faced a currency crisis in 2018 and President Trump threatened to sink the economy if Turkey attacked Kurds, who were allies of the US in the fight against ISIS. Activist Joris Leverink predicted a severe economic crisis when the bubble bursts. He hopes that it will generate “rapid social awakening,” as happened in Argentina and Greece after economic collapse. The ROAR Magazine collective of researchers predicted for Turkey and globally, “The everyday resistance of the ordinary people will burrow its way through society, cracking the concrete, undermining the foundations of the neoliberal urban landscape, and ultimately allowing us to reclaim the physical and political space we so desperately need to live, produce and share in common; in solidarity, democratically, and as equals.”[56]
Kurdish youth organizations became “more vocal, violent and popular” with the urban guerrilla YDG-H (Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement) young Kurds striking back after Turkish attacks on PKK bases in eastern Turkey and northern Iraq. Nationalist youth attacked Kurdish neighborhoods and offices of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP).[57] To counter resistance, parliament passed a law in March 2015 that broadened police powers to use guns against demonstrators armed with firebombs or other “injurious weapons” and to detain demonstrators for 48 hours. Protesters who cover their faces can be sentenced to five years in prison if convicted of spreading propaganda for “terrorist organizations.”
Two years after the Gezi uprising, thousands of police blocked the entrance into Gezi Park to prevent demonstrators from offering carnations to celebrate the second anniversary of the protests. The AKP party lost its majority in parliament in June 2015 after over a decade of its rule but regained it in November with accusations of media censorship and intimidation of voters. Western news article headlines stated, “Turkish election campaign unfair, say international monitors,” and “The ruling AKP won yesterday’s Turkish election through sheer violence and repression.”[58]
Interviewing various Turks in June 2016, I talked with a businesswoman I’ll call Perran who said that Gezi activists were punished, not able to get work, and some were jailed. She said the upper court said it was legal to build a shopping center in the park that nine people died to protect and the president vowed to go ahead with the building. She added that Erdoğan privatized nation resources, selling land and water to foreigners, as well as building infrastructure. In Istanbul I was shown tall buildings that violate building codes, which Erdoğan permitted although they block views and wind flow. He also prevented police investigation of corruption publicized in leaks about shoeboxes of money in homes of sons of government ministers. I was told if he loses a future election many suits will be filled against him and he’ll have to go to jail, so he plans to stay president for life. A woman named Meral Aksener, a former conservative party minister, wants to be leader of her party and replace him. She campaigned for a no vote on the April 16, 2017, referendum that would give more power to President Erdoğan—but it passed. About the migrants, Perran said the educated ones went to Europe, leaving behind peasant farmers who squeeze many families into one apartment and have many children. She sees them begging in cities and sleeping and parks.
Another Gezi participant, who I’ll call Ceyda, said Erdoğan is a Darth Vader-like radical who thinks he’s perfect and the country’s father (like Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak) who did succeed in bringing Turkey out of the economic crisis of 2001. He’s viewed like a prophet to uneducated people. She also said he sold the national resources to outsiders and tries to impose his conservative view of Islam in a country where most people think your religion is personal. She thinks the biggest mistake of the government before Erdoğan was forbidding women from wearing hajib in places like universities, hospitals, and government buildings. Ceyda thinks Gezi scared him because he still talked about it three years later, and the uprising occurred in well-to-do areas of European Istanbul.
When I asked her about youth participation, Ceyda said they started the demonstrations when they set up tents to protect the park and were 80 to 90% of the demonstrators because other people were working. Their mothers came to support them the next day. With almost a million demonstrators, people of all age were represented, most well educated. Gezi was at times a festival with singers and other entertainment and exhilarated crowds of people. What organization there was done on the Internet, but Ceyda said no group and no leaders were in charge.
A soccer fan, Ceyda is proud of the Besiktas fans of the local team; their banner with the anarchist A heads this chapter. When the police blocked the marchers, the Besiktas pushed them aside so people could keep walking, and the police pushed back in a kind of dance with their helicopters flying overhead and firing tear gas canisters and plastic bullets. Another hero, the owner of the elegant hotel at one side of the park opened its doors as a first aid station to treat tear gas inhalation and other injuries. Some of the fans and other leaders were jailed as traitors despite the group collecting money for the poor and other social activities.
None of the participants in the Gezi Park uprising I interviewed wanted their names used because of the pattern of government retaliation. At a middle-school in Istanbul, teachers told me they were afraid and didn’t want their principal to see me talking to them and think they were up to something as they sat smoking across the street from their school. A mother of a student, the friend of the teachers, asked if I was a spy. A teacher asked me not to ask political or religious questions of the students I interviewed on video available on the book YouTube channel, but they brought up criticism of the government. The adults were surprised when students supported the Gezi demonstrations, thinking of them as lost in social media and after 1980 parents raised their children to be afraid of the government and be quiet. However, Gezi led them to realize that young people could take action. A middle-age male teacher said everyone shared, supermarkets delivered food to the demonstrators, there was no violence. When they tried to have an anniversary demonstration, police prevented it. Now, people lack hope.
A female teacher in her 30s said she too lacked hope but she noted that Gezi inspired people to protest, as when a member of the government suggested that pregnant women not go out in public because it would make people think of sex. Many pregnant women gathered on the streets in response. After Gezi, LGBTIQQ organizing and gay pride events increased, along with the women’s movement and efforts to help battered women, and organizing for the environment and animal rescue. However, a businessman in Istanbul said they gained nothing from the Gezi protests, “Now it’s impossible to organize such protests. People think the results will be the same.”[59] Another man worries that, “We used to be the secular republic. Now, we don’t know what we are.”
I asked teens and adults about characteristics of the younger generation in 2016. Urban youth lack social skills because of spending so much time on their electronic devices, starting as young as age three. Some kids don’t sit down to eat without their iPad. Perran, a business woman from Istanbul, age 48, said they’re more pessimistic about getting a job, more individualistic, and less well educated. The quality of education decreased with the increase of Islamic schools, teachers aren’t paid well and many “lost their enthusiasm.” Students are promised government jobs if they graduate from the religious schools and families get free food and sometime money, but young people with money go to private schools and try to study and work abroad. In some of the religious schools girls are “covered,” the word Turks use for wearing hijab, as early as age five. They teach that women shouldn’t work outside the home. Although almost every city has a university and fees are small, there aren’t enough professors.
In reaction to Erdoğan’s push to convert public schools to Islamic schools that are sex-segregated and teach Sunni Islam, the Turkish High School Students Union, TLB, circulated a petition signed by more than 370 schools by spring 2016.[60] TLB leader Bora Celik said these schools don’t permit girls’ volleyball teams because they would wear shorts, they don’t permit literature or poetry societies, and have prayer rooms instead of laboratories. The main opposition party backs the students and parents demonstrate against plans to convert local school to increase the more than a million religious Imam-Hatips. PresidentErdoğan graduated from a religious school and aims to change the curriculum to raise a “pious generation.” Islamization results not only in protests by secularists but violence from religious zealots, as when a group of 20 men beat up customers in a record store in Istanbul in June 2016. Their crime was listening to the British band Radiohead and drinking beer during the holy month of Ramadan.
High school students led protests against Islamist education policy in 2016. High school students in an academic high school where their first year is taught in English, turned their backs when their principal was making a speech and wrote a manifesto about their goals. Their campaign spread to other schools. Conservative school principals were sent in to replace more liberal administrators, including the school I visited. They cancelled festivals and made strict new rules such as about the length of girls’ skirts. A teacher said the traditionalists, similar to Iranian leaders, “Don’t want people to be happy. The fly is small but it makes you sick.” Students and their parents have protested conversion of their local schools to Islamic schools and requirements to learn Arabic.
I asked Emrullah Ataseven to critique the chapter: He’s a Ph.D. student in Istanbul and translator who observed the protests.
I would like to appreciate you for your detailed and toilsome research. You analyze and summarize the situation very well. As you noticed the protests and events at Gezi have a multi-layered character. Turkish nationalists, Kurdish activists and secular republicanists together protested Erdoğan and his government. However, in the course of events, the attitude of some protestors changed. For example, the Kurdish political movement became more distanced with the mainstream Gezi protestors after the emergence of such slogans as “We’re the soldiers of Mustafa Kemal.” You could argue Kurds’ position. Also, the Alevi question could be emphasized. The majority of Alevis in Turkey support the Republican Party (CHP) and this party in the past was reluctant to give Kurds and Conservationists their rights like hijab and education in Kurdish. So, it is debatable to evaluate Gezi as a purely human rights movement.
The political life in Turkey is so changeable, the cease-fire declared by the PKK was abolished. This indicates the fragility of Turkish democracy. That’s why I think the Gezi movement was a strong movement in terms of environmentalism, freedom of speech and minority rights but it did not lead to an enduring democratic body. Young people were more politicized, developed means of peaceful protests but an all-pervasive democratic understanding could not flourish. The solidarity aftermath of Gezi could enhance democracy. The party in power (AKP) lost remarkable seats in the parliament and violence restarted in the country. The Gezi spirit could contribute to a permanent peace but as in the case of Arab Spring, it is early to say that movements like Gezi in Turkey can construct a well-established democratic youth movement.
On July 15, 2016, junior officers attempted a coup (the military led four previous coups to preserve secularism in 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997) while Erdoğan was on holiday, aiming to protect democracy and human rights and “reinstate constitutional order.” The coup was probably triggered by rumors that the president was going to fire many officers the following month. The coup leaders promised a new constitution and an end to corruption and terrorist attacks. The constitution charges the army with upholding democracy, as established by Ataturk, but all the opposition parties including the Kurds and world powers came out in support of the democratically elected president. A young woman tweeted, “I protested Erdoğan during Gezi. I was tear gassed by his police. I think AKP is trash, but I support them against a fascist military coup.” The military declared martial law and a curfew, blocked social media, and shut down the major bridges between Asian and European Istanbul, shown in videos.[61] It sent tanks to the main Istanbul airport and shut it down (a week after I flew out) and flew helicopters over the city and jets over the capital.
The president said on FaceTime using his tablet to broadcast on CNN Turk, the most watched news station, that he would overcome the coup and encouraged his supporters to go to the streets, meaning he didn’t have access to a TV studio. Muslim clerics joined him in calling for men from their mosques to rise up and AKP party leaders knocked on doors asking men to demonstrate. Videos showed mostly men on the streets chanting religious slogans: Watching for hours I only saw a few women. Police and soldiers and 1000s of male supporters faced off in Taksim Square where shots were fired. Some civilians arrested soldiers and they beheaded one soldier and beat several others to death.
Erdoğan said the coup was a gift from God to cleanse the military further. He had already “cleansed” the judiciary of independents he thought were aligned with Gulen, but removed almost more judges. He had already put more journalists in prison than any other country, including China. He blamed Gulen (who moved to Pennsylvania in 1999) and his Hizmet movement for orchestrating the coup in a “parallel state” and asked the US to extradite him. One of my Turkish contacts who doesn’t like the president also blamed Gulen. Erdoğan didn’t refer to Gulen by name in his first speech after the coup, just to the “second estate” headquartered in Pennsylvania. (In 2016 Trump associate General Michael Flynn and Turkish representatives were accused of discussing kidnapping Gulen to return him to Turkey[62]). The failed coup is an example of the finding that non-violent changemaking is most effective.
The government announced that thousands were wounded and over 265 died in the coup attempt, 104 of them were the “plotters.” Some suggested that the president knew about the coup but did nothing to stop it in order to gain more power.[63] A trending Twitter hashtag was “Not a coup. Theater” and “And the Oscar goes to…President Erdoğan.” He told a crowd, “We will not leave the public squares. This is not a 12-hour affair” and sent text messages asking supporters to keep showing up in nightly gatherings in public squares like Taksim where vendors sell flags and T-shirts with the president’s face. His supporters blamed the US and the CIA for trying to assassinate the president.
More than 9,000 suspects were arrested and nearly 60,000 suspects were quickly detained or dismissed, in addition 5 to 10% of educators had their licenses revoked, 1,577 university deans, almost 9,000 police officers, one-third of generals and admirals, around 3,000 soldiers, 2,745 judges, 30 governors, plus more than 100 media outlets shut down and websites blocked.[64] More than 15,000 employees were suspended from the Education Ministry, but the president said he would retain a “democratic parliamentary system.” By September, more than 100,000 people were arrested or fired from their jobs, accused of connections to Gulen.[65] The president also ousted Kurdish mayors and thousands of teachers in the southeast, who were not even accused of being Gulenists, and seized about $4 billion worth of businesses. The government tried to influence the US government to send Gulen back to Turkey from his home in Pennsylvania.
Amnesty International reported torture of suspected Gulen followers. Erdoğan floated the idea of reinstating the death penalty. Next, he prohibited academics from foreign travel and recalled any of them out of the country. Erdoğan must have been keeping files on Turks he suspected of allegiance to Gulen. He’s been called “megalomaniacal” and “quasi-messianic,” and compared to Putin in Russia and el-Sisi in Egypt. He wants to replace secular Ataturk as the most famous Turkish leader as he creates an Islamic “New Turkey.” Perhaps Donald Trump is in the same category, telling his base followers that he’s the only one who can fix US problems and he would be the law and order president, keeping out Muslims and Mexicans. Trump praises autocratic presidents like Erdoğan, Putin, and El Sisi.
Watching hours of CNN coverage revealed inaccuracies in the coverage and ignoring the president’s sexism when describing his deficiencies. This is what I wrote to CNN: I flew out of Ataturk Airport a week before the recent bombing, after doing research for my book on global youth activism. Fareed Zakaria said that Erdoğan is secular. One bit of evidence he gave was women aren’t allowed to wear headscarves in universities and public buildings. That’s no longer true, they can wear what they want. He didn’t mention Erdoğan’s campaign to turn public schools into Islamic schools, which is a profound shift away from secularism. I watched CNN for hours yesterday and didn’t hear anyone mention the president’s extreme sexism. Women I talked with in Turkey are very angry that he said a woman who doesn’t give birth is half a woman, women should give birth to at least three children, women’s place is in the home because their main role is motherhood, they shouldn’t wear red lipstick, etc. His government is mainly male. Turks refer to him as the Sultan or Dictator.
I asked a Turkish contact about the impact of the coup and firing 60,000 people in August 2016: “Many people losing their jobs has an impact on economy and tourism is already finished. I don’t think we can recover the image of Turkey easily. Not all of them real supporters of Gülen. Gülen is a radical religious imam who wants an Islamic world. Government and president are the ones to be accused to let him take all the positions.”
Joris Leverink explained that Erdoğan effectively used the coup to silence opposition including the capulcus, Kurds, Alevis, and LGBT groups and further his desire to replace Ataturk as the great man in Turkish history.[66] The government posted the slogan “sovereignty belongs to the nation” everywhere, along with photos of the president and red Turkish flags, but without references to the AKP party. At frequent “democracy watches” crowds shout “God is great.” My Turkish contacts are afraid to speak out.
[15] Mary Lou O’Neil and Fazil Guler, “Strangers to and Producers of their Own Culture: AmericanPopular Culture and Turkish Young People,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. 8, No. 3, September 2010, pp. 230-243.
[31] Birce Altiok and Kerem Yidirim, ‘’’Characteristics of Prolonged Social Movements: The Case of Gezi Park Protests,” paper presented at the Contentious Politics in the Middle East Conference, 2014.
[48] Birce Altiok and Kerem Yidirim, ‘’’Characteristics of Prolonged Social Movements: The Case of Gezi Park Protests,” paper presented at the Contentious Politics in the Middle East Conference, 2014.
Istanbul’s Gezi Park occupation, 2013. The banner refers to the activist role of the Carsi soccer fan club and includes the anarchist “A” symbol. One of their slogans is “Carsi is against everything.” The photographer wishes to remain anonymous for fear of repression. She gave me a tour of Gezi Park, shown on video without her face.[1] Photos of the 2013 demonstrations are on the Global Youth SpeakOut page and many videos are online, including Gazi to Gezi.[2]
Contents: GezI Park Uprisings, The Aftermath: Assemblies and Demonstrations
GezI Park Uprisings
An observer who refers to himself as Ali B, pointed out that, unlike the European uprisings, Turkey’s demonstrations were not caused by extreme austerity measures, but by Prime Minister Tayyip Erdoğan’s authoritarianism and dedication to massive privatization of land for real estate projects and urban renewal. His ADP Party (Justice and Development Party) represents neoliberal policies. Ali said these construction projects just benefit the bourgeoisie and Erdoğan’s desire to “leave a neo-Ottoman stamp on the city,” making it into an Islamic Disneyland.[3] Some rural areas were assisted by his economic policies and building projects and they feel comfortable with his working-class Muslim roots. A young Islamic activist used Western media images to convey his dismay: “It’s like the Lord of the Rings: We have the ring now, but we have become slaves to it.” Historical background on the book webpage.[4]
Prime Minister Erdoğan was elected fairly in 2003, unlike the Arab dictators, but a similar theme of protesters is the desire for freedom of expression without government censorship. He changed his title to president in 2014. Previously he was Mayor of Istanbul, 1994 to 1998, and founded the AKP Party in 2001. Public opinion polls show that Erdoğan offended people by talking about “his people, “his policemen,” “his governor,” and so on. Most of the people who govern with him are men and his party’s rhetoric is very patriarchal.
Youth were prominent organizers of the uprising. “We have achieved a lot here,” said Okan Ozkan, a 19-year-old leader of Turkish Youth Unity, before police cleared the park on June 15: “But we are afraid that as soon as the protests are over it will be the same old country again.”[5] The leader of the main opposition Kemalist party explained the failure of his party; “These kids communicate with other nations and demand to have the same confidence about this country’s citizens too. So far we have made them fear others so they vote for us. Now we see how wrong we have been.”[6] The Turkish minister in charge of EU negotiations called on “these young people to establish a political party. They would both force us to work harder and take a step for the good of the country.”
Typical of their generation, many of the demonstrators were texting or recording the events on a tablet, dancing, chanting and singing with a sense of humor. Feminist cartoonists made fun of the government.[7] A college professor, Ayşe said the protests started with college students, and then workers and the general public joined in. Like young people around the world, they have access to American TV shows, music, and movies. She said they’re very creative and humorous, skilled in communicating electronically. Ayşe remarked that the public was surprised and shocked to “see that the cell phone generation has something to say, surprised at their level of political awareness, not just hooked on their phones, Internet and TV. We had no idea this would happen in Turkey. It changed the confidence in young people and trust in them.” Protesters’ signs called Erdoğan “dictator,” told him to “Run [away] Tayyip, run!” and affirmed that they were fighting for democracy. When I was doing fieldwork in Istanbul, I saw wall graffiti in 2016 stating, “Dictator will lose.” Protester signs blamed neoliberal capitalism, saying, “End the looting of the city. Capitalism out.”
In order for a youth revolt to succeed, Public Policy professor Jack Goldstone points out that the national government must be undemocratic and weakened by a material or ideological crisis and power elites must be divided. Networks are needed to mobilize popular support for youth-led protests from other discontented groups such as workers with falling wages and facing higher costs of living.[8] Universities and cities congregate people who are most likely to rebel—young single men like Chinese students in Beijing who fomented the Tiananmen Square revolt in 1989 that is excluded from Chinese history books. Thus youth rebellions often occur at times with large increases in the number of university students, including before the English Revolution of 1640 and the French Revolution of 1789.
Writing in 2012, Goldstone didn’t predict the youth revolts in Turkey and Brazil because he viewed their governments as democratic and believed their economies provided opportunities for youth. He acknowledged that corruption was a threat to stability in emerging countries, but “other factors are moving to offset risks of rebellion.” He didn’t anticipate Turkish Erdoğan’s drift towards Islamization and the Brazilian government spending about $30 billion to host the World Cup and Olympics, plus corruption scandals and impeachment of President Rousseff.[9] Brazilian youth were angry about the large gap between the wealthy governing elites and the poor and Turks were frustrated by the increasing Islamization and autocratic rule of the Prime Minister. A Turkish author blamed his country’s “combative, divisive, cynical political culture.”[10] “The Turkish model” used to be emulated as a democratic Islamic country, but when Erdoğan felt threated by the protests discussed below and a corruption investigation that followed in 2013, he became increasingly power hungry. Tunisia replaced Turkey as the model of Islamic democracy.
Precedence for the Gezi Occupation in 2013 was the grassroots environmental movement a decade before, organizing against coal and hydroelectric projects. Environmentalists wanted to save the few remaining urban green spaces. The Neoliberal restructuring policies that began in 2001 also created dissent. The Kurds were another divisive influence; they had organized for greater autonomy for almost 30 years, as with an uprising from 1984 to 1999, which resumed in 2011. In addition, young Kemalists defended Ataturk’s secular legacy, LGBT advocates and feminists advocated their rights, communists spoke for workers, and anarchists opposed the state.
Young intellectuals saw that Erdoğan was increasingly pushing the country towards a more authoritarian and Islamic state, as in his moves to restrict purchase of alcohol (it can’t be sold after 10 PM), require Islamic religion courses in school, and require that Ottoman Turkish with Arabic script be included in the national school curriculum. He said this language form is necessary to read old documents and gravestones as “history rests in those gravestones.” Police in some conservative areas told young couples not to kiss in public and violently repressed May Day demonstrations in 2012. Women were very offended when he said that a childless woman is half a woman and that they should have at least three children. In 2016 he said that using birth control is “treason,” a follow up of his statement on International Women’s Day that a woman is “above all else a mother.” As well as a ban on birth control, his government proposed limiting abortion and caesarean sections. Two years previously Deputy Prime Minister Bulent Arinc said that women shouldn’t laugh in public, so women tweeted photos of themselves laughing. Some protesters were also critical of the role of the army in Turkish public life, as well as discrimination again Kurdish and Alawite Muslim minorities.
Angered by HDP Kurdish party victory at the polls robing him of a majority in parliament in June 2015, using ISIS as a cover, Erdoğan authorized assaults on Kurds in 2015 and 2016. In July and August 2015, Turkish fighter planes bombed Kurdish villages in Iraq, killing civilians.[11] Authorities cracked down on Kurdish activists in Turkey and arrested thousands of them.[12] In 2012, Kurdish youths organized YDG-H, an organization affiliated with PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) militants, taking over Kurdish towns like Cizre on Turkey’s border. They’re called “the youth” who organize a growing number of “self-defense neighborhoods.” Other young people organize in groups like Anarchist Youth or Anarchist Women that indirectly support the HDP party although they believe in direct rather than parliamentary democracy. Many accused the president of placing his desire to contain the Kurds much higher than fighting ISIS. Turkey launched over 400 airstrikes on PKK’s base in the Quandil Mountains in northern Iraq, killing hundreds in 2015. In response PKK killed some soldiers and policemen. The military also pounded Kurdish cities such as Cizre, Sur, Yuksekova and Silopi in the southwest, destroying thousands of buildings. The excuse was getting rid of terrorists. The government said it would rebuild but only for people who signed a statement blaming PKK for the destruction. Erdoğan told Kurdish militants “You will be annihilated in those houses, those buildings, those ditches which you have dug” until “cleansed.”[13] Photos of the destruction are available, cited in previous endnote.
May and June Protests in Gezi Park
Despite the tradition of “obedience culture,” the Arab Spring spread to Turkey on May 27, 2013, as illustrated in my photos of key locations noted with double asterisks.[14] Graduate student Balca Arda objected in an email:
Obedience Culture seems over-generalizing to me when one considers Turkey’s long tradition of activist organization. Although military coups in 1971 and 1980 imprisoned many leftist intellectuals and youth members, there is a specific politicized culture always active in Turkey. However horizontalist/ autonomous organization shaped activist organization in Turkey with the emergence of digitally-connected communication tools, as it does in all over the world. I think that any activist organization structured in vertical order can be considered as obedience-based.
In focus groups with 61 university students in Istanbul in 2010 they described themselves as apolitical, easily bored, and brand-conscious consumers.[15] They also described themselves as creative and fun techies influenced by American media in a hybrid culture. Similar to their global peers, they described their parents at their age as more responsible, idealistic, respectful, better read, consuming less and more connected to Turkish culture. Young people’s lack of activism changed when about 70 environmentalists and anarchists called for help guarding Gezi Park’s 80-year-old trees against the bulldozers in an economy based on construction.
The spark that set off demonstrations in **Taksim Square with over 30,000 people was the government’s plan to convert one of the few green spaces in Istanbul, Taksim Square in Gezi Park, into a shopping center and hotel, although Istanbul has the least amount of green space of any European city. The square isn’t green but the park next to it has many trees and lawn, with benches to rest and enjoy the bit of nature, as shown in my video.
Protests for the “right to the city” (a widely-used term coined in 1968 by Henry Lefebvre to mean access to and influence on urban life) were often held in Taksim Square. Turkey joined uprisings in other countries in occupying open urban spaces, usually squares, to organize and demonstrate for change. A photo on the Global Youth SpeakOut Facebook album shows the occupation of the Ataturk Cultural Center building on the side of Taksim Square transformed from a “soulless black box” to a colorful collage of leftist posters and banners.[16] The building has historical significance but Erdoğan wanted to replace it with a new building, perhaps with his name replacing Ataturk’s. Photos of the building on social media connected material and virtual space, leading young academic Basak Tanulku to ask, “Can soulless cities re-gain their life back due to the new culture of Gezi commune?”
On May 27, 2013, around a dozen protesters from Taksim Solidarity spent the night in the park with two large tents and guitars. The bulldozers returned the second day and police used tear gas to oust the protesters. A photo of police spraying tear gas at a young woman in a red dress went viral to become the symbol of police violence. Photos of protesters reading books to police also went viral. Like Julia Butterfly who guarded the old growth redwood trees in northern California by living in a tree from 1997 to 1999, protesters hugged, tied themselves, or climbed a tree to prevent demolition. Kurdish rights groups and several opposition members of Parliament joined protesters to stop the bulldozers, and the Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions called on its members to support the occupation.
For the first time, the Kurds weren’t the main instigators of rebellion and understanding and support of their cause grew.[17] When a Kurdish boy named Medeni Yildirim was killed while protesting the construction of a police station in Kurdistan, the Gezi activists organized demonstrations in support of the Kurds. The demonstration started with protecting the trees in Gezi Park and then opened up a decade worth of discontent with the increasingly autocratic government.
On May 29, several hundred people joined the demonstration to enjoy concerts, sing songs (John Lennon’s 1971 song “Imagine” is a global favorite) and watch films. Activists planted tree seedlings and a vegetable garden in the park. Demonstrators included young women with and without headscarves and young men carrying flags and signs demanding “Tayyip Resign!” (see photos[18]). In news videos I saw more women in the protests than in videos from Middle Eastern countries. High school students brought their homework to study on the lawn.
About 150 people who were sleeping in the park were woken up at 5:00 AM on May 30 by tear gas, which was repeated at dawn the next morning as the police expelled about 200 people. The police burned their tents and fired tear gas canisters at their heads, kicking people who were holding onto trees to protect them. As news spread on social media requesting people to come to Gezi, by morning 5,000 people came to the park. By evening more than 10,000 people joined them. Several hundred slept in the park that night, again roused by police who escalated violence. They shouted “infidels, Alevi bastards [a Shia sect], terrorists!” as they attacked the demonstrators.
By May 31 between 5,000 and 10,000 people gathered in the park and over two million tweets with protest hashtags were sent. Protests spread to other districts in Istanbul and to over 60 other cities, including Ankara and Ismir. Police again used tear gas and water cannons against peaceful crowds. A common slogan was “Everywhere is Taksim, everywhere is resistance.” The next day #DirenGezi Parki (“Resist Gezi Park,” which was also a webpage) was the most viewed Twitter account. (Turkey has the fourth largest Twitter community behind the US, UK and Japan.) Late that night, the police barricaded the park and closed all roads and public transportation leading to the park. People gathered in their neighborhoods and walked together to the square, with estimates of 40,000 demonstrators. From their balconies, neighbors booed and yelled at police at they marched down the street to Taksim Square and flipped their lights on and off to show support for protesters.
A left-wing group of Beşiktaş soccer fans, called Çarşı, whose banner with the anarchist “A” heads this chapter, cleared the way for marchers to move past police into the park. Rival Istanbul soccer clubs came together to support the Solidarity Movement—similar to club activism in Egypt, tweeting “Damn American imperialism to hell.” They united under the slogan “We’ll fuck Erdoğan” (see a documentary about the clubs).[19] He responded, “If you use provocative words, our people will never forgive you. If you gather 100,000 people, I can gather a million.” On June 1 police withdrew from Gezi but continued clashing with demonstration in the nearby district of Besiktas until Çarşı agreed on a truce with police on June 3, but conflict continued in other cities. The Turkish Doctors’ Union (TTB) reported that over 4,000 people were injured in the protests, much higher than the government estimates.[20] Çarşi organized a huge march of soccer fans from opposing teams to march to Taksim Square on June 8, without police interference.
With each wave of police violence, the crowd grew larger—the largest demonstrations in a decade. The Minister of Interior estimated two and a half million demonstrators took to the streets, but the activists thought it was probably five million. Many thought it was the largest crowd ever assembled in Tashim Square. Some protesters wore Guy Fawkes masks as in other Occupy movements and some threw Molotov cocktails at police in the park. In a reference to the American film The Godfather, posters of Erdoğan’s face imposed on the Mafia boss played by Marlon Brando were posted around the city. This protester unity was unprecedented and unexpected, observed Professor Ayca Cubukcu, from Istanbul. She explained at the Global Uprisings Conference (Amsterdam, 2013) that protests against shrinking urban space spread to more than 50 cities. At one point, Erdoğan blamed artists for provoking the protests, as well as terrorists, for being pawns of the Mossad Israeli intelligence agency.
Activist Joris Leverink reported that over 100,000 demonstrators took to the streets and in just a few days the protests spread to 80 cities.[21] The new solidarity carried over to demonstrations to support Kurds when soldiers opened fire on them on June 28: “Before Gezi, it would have been unimaginable for such expressions of solidarity to spontaneously erupt from a non-Kurdish segment of society.” This unprecedented unity indicated the power of emotion and the Gezi spirit rather than simply economic motivations for political action. During the 15-day occupation, the demonstrators created a “culture of kindness.”[22] Balca Arda emailed, “The Gezi spirit of kindness was remedying neoliberal brutalism under AKP’s rule. Therefore, although motivations of Gezi protests seem to be not economic, there is an indirect economic reason behind it.” On June 11, riot police entered Taksim after a ten-day break, using water cannons and tear gas in a struggle that lasted into the night. On June 13 the Prime Minister met at midnight with members of the Taksim Solidarity Platform where the government agreed to comply with a court order preventing the destruction of Gezi Park. On June 15, police cleared the area, destroyed tents and other possessions and stood guard to prevent gatherings.
Diverse groups supported the protests, including socialists, feminists, LGBT activists, anti-capitalist Muslims, and Kurds. The various groups of protesters are examples of social identity theory of social movements. The theory explains that a person feels oppressed because of their identity as a woman, a Kurd, a gay person, etc. We can have multiple identities such as a lesbian Marxist Kurdish mother. How strongly a person identifies with these identities and how much she feels her actions will be effective determines her commitment to take political action. The large numbers of occupiers increased the feeling that together we can make a difference and group identities changed as demonstrators became more politicized and began to view themselves as activists.
Activist and blogger Oscar ten Houten reported that authorities looked in vain for non-existent leaders because activists are not an organization but “a world wide web. We are the people on the threshold of changing times.” Ten Houten reported on the revolution in his book Occupy Gezi (2013) as he saw it unfold. He included a map of the “Gezi Republic” with kitchen, first aid, library, radio, TV, etc. and the location of anarchists, communists, socialists, nationalists, LGBT, Greens, Muslim, Kurds, and soccer fans in the park.[23] He commented on demonstrators’ courage in the face of police violence with tear gas, bullets and arrests. The protesters were supported by neighbors’ pan banging throughout various Turkish cities and shinning strong laser beams from their windows on the drivers of police vehicles—even throwing burnings sofas from roofs. They were joined by demonstrations in various Turkish and European cities, the hacker group Anonymous attack on government sites, and Canadian magazine Adbusters that created a poster on Occupy Gezi. An anonymous person blogged from Istanbul, “We have never felt so alive! They can’t kill freedom!”
A video of the protests can be viewed online, showing many women on the streets, as well as other marginalized groups such as Kurds, students, and LGBT groups carrying signs identifying their causes.[24] The LGBT movement allied itself with democracy movements in Turkey and other Middle Eastern countries.[25] A university student, (21, f) reported, “The government has sought to divide us, but has succeeded in bringing a lot of different people to the same cause.” Academic Basak Tanulku reported the largest group of demonstrators were well-educated urban young people with many women and leftists, leading to criticism that the urban poor were under-represented.[26] However, resistance continued longest in working-class neighborhoods. Low-income street boys also participated. Most of the participants were previously apolitical, first time protesters.[27] Many of them vote but don’t trust political parties. They trusted the other protesters “to support me and help me” and valued the role of graffiti and music in showing “another way of life.”
Feminist and LGBT groups were active in the Gezi uprising; women painted over walls with sexist slogans against Erdoğan with white and purple and corrected football fans’ sexist chants. Women were almost half of the protesters occupying the park, despite their lack of representation in parliament and in management positions in the private sector. Turkish women gained the right to political representation in 1934, but in the 2011 general elections only 14% of members of parliament were women and only one woman was on the cabinet, predictably in charge of the family portfolio. Erdoğan’s sexist policies generated extensive protests with slogans like “My body belongs to me.” The prime minister proposed that abortion, which he called “mass murder,” be prohibited a month after conception, and he urged women to have at least three children (Russia’s President Putin also urges women to have three babies but acknowledges they need social supports to be able to be employed). Erdoğan blames rape victims for being “immoral” and made it legal for families to take children (mostly girls) out of school after only four years. A slogan “every day, men’s love kills three women” highlights increasing violence against women. Ministry of Justice statistics show that an average of 10,000 women are abused and/or raped annually.[28] Erdoğan also opposed wearing red lipstick and white bread.
The film Mustang (2015) illustrates the continuation of cruel sexist practices in the present. The five teenage sisters are taken out of school and married off because a neighbor complained about them roughhousing with boys on the beach on their way home from school. A doctor gave them a virginity check because if there was any doubt among villagers they wouldn’t be marriageable. The girls are kept at home behind bars in what Lale (the youngest and strongest) calls a “wife factory,” teaching them to be housewives, to cook and clean. When the older sisters are married off, the second sister is taken to the hospital for a virginity check after her wedding night to a man she didn’t know because she wasn’t able to show the bloody sheet demanded by the groom’s parents. The third sister shoots herself rather than get married and to escape sexual abuse by her uncle. Ironically, their uncle and guardian listens to a TV show where the speaker says modest women shouldn’t even laugh out loud in public.
First-time director Deniz Gamze Ergüven travels back and forth from Turkey to France. When she returns home, “I feel a form of constriction that surprises me” so she wanted to explore the status of girls and women in contemporary Turkey in the film.[29] She said, “Everything that has anything to do with femininity is constantly reduced to sexuality,” as when high school principals prohibit boys and girl from using the same stairways. Women are viewed as babymakers “good only for housework.” However, the youngest sister leads a rebellion (played by an actor born in 2001), saving the fourth oldest sister from a marriage she didn’t want. They escape to her former teacher who moved to Istanbul. Ergüven described the young actors who played the younger sisters as empowered, “They are also crazily plugged-in; they know everything about everything.” I asked a Turkish woman about the film’s accuracy when I was in Istanbul in 2016: She said, “It is exaggerated in some ways and it other ways it shows the truth. We had a real rape issue just a few months ago,” where children were abused by their teacher and the government made an attempt to cover-up.[30]
Participants I talked with in Turkey all commented on the joyous feeling of unity (similar to protesters around the world), their shared dislike of Erdoğan, and the lack of fixed leaders in the occupation as everyone did what they could to help. Social media let people know what supplies were needed on a daily basis. A participant and soccer fan who I’ll refer to as Elif, as she fears reprisal, told me in June 2016 that the demonstration was spontaneous, a strong reaction to the bulldozers in Gezi Park, what she called the last sip from a glass, what I would call the last straw. Elif said people reacted emotionally and instinctually, from their hearts, like being in love without logic. Without any leaders, they communicated on Twitter and Facebook. She gave credit to an organized group, a left-wing group of Beşiktaş soccer fans, called the Çarşı, who pushed police back so demonstrators could occupy the park and were in front when the police shot tear gas canisters.
Elif said most of the demonstrators were well-educated and young people were the ones sleeping in the tents. They also excelled in their use of humor, making jokes and slogans to express themes. Their mothers brought them food. For a week it was Woodstock (the New York rock concert in 1969), she said. Despite protester peacefulness, police violence continued. The main outcome in Elif’s view is that Turks who thought they were alone in resenting the president’s growing autocracy and efforts to Islamize Turkey realized they had allies. She told me in 2016 that high school students prepared manifestos to protest efforts to change modern curriculum to an Islamic one. Turkey is a moderate Muslim nation, she said, unlike Pakistan or Afghanistan.
Two Turkish scholars observed that a new phenomenon emerged, different from previous contentious action, characterized by “peacefulness, creativity, insistency, sense of humor, and sudden expansion.[31] Different groups were able to work together. A festival atmosphere attracted people to the park especially when police didn’t intervene from June 7 to 15. Protests were strengthened by the government’s vacillating between harsh police crackdowns and attempts to negotiate.
Although the demonstrations were initially peaceful, police moved in with tear gas canisters fired at people’s heads and chests, pepper spray, plastic bullets and water cannons. A university student told NPR that she heard police brag about shooting demonstrators in the face with gas canisters. Football fans referred to themselves as “tear gas addicts” from previous run-ins with police, so they knew how to ameliorate the effects of tear gas with vinegar, lemon or milk. A sarcastic sign read, “Enough, I’m calling the police.” College professor Ayşe explained that these were not ordinary street police, but special forces of young men who felt powerful with guns in their hands even though they were loaded with plastic rather than metal bullets.
Medical professionals who helped injured demonstrators were threatened by the authorities with losing their licenses and police attacked and arrested lawyers who denounced the repression. Hospitals and hotel lobbies that treated injured demonstrators were punished with water hosing their interiors or with tear gas. Police even fired tear gas canisters at doctors in their white lab coats, beat hospitalized protesters and didn’t allow passage for ambulances, as shown in a video.[32] A 2014 law gave authorities new powers to prosecute doctors for giving unauthorized medical care. I visited the **posh hotel next to the park whose owner opened it as a first aid center. When I was there in June of 2016, hotel staff checked each arriving car, using a mirror to look for bombs hidden under the car.
The violence (five deaths and about 5,000 injuries included 11 people who were blinded in the first 18 days of demonstrations) and arrests of thousands of people generated sympathy in cities all over Turkey. Supporters banged pots or metal street signs at night from their apartments similar to protesters in Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, Quebec, Greece, Iran, Iceland, continued by protesters in front of the Trump White House in 2017. Erdoğan suggested in July that banging pots and pans is a crime and at least one criminal case was filed for this offense! Other protesters waved Turkish flags, and people drank beer in public toasting “Cheers Tayyip” because of his Islamic opposition to alcohol. Some neighbors threw down furniture from their apartments to be used to build barricades against the police and some made keys available for protesters to find safety from police in their lobbies. Large jugs of water were left out to extinguish gas canisters. Neighbors also left out baskets of lemons and milk to soothe the tear gas and lowered food from their windows to feed the demonstrators. Restaurants left food outside their windows and protesters were free to hide in restaurants and bars until tear gas cleared. Turkish flags were everywhere.
After two days of non-stop fighting, the police retreated from the square and Gezi Park. Similar demonstrations occurred in every major city, especially in the capital Ankara. They invited famous entertainers to join in. Labor unions organized a one-day strike to support activists on June 17, leading a university professor to observe, “The fear threshold has been broken,” as demonstrators weren’t afraid of the authorities.
The prime minister said they were “extremists running wild” and puppets of foreign powers. Similar to other autocrats, he called them terrorists, hooligans–çapulcu, although as a Sunni Muslim he supported the Syrian Sunni rebels against Alawite President Assad. **The protesters painted “çapulcu” on their tents and printed çapulcustickers so the word came to mean a champion of the environment and freedom. A sign read, “I’m a çapulcu baby, why don’t you gas me?” Erdoğan blamed the uprising on a foreign plot to destabilize his government, part of what he viewed as a “global conspiracy” that spread to Brazil on June 17. Typical of his age group, he doesn’t understand the possibility of leaderless uprisings sparked by shared media. Referring to the banners and flags demonstrators posted around the square, he said, “Were we supposed to kneel before them and say, ‘Please remove your pieces of rags?’ They can call me harsh, but this Tayyip Erdoğan won’t change.”
After 18 days of the sit-in in Taksim Square (the same number of days as Cairo’s Tahrir Square), Erdoğan sent in a massive police force early in the morning on June 15 to clear out the thousands of demonstrators with tear gas, water cannons and rubber bullets, and make arrests. Cigdem Ozturk said at the Global Uprising conference it was a real war with protesters using slingshots to throw rocks. Like their global comrades, they said, “We’re not afraid of anything.” The police attack was brutal, despite children’s presence in the park with their parents. Amnesty International reported human rights violations on a huge scale, including more than 8,000 injured protesters, the deaths of 22 protesters, sexual abuse of women protesters by police (as occurred in Tahrir Square and Occupy Wall St.), and adding chemical irritants to water cannons. The report called for a boycott of all imports of riot control equipment to Turkey. Erdoğan later admitted, “The police acted severely,” so he brought the people responsible for burning the tents into his office and said proudly that he yelled at them to make them cry.[33] Police beat journalists, some were jailed, and foreign reporters were deported.
Protesters said the huge fires in the square set by the police to burn the tents looked like the movie Apocalypse Now, using the global imagery of western films and TV series. Protesters retreated into surrounding streets where they build barricades, chanting, “Tashim is everywhere. Resistance is everywhere.” Gezi was cordoned off by police, but reopened on July 8 when crowds continued to gather, especially on Saturdays in neighborhood parks accompanied by police surveillance. Erdoğan organized pro-government rallies on June 16 with hundreds of thousands of supporters, offering free transportation while cancelling public transportation to protester events. He did suggest a public referendum on how to develop the park.
After the square was cleared, protester Erdem Gunduz stood motionless in Taksim Square for six hours ignoring police harassment, becoming an icon of the rebellion. Police didn’t know how to handle new protest styles developed by the mostly educated middle-class urban demonstrators such as reading to police or the “standing man” who did nothing but stand in Gezi. Police finally arrested him around 2 am, but let him go on June 17 because police didn’t know what to do with the performance artist. Gunduz inspired other standing protesters, joined on June 20 by a woman wearing only a bikini. Others joined him in standing silently reading books like 1984 and activists in other countries copied his “standing man” pose.[34] People continued to come to the park to play music, sing, and debate politics.
Middle-Class Youth Activism
Committed to their individual rights, Nihan Dinca, a woman age 26, told Al Jazeera, “We are here for our freedom, for a space to breathe. We are here to be able to kiss in public, consume alcohol, read without any censorship. We are here for a life without any pressure from the state.”[35] Yesim Polat, 22, added, “Prime Minister Erdoğan thinks that he is a sultan, he does not listen to anybody, consult with anybody. He thinks he can do whatever he wants.” A university student commented, “We thought he got the message not to interfere with people’s lives at Gezi. I guess we were wrong.”
A poll of 4,411 Gezi activists in June 2013 by the Turkish Research Institute reported that over half were employees, 40% were students, 56% had some university education, 13% had a university degree, 6% were unemployed, 3% were retired, and 2% were housewives.[36] Many were from middle-class backgrounds, while poorer Turks supported Erdoğan’s AKP party. Demonstrators included members of trade unions and farmers, not just young middle-class demonstrators. In the 2013 poll, the average age of demonstrators was 28 and 50.8% were female. Most said they were motivated by restrictions on their personal freedom, 37% were against the AKP, 30% against Erdoğan, 20% against cutting down the trees, and 20% against the state. Most (77%) learned about the demonstration from the Internet.[37] Disenchanted with politics, 47% said there was no political party they wanted to vote for. According to surveys of 5,409 Gezi participants, many voted for the opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP). These voters were mainly young people raised by CHP parents.[38] About 30% were radicals who didn’t trust any political party.
Activist Foti Benlisoy from Istanbul said at the Global Uprisings conference that attempts to portray the conflict as a culture war between secular youth and the Islamist government obscures the actual leftist motivation. He said that the protest was a right-to-the-city movement against the encroachment of capitalism on the urban public space. Ubiquitous urban renewal projects around Turkey displace the urban poor and erode common space for everyone. During the occupation of the park they created a transfigurative alternative to capitalism and “existing social conventions.” As well as organizing food and medical care, demonstrators set up LGBT and gender awareness tents and invited individuals to talk with someone with different religious beliefs. Benlisoy said Gezi was not the classical Marxist workers’ revolt and that efforts by unions to strike weren’t successful. The new proletariat is formerly middle-class professionals who have precariously fallen into the working class, economically alienated due to neoliberal policies. Although they don’t think of themselves as working class, he believes they’ve permanently lost their high level of prosperity in an era when youth unemployment averaged 19% from 1988 to 2016.[39]
Benlisoy advocates replacing spontaneity with strategic planning for alternatives to capitalism because “improvisation alone is not sufficient to confront the enemy.” The Gezi uprisings didn’t change the balance of power, he said, but ended the moral apathy of the last 15 years and began the struggle for the “right to the city.” He viewed the uprising as weakened by the lack of general strikes and mainstream labor movement support.
As in other Occupy movements, young people set up a tent city with a library including books donated by publishers, free food distribution centers, first- aid center, pharmacy, plant nursery, children’s center and playground, stages for musicians and workshops in a variety of subjects including yoga and painting. A group called Müştereklerimiz (“Our Commons”) helped set up some of these centers. Different tents featured specific approaches such as the socialist feminists who erased sexist slogans from walls or media experts who recorded the protests. A “feminist tent” was set up the first day of the occupation and remained active. Everything was free, they practiced direct democracy, and some professors held classes in the park. Many people crowded the area almost like sightseeing but also to show support. Professor Ayşe said they created an alternative city with a multitude of activities, until the police burned the tents and other structures.
Many of the protesters were previously called apathetic because their middle-class parents who had experienced traumatic coups told them to be quiet, similar to the Arab Spring countries. Activist Surkru Argin called them not apolitical but counter-political. Student respondent Balca Arda doesn’t compare Gezi protests with the Arab Spring in his email to me: “Turkey has a tradition of parliamentary system since the Ottoman era. AKP government has been elected by democratic elections although corruption in voting exists and there is a high percentage threshold (%10) for entering the parliament in Turkey. Consequently, Arab Spring cannot be the primary source of comparison in my mind.”
As we’ve seen, anger galvanizes rebellion fired up when it seems like many other people are showing up. For example, a young lawyer who read about police burning tents in Gezi Park said, “I got really angry and I called all my friends” to demonstrate with her. They bought gas masks and water at the pharmacy on their way to the park. Even though they were assaulted by water cannon, they were motivated to continue marching by neighbors banding pots and pans in support and their political will changed with their new identities as activists.
Thousands of the lawyers joined the demonstrators similar to their helpfulness in the Tunisian uprising of 2011. Turkish eyewitness reported on Facebook about government attacks on June 12,
Couple of hours ago, police attacked the biggest court house in Istanbul and arrested around 70 lawyers, who were only protesting against the morning attacks, probably as a response to their help with protecting the rights of the people arrested and injured during last week’s protests. In response to today’s events, people of Istanbul are going back to Taksim Square this evening at 19:00 possibly with larger numbers than the protests on May 31. Please share this information. The Turkish media has failed miserably and it is very important that the world knows what is really going on in Turkey.
One of the protesters interviewed by BBC TV said his goal and that of other young intellectuals was a socialist revolution. He definitely considered himself a revolutionary and others mentioned their opposition to “neoliberal impositions of uniform ways of living, producing and consuming through violence….” Demonstrators chanted “shoulder to shoulder against fascism,” “anticapitalism,” and “capital out.” Muslim groups against capitalism and for democracy were active along with secular youth. At the same time, thousands of protesters marched to protest austerity programs and neoliberalism in European cities including Brussels, Madrid (chanting “Government, resign”), and Lisbon “(IMF, out of here”). In front of the European Central Bank in Frankfort they chanted “Humanity above profits.” More than 10,000 protesters gathered in front of the Bank’s new headquarters in Frankfort in March 2015 with the slogan “Blockupy,” met by a large police force.
An observer viewed youth activists as less ideological than youth in the ‘60s and ‘70s who were “more ideological” and aligned with political parties.[40] The majority of protesters were motivated by government restrictions on their liberties, not just by desire to protect trees. They blamed the Sultan, the Dictator. As in other uprisings, no central political organization existed although a Taksim Solidarity umbrella group (with over 100 groups and a Facebook page) coordinated some of the Gezi sit-in. I asked a Turkish participant in the uprisings about this group: She is afraid to email the president’s name so she used his initials: “Taksim Dayanisma held a talk with .r.t.e. for negotiations.”They did some organizing on Twitter after the first days.” The group presented the government with five demands: keep Gezi a park, end police violence, ban tear gas, release detained protesters, and lift all restrictions on meetings in public squares around the country. Prominent members of Taksim Solidarity were investigated by the government under anti-terrorism laws.
Role of Media
Twitter (#OccupyGezi[41]) and other social media were used to communicate, as the mainstream media didn’t cover the demonstrations. For example, during the height of the clashes, CNN Turkey ran a documentary on penguins instead of covering the demonstrations, leading to posters of penguins saying “Antarctica Supports You” and a penguin with a gas mask. Graffiti on walls stated, “Fuck the media” and “Penguin media” was an insult. A Capuli TV station was set up in Gezi Park to broadcast events.
Because millions of tweets were sent in a day, the prime minister denounced Twitter as a curse and “the worst menace to society,” despite having two million Twitter followers himself. The Ministry of Communication tried to obtain copies of messages sent on Twitter and Facebook during the uprising, but the companies refused. The government sent out its own tweets. An eyewitness reported that the government staged events for the media to make demonstrators look violent while real events were ignored. Turkey is rated poorly on freedom of the press, ranked 154 out of 179 nations in the World Press Freedom index. Facebook reported that India and Turkey were the most frequent censors of its pages, such as blocking “The Other’s Post” that reported on Kurdish issues and the Gezi protests. In February 2014, parliament used a 2007 law to allow the government to block webpages without court order after YouTube was blocked for 18 months. President Erdoğan said, “I don’t like to tweet, schmeet, because you know what they cause in society. Facebook and Twitter are ending lives,” but he uses social media anyway.[42]s
Erdoğan shut down YouTube because of leaked government conversations about provoking military intervention in Syria. The updated law forced Internet companies to retain data for two years so government could access it. The government put 29 people on trial for tweets posted during the Gezi uprising accused of “inciting the public to break the law,” and three were also accused of insulting the prime minister. All but two were acquitted in September 2014. Turkey already leads the world in jailed journalists, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, and is the top country for requests for Google to delete content. A student named Nedim Coskun worried, “The media already distorts the truth because it is under the government’s control. So when they take over the Internet, everything will go black, and we will become ignorant and Erdoğan will gain power.”[43]
Protesters went to the streets again to be met with the familiar water cannon and tear gas, not afraid of the fact that thousands of activists, health workers, journalists, lawyers, and teachers had been detained and investigated at their schools or workplaces and their homes raided. Thousands were injured; water cannon can damage eyes, it’s not just about getting wet. An “Urban Transformation Act” of 2012, called the “Disaster Act” by activists, aimed to remove legal barriers to building projects. Conflicts were exacerbated by economic problems in 2013 and 2014 when Turkey and other developing countries were hurt by the US Federal Reserve slowdown in bond purchases, leading to rising global interest rates.
Hundreds of protesters again went to the streets to protest the Internet censorship bill on January 18, 2014, and police fired the usual rubber bullets, tear gas, and water cannons. Erdoğan shut Twitter down in March 20 before important local elections, but of course young techies figured out ways to get around it and it was available again in a few days. A professor said his son got through the ban in 15 seconds and student Engin Alturk said, “We know all the tricks to get around this. Erdoğan must think us stupid.” In a series of tweets President Abdullah Gul opposed the shutdown, but Erdoğan threatened he would eradicate it; “I don’t care what the international community says. Everyone will witness the power of the Turkish Republic.” He viewed users of Twitter and Facebook as people who “incite any kind of immorality or espionage for the profit of these institutions.” A widely re-tweeted post showed the Twitter icon of blue birds over the prime minister’s head dropping excrement on him. Another put his face on an Obama campaign poster with the modified slogan, “Yes, we ban.” And another slogan referred to the folk tale of the Emperor’s New Clothes, “Look, the king is naked!” Later in the year after a quiet period, in November Erdoğan came out against coed dormitories at state universities including in off-campus housing.
The Aftermath: Assemblies and Demonstrations
The main outcome of the uprising is that the people are empowered, although currently in a period of discouragement. An activist named Zeynel Gul said self-organizing in the Gezi occupation “gave us a powerful sense of a world based on solidarity and equality, which we could not imagine before. No one can take away what we experienced in the park.”[44] Since Gezi, Turks have given support to minority groups including LGBT people, Kurds, feminists and Alevis (the largest Shia sect that the police insulted in their conflicts with the demonstrators). Since no major political party represents the goals of the uprising, forums focus on neighborhood problems such as evictions.[45] Other post-Gezi outcomes are boycotts, strikes, marches, and public forums. The fact that around half of the protesters were women is empowering, calling attention to government gender discrimination. A Gezi slogan is, “This is just a beginning, we keep struggling,” in the spirit of the Zapatistas.
Professor Ayşe observed that discussion continued in public parks and universities, discussing national politics and local issues. These public forums use consensus decision-making. She added that in rural areas people have always made time for social connections in their neighborhoods. The June 15 eviction from the park evoked huge anger and frustration that crystallized in general assemblies—about 70 throughout the country as of November 2013, according to Cubukcu. They formed self-organized, democratic, leaderless assemblies called “people’s forums” in various neighborhoods, similar to Spain, Greece, the US and other Occupy Movements. Activist Binnaz Saktanber reported that assemblies in the Gezi Spirit continued in local parks around the country, some with thousands of participants, some a dozen. Activists set up barricades in some neighborhoods and parks, stood silently in protest, and threw stones at police. They offered workshops, yoga, art activities, and free books, as in other global occupations of public spaces. They created their own radio station and newspaper. The Turks used many of the familiar hand signs for communicating in a large group, such as crossed arms signifies “no.” People line up with a number in order to speak for a few minutes and no applause is permitted, as hand gestures signal approval or disapproval. Cubukcu observed meetings were generally quite smooth, although in some neighborhoods some political parties were prominent.
Cubukcu reported the assemblies began by sharing experiences with weeks of police violence as a way of healing each other. I imagine this process is similar to the communists forming Speak Bitterness groups for peasants after they took over China in 1949. They focused on how to sustain solidarity and collaborate with groups in different neighborhoods with weekly newsletters. Some forums brought in experts on topics such as what to do when arrested or how to form alternative media. Spontaneous actions occurred like protesting Egyptian President Morsi’s ouster by the military at the Egyptian embassy, protesting censorship at a TV channel, visiting wounded demonstrators in hospitals, and joining protesters shouting Kurdish slogans in a Kurdish town where police killed a demonstrator. Some assemblies were open and some had themes like LGBT pride. They discussed boycotts of certain corporations, formed social media platforms, worked with small shop owners, discussed non-sexist language, conducted legal rights workshops, and discussed how to influence urban transformation. One theme that united them all was anger at the Sultan.
Turkey’s first squat was a social center called Don Kisot (Don Quoixte), set up shortly after the eviction from Gezi Park. The Windmill Solidarity group claimed their “right to the city” and occupied an abandoned building (vacant for 15 years) to create a squat culture center with spaces for art, conferences, forums, children’s events, and concerts. “Another world is possible” was painted by the entrance to the first squat, but the authorities shut down the coffee house in 2015.
Another act of direct democracy inspired by Gezi, female and male workers took over an Istanbul textile factory on June 28 after their bosses disappeared without paying four months of back pay and after two years of struggle, stating, “No one will ever be able to exploit our labor again.” A short video documents the takeover where one of the workers said, “I learned not to be afraid.”[46] They adopted the slogan of the Landless Movement in Brazil, “Occupy, Resist, Produce!” One of the members of the cooperative said the Turkish state is pro-boss and wants women to stay home and have lots of children to produce more slaves for the bosses.[47]
Protests continued in the park, including weekly Saturday demonstrations, even though the court said the park should be preserved. Although two Turkish scholars concluded that other than the cancellation of the development of Taksim, the protests “did not have any other substantive outcome,” they do acknowledge a new identity resulted.[48] Other disagree: A Facebook post on August 5 reported, “Gezi Park is closed and cordoned-off on a near-daily basis, but the Turkish resistance lives on. In the streets, on the barricades, and most definitely as well in the parks, at the people’s forums all across the city.” People started painting public steps and streets in bright colors. When the authorities painted them back to gray, the people painted them rainbow colors again, as you can see.[49]
A video titled After Gezi highlights the ongoing protests, including anger at repression of Kurdish and Alevi people and accusations that Erdoğan assisted the Islamic State terrorists in order to weaken the Kurds and Assad’s Alevi regime in Syria.[50] People went to the streets when Berkin Elven died a year after being put in a coma by a tear gas canister in June 2013 when he was 14 and went out to buy bread for his mother. They also went to the streets after hundreds of Soma mine workers were killed in a mining accident in 2015 and Erdoğan said mining disasters happen around the world, as well as protesting lack of support for Kurds attacked by ISIS. The “Children of Gezi” civil organizations continue to meet, as in the Radical Democracy Urban Encounter in December 2014, committed to making cities meet the needs of all the urban dwellers, not just the rich.[51]
Critics were angry about the new presidential compound with over 1,000 rooms on almost 50 acres of land costing $1.2 billion and the purchase of a new presidential jet. Despite a court ruling that the palace was illegal, Erdoğan said, “If you have the power and the courage, then come and demolish the building.”[52] His family moved in at the end of 2014. The arrest of a 16-year-old boy for insulting the president by calling him the “thieving owner of the illegal palace” created an uproar.[53] After his release the boy, known as M.E.A. said, “We shall not yield to the fascist unprogressive pressure.” He said Ataturk inspired him and his mother was proud of him. Turkey’s Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag reported that 1,845 cases were pending based on charges of insulting the president from 2014 to 2016.[54] Bozdag justified these actions: “I am unable to read the insults leveled at our president. I start to blush.”
Around the same time, 35 soccer fans who took part in the Gezi demonstration the previous year were put on trial for being part of a conspiracy to “remove the government,” threatened with life in prison. Police raided media centers accused of being aligned with Muslim cleric Fethullah Gulen for trying to take over the government. When the EU protested, Erdoğan told them to “keep your opinions to yourself” and it didn’t matter if Turkey is accepted into the EU.[55] His government increased the number of religious schools that provide food and free transportation and limited the number of secular schools, thereby limiting parents’ choices about their children’s education. He mandated classes in “religious values” starting at age six, intending to raise “a pious generation,” meaning conservative Islamic. He also told schools to teach about Islam’s contribution to arts and sciences and Turkish Ottoman language “whether they like it or not.”
Turkey struggled with a $129.1 billion debt due in 2015 and a credit squeeze due to the end of low-interest rates set by the US Federal Reserve that fueled consumer credit card spending with a collective Turkish debt of $45 billion. The economy faced a currency crisis in 2018 and President Trump threatened to sink the economy if Turkey attacked Kurds, who were allies of the US in the fight against ISIS. Activist Joris Leverink predicted a severe economic crisis when the bubble bursts. He hopes that it will generate “rapid social awakening,” as happened in Argentina and Greece after economic collapse. The ROAR Magazine collective of researchers predicted for Turkey and globally, “The everyday resistance of the ordinary people will burrow its way through society, cracking the concrete, undermining the foundations of the neoliberal urban landscape, and ultimately allowing us to reclaim the physical and political space we so desperately need to live, produce and share in common; in solidarity, democratically, and as equals.”[56]
Kurdish youth organizations became “more vocal, violent and popular” with the urban guerrilla YDG-H (Patriotic Revolutionary Youth Movement) young Kurds striking back after Turkish attacks on PKK bases in eastern Turkey and northern Iraq. Nationalist youth attacked Kurdish neighborhoods and offices of the pro-Kurdish Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP).[57] To counter resistance, parliament passed a law in March 2015 that broadened police powers to use guns against demonstrators armed with firebombs or other “injurious weapons” and to detain demonstrators for 48 hours. Protesters who cover their faces can be sentenced to five years in prison if convicted of spreading propaganda for “terrorist organizations.”
Two years after the Gezi uprising, thousands of police blocked the entrance into Gezi Park to prevent demonstrators from offering carnations to celebrate the second anniversary of the protests. The AKP party lost its majority in parliament in June 2015 after over a decade of its rule but regained it in November with accusations of media censorship and intimidation of voters. Western news article headlines stated, “Turkish election campaign unfair, say international monitors,” and “The ruling AKP won yesterday’s Turkish election through sheer violence and repression.”[58]
Interviewing various Turks in June 2016, I talked with a businesswoman I’ll call Perran who said that Gezi activists were punished, not able to get work, and some were jailed. She said the upper court said it was legal to build a shopping center in the park that nine people died to protect and the president vowed to go ahead with the building. She added that Erdoğan privatized nation resources, selling land and water to foreigners, as well as building infrastructure. In Istanbul I was shown tall buildings that violate building codes, which Erdoğan permitted although they block views and wind flow. He also prevented police investigation of corruption publicized in leaks about shoeboxes of money in homes of sons of government ministers. I was told if he loses a future election many suits will be filled against him and he’ll have to go to jail, so he plans to stay president for life. A woman named Meral Aksener, a former conservative party minister, wants to be leader of her party and replace him. She campaigned for a no vote on the April 16, 2017, referendum that would give more power to President Erdoğan—but it passed. About the migrants, Perran said the educated ones went to Europe, leaving behind peasant farmers who squeeze many families into one apartment and have many children. She sees them begging in cities and sleeping and parks.
Another Gezi participant, who I’ll call Ceyda, said Erdoğan is a Darth Vader-like radical who thinks he’s perfect and the country’s father (like Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak) who did succeed in bringing Turkey out of the economic crisis of 2001. He’s viewed like a prophet to uneducated people. She also said he sold the national resources to outsiders and tries to impose his conservative view of Islam in a country where most people think your religion is personal. She thinks the biggest mistake of the government before Erdoğan was forbidding women from wearing hajib in places like universities, hospitals, and government buildings. Ceyda thinks Gezi scared him because he still talked about it three years later, and the uprising occurred in well-to-do areas of European Istanbul.
When I asked her about youth participation, Ceyda said they started the demonstrations when they set up tents to protect the park and were 80 to 90% of the demonstrators because other people were working. Their mothers came to support them the next day. With almost a million demonstrators, people of all age were represented, most well educated. Gezi was at times a festival with singers and other entertainment and exhilarated crowds of people. What organization there was done on the Internet, but Ceyda said no group and no leaders were in charge.
A soccer fan, Ceyda is proud of the Besiktas fans of the local team; their banner with the anarchist A heads this chapter. When the police blocked the marchers, the Besiktas pushed them aside so people could keep walking, and the police pushed back in a kind of dance with their helicopters flying overhead and firing tear gas canisters and plastic bullets. Another hero, the owner of the elegant hotel at one side of the park opened its doors as a first aid station to treat tear gas inhalation and other injuries. Some of the fans and other leaders were jailed as traitors despite the group collecting money for the poor and other social activities.
None of the participants in the Gezi Park uprising I interviewed wanted their names used because of the pattern of government retaliation. At a middle-school in Istanbul, teachers told me they were afraid and didn’t want their principal to see me talking to them and think they were up to something as they sat smoking across the street from their school. A mother of a student, the friend of the teachers, asked if I was a spy. A teacher asked me not to ask political or religious questions of the students I interviewed on video available on the book YouTube channel, but they brought up criticism of the government. The adults were surprised when students supported the Gezi demonstrations, thinking of them as lost in social media and after 1980 parents raised their children to be afraid of the government and be quiet. However, Gezi led them to realize that young people could take action. A middle-age male teacher said everyone shared, supermarkets delivered food to the demonstrators, there was no violence. When they tried to have an anniversary demonstration, police prevented it. Now, people lack hope.
A female teacher in her 30s said she too lacked hope but she noted that Gezi inspired people to protest, as when a member of the government suggested that pregnant women not go out in public because it would make people think of sex. Many pregnant women gathered on the streets in response. After Gezi, LGBTIQQ organizing and gay pride events increased, along with the women’s movement and efforts to help battered women, and organizing for the environment and animal rescue. However, a businessman in Istanbul said they gained nothing from the Gezi protests, “Now it’s impossible to organize such protests. People think the results will be the same.”[59] Another man worries that, “We used to be the secular republic. Now, we don’t know what we are.”
I asked teens and adults about characteristics of the younger generation in 2016. Urban youth lack social skills because of spending so much time on their electronic devices, starting as young as age three. Some kids don’t sit down to eat without their iPad. Perran, a business woman from Istanbul, age 48, said they’re more pessimistic about getting a job, more individualistic, and less well educated. The quality of education decreased with the increase of Islamic schools, teachers aren’t paid well and many “lost their enthusiasm.” Students are promised government jobs if they graduate from the religious schools and families get free food and sometime money, but young people with money go to private schools and try to study and work abroad. In some of the religious schools girls are “covered,” the word Turks use for wearing hijab, as early as age five. They teach that women shouldn’t work outside the home. Although almost every city has a university and fees are small, there aren’t enough professors.
In reaction to Erdoğan’s push to convert public schools to Islamic schools that are sex-segregated and teach Sunni Islam, the Turkish High School Students Union, TLB, circulated a petition signed by more than 370 schools by spring 2016.[60] TLB leader Bora Celik said these schools don’t permit girls’ volleyball teams because they would wear shorts, they don’t permit literature or poetry societies, and have prayer rooms instead of laboratories. The main opposition party backs the students and parents demonstrate against plans to convert local school to increase the more than a million religious Imam-Hatips. PresidentErdoğan graduated from a religious school and aims to change the curriculum to raise a “pious generation.” Islamization results not only in protests by secularists but violence from religious zealots, as when a group of 20 men beat up customers in a record store in Istanbul in June 2016. Their crime was listening to the British band Radiohead and drinking beer during the holy month of Ramadan.
High school students led protests against Islamist education policy in 2016. High school students in an academic high school where their first year is taught in English, turned their backs when their principal was making a speech and wrote a manifesto about their goals. Their campaign spread to other schools. Conservative school principals were sent in to replace more liberal administrators, including the school I visited. They cancelled festivals and made strict new rules such as about the length of girls’ skirts. A teacher said the traditionalists, similar to Iranian leaders, “Don’t want people to be happy. The fly is small but it makes you sick.” Students and their parents have protested conversion of their local schools to Islamic schools and requirements to learn Arabic.
I asked Emrullah Ataseven to critique the chapter: He’s a Ph.D. student in Istanbul and translator who observed the protests.
I would like to appreciate you for your detailed and toilsome research. You analyze and summarize the situation very well. As you noticed the protests and events at Gezi have a multi-layered character. Turkish nationalists, Kurdish activists and secular republicanists together protested Erdoğan and his government. However, in the course of events, the attitude of some protestors changed. For example, the Kurdish political movement became more distanced with the mainstream Gezi protestors after the emergence of such slogans as “We’re the soldiers of Mustafa Kemal.” You could argue Kurds’ position. Also, the Alevi question could be emphasized. The majority of Alevis in Turkey support the Republican Party (CHP) and this party in the past was reluctant to give Kurds and Conservationists their rights like hijab and education in Kurdish. So, it is debatable to evaluate Gezi as a purely human rights movement.
The political life in Turkey is so changeable, the cease-fire declared by the PKK was abolished. This indicates the fragility of Turkish democracy. That’s why I think the Gezi movement was a strong movement in terms of environmentalism, freedom of speech and minority rights but it did not lead to an enduring democratic body. Young people were more politicized, developed means of peaceful protests but an all-pervasive democratic understanding could not flourish. The solidarity aftermath of Gezi could enhance democracy. The party in power (AKP) lost remarkable seats in the parliament and violence restarted in the country. The Gezi spirit could contribute to a permanent peace but as in the case of Arab Spring, it is early to say that movements like Gezi in Turkey can construct a well-established democratic youth movement.
On July 15, 2016, junior officers attempted a coup (the military led four previous coups to preserve secularism in 1960, 1971, 1980 and 1997) while Erdoğan was on holiday, aiming to protect democracy and human rights and “reinstate constitutional order.” The coup was probably triggered by rumors that the president was going to fire many officers the following month. The coup leaders promised a new constitution and an end to corruption and terrorist attacks. The constitution charges the army with upholding democracy, as established by Ataturk, but all the opposition parties including the Kurds and world powers came out in support of the democratically elected president. A young woman tweeted, “I protested Erdoğan during Gezi. I was tear gassed by his police. I think AKP is trash, but I support them against a fascist military coup.” The military declared martial law and a curfew, blocked social media, and shut down the major bridges between Asian and European Istanbul, shown in videos.[61] It sent tanks to the main Istanbul airport and shut it down (a week after I flew out) and flew helicopters over the city and jets over the capital.
The president said on FaceTime using his tablet to broadcast on CNN Turk, the most watched news station, that he would overcome the coup and encouraged his supporters to go to the streets, meaning he didn’t have access to a TV studio. Muslim clerics joined him in calling for men from their mosques to rise up and AKP party leaders knocked on doors asking men to demonstrate. Videos showed mostly men on the streets chanting religious slogans: Watching for hours I only saw a few women. Police and soldiers and 1000s of male supporters faced off in Taksim Square where shots were fired. Some civilians arrested soldiers and they beheaded one soldier and beat several others to death.
Erdoğan said the coup was a gift from God to cleanse the military further. He had already “cleansed” the judiciary of independents he thought were aligned with Gulen, but removed almost more judges. He had already put more journalists in prison than any other country, including China. He blamed Gulen (who moved to Pennsylvania in 1999) and his Hizmet movement for orchestrating the coup in a “parallel state” and asked the US to extradite him. One of my Turkish contacts who doesn’t like the president also blamed Gulen. Erdoğan didn’t refer to Gulen by name in his first speech after the coup, just to the “second estate” headquartered in Pennsylvania. (In 2016 Trump associate General Michael Flynn and Turkish representatives were accused of discussing kidnapping Gulen to return him to Turkey[62]). The failed coup is an example of the finding that non-violent changemaking is most effective.
The government announced that thousands were wounded and over 265 died in the coup attempt, 104 of them were the “plotters.” Some suggested that the president knew about the coup but did nothing to stop it in order to gain more power.[63] A trending Twitter hashtag was “Not a coup. Theater” and “And the Oscar goes to…President Erdoğan.” He told a crowd, “We will not leave the public squares. This is not a 12-hour affair” and sent text messages asking supporters to keep showing up in nightly gatherings in public squares like Taksim where vendors sell flags and T-shirts with the president’s face. His supporters blamed the US and the CIA for trying to assassinate the president.
More than 9,000 suspects were arrested and nearly 60,000 suspects were quickly detained or dismissed, in addition 5 to 10% of educators had their licenses revoked, 1,577 university deans, almost 9,000 police officers, one-third of generals and admirals, around 3,000 soldiers, 2,745 judges, 30 governors, plus more than 100 media outlets shut down and websites blocked.[64] More than 15,000 employees were suspended from the Education Ministry, but the president said he would retain a “democratic parliamentary system.” By September, more than 100,000 people were arrested or fired from their jobs, accused of connections to Gulen.[65] The president also ousted Kurdish mayors and thousands of teachers in the southeast, who were not even accused of being Gulenists, and seized about $4 billion worth of businesses. The government tried to influence the US government to send Gulen back to Turkey from his home in Pennsylvania.
Amnesty International reported torture of suspected Gulen followers. Erdoğan floated the idea of reinstating the death penalty. Next, he prohibited academics from foreign travel and recalled any of them out of the country. Erdoğan must have been keeping files on Turks he suspected of allegiance to Gulen. He’s been called “megalomaniacal” and “quasi-messianic,” and compared to Putin in Russia and el-Sisi in Egypt. He wants to replace secular Ataturk as the most famous Turkish leader as he creates an Islamic “New Turkey.” Perhaps Donald Trump is in the same category, telling his base followers that he’s the only one who can fix US problems and he would be the law and order president, keeping out Muslims and Mexicans. Trump praises autocratic presidents like Erdoğan, Putin, and El Sisi.
Watching hours of CNN coverage revealed inaccuracies in the coverage and ignoring the president’s sexism when describing his deficiencies. This is what I wrote to CNN: I flew out of Ataturk Airport a week before the recent bombing, after doing research for my book on global youth activism. Fareed Zakaria said that Erdoğan is secular. One bit of evidence he gave was women aren’t allowed to wear headscarves in universities and public buildings. That’s no longer true, they can wear what they want. He didn’t mention Erdoğan’s campaign to turn public schools into Islamic schools, which is a profound shift away from secularism. I watched CNN for hours yesterday and didn’t hear anyone mention the president’s extreme sexism. Women I talked with in Turkey are very angry that he said a woman who doesn’t give birth is half a woman, women should give birth to at least three children, women’s place is in the home because their main role is motherhood, they shouldn’t wear red lipstick, etc. His government is mainly male. Turks refer to him as the Sultan or Dictator.
I asked a Turkish contact about the impact of the coup and firing 60,000 people in August 2016: “Many people losing their jobs has an impact on economy and tourism is already finished. I don’t think we can recover the image of Turkey easily. Not all of them real supporters of Gülen. Gülen is a radical religious imam who wants an Islamic world. Government and president are the ones to be accused to let him take all the positions.”
Joris Leverink explained that Erdoğan effectively used the coup to silence opposition including the capulcus, Kurds, Alevis, and LGBT groups and further his desire to replace Ataturk as the great man in Turkish history.[66] The government posted the slogan “sovereignty belongs to the nation” everywhere, along with photos of the president and red Turkish flags, but without references to the AKP party. At frequent “democracy watches” crowds shout “God is great.” My Turkish contacts are afraid to speak out.
[15] Mary Lou O’Neil and Fazil Guler, “Strangers to and Producers of their Own Culture: AmericanPopular Culture and Turkish Young People,” Comparative American Studies, Vol. 8, No. 3, September 2010, pp. 230-243.
[31] Birce Altiok and Kerem Yidirim, ‘’’Characteristics of Prolonged Social Movements: The Case of Gezi Park Protests,” paper presented at the Contentious Politics in the Middle East Conference, 2014.
[48] Birce Altiok and Kerem Yidirim, ‘’’Characteristics of Prolonged Social Movements: The Case of Gezi Park Protests,” paper presented at the Contentious Politics in the Middle East Conference, 2014.
Factory worker demonstrator in Tahrir Square, July 2011
I believe I’m here to help show the truth that’s hidden, to help make a better future for the next generations. Deep inside me I believe that I’m here to help make some people’s lives better by making them believe in themselves. All these rising stars, the icons that we hear about in television influence me that I can achieve my dreams. The Internet showed me many people who are fighting to achieve their goals and to create a better tomorrow; it’s so inspiring!
Akram, 16, m, Egypt
My generation might be hasty, might be a bit impatient and headlong, but I believe (based on the fact that my generation waged the revolution in Egypt) that my generation is very brave and creative (despite all the bad influences from schools, parents and the regime) and we were able to use technology in creating a revolution and changing Egypt! Not just Egypt, but the whole Arab world (which is hopefully changing soon too). My generation is very ambitious and stubborn to get all its wishes and dreams to be fulfilled even if that means his/her death!
Ahmed, 17, m, Egypt
I’d change the ‘friend-enemy’ mindset people have. I hate the idea that people think of those who contravene their ideals as enemies. They are not enemies; we are just different. Yara, 17, f, Egypt
It was all youth who did it, because youth are rebels, active, think differently, have hopes and different goals, and can use the Internet.
Ahmed, Mustafa, and Abdel, university students I interviewed in Tahrir Square
Tunis is the force that pushed Egypt, but what Egypt did will be the force that will push the world. Walid Rachid, a member of the April 6 Youth Movement.[1]
Come on, let’s show them our strength as youth. A post from the We Are All Khaled Said page encouraging participation in the January 25, 2011 protest
The people woke up; they’ll never sleep again. Young demonstrator in Tahrir.
We want Morsi and his gang to step down and hold new elections just with the youth, not the old guys. Demonstrator’s voice played on BBC News, June 30, 2014.
Contents: Interviews with Demonstrators in Tahrir Square, The Groundwork, The Role of Social Media, The Invitational 18-Day Revolution, Who Led the Revolution and Why?, After Mubarak Stepped Down, Tamarod Petition to Oust Morsi in 2013, General el-Sisi in Power
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Written off as apathetic, how was the “Miracle Generation” able to topple dictator Hosni Mubarak in 18 days after he held power for almost 30 years with an emergency law that allowed his security forces free reign? Youth lacked hope and were fearful until the Tunisians ousted their dictator in a month and they realized “Yes we can.” Over half the population is under age 24. When I asked young activists in Tahrir Square about who led the revolution, they all said they had no leaders expect Tunisia. They told me they were responsible for the revolution because they’re rebels by nature, in a country where half the population is under age 25. It was all youth who did it, they said, because youth are rebels, active, think differently, have hopes and different goals, and can use the Internet. Masef Bayat defined a youth movement as a shared consciousness about working together as youth, which Egyptians demonstrated. Tunisia’s success galvanized them, making them determined to get their rights. The ingredients for revolution discussed previously were present–many disaffected, unemployed, educated youth with the ability to communicate electronically. They use the slang “El-Face” because Facebook is so widely used in Egypt, the country with the most Internet users in Africa. Youth emphasized that the Arab Spring had foundations in “years-long struggles by people and popular movements,” as stated in a letter of support to Occupy Wall Street activists. As one-third of the population, they are conscious of themselves as a distinct youth generation who fought for “bread, freedom, and social justice.” They opposed growing economic inequality caused by neoliberalization and increasingly violent security forces, some of whom were trained by the FBI academy in Quantico, Virginia.[2] Background and recent history are on the book webpage.[3]
Interviews with Demonstrators in Tahrir Square
In July 2011, after having my passport and bag checked by a woman in black niqab with only her eyes showing (men were checked by men), I went in search of English-speaking protesters in Tahrir Square. We sat on the carpeted ground with tents all around in the middle of the square as seen in our YouTube video “Democracy Activists in Cairo.”[4] They were suspicious of journalists other than Al Jazeera because they think they’re controlled by the old regime, as when the press portrayed young women demonstrators as having dubious morals. As an academic, I was OK. University students Ahmed, Mustafa, and Abdel agreed to me videotaping them. One studied petroleum engineering, another business although he’s a socialist, and the other majored in communications. In the middle of our talk, a young man came up and said to me, “They say you’re a spy.” “For whom?” I asked. (I was also asked this question in Istanbul in 2016.) Another man came up to check my passport again and asked to see my university card. Knife-wielding thugs have come into the square and attacked protesters so they are understandably cautious about strangers.
The three students said they’re demonstrating five months after Mubarak left because the same faces are still in power with The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF) and Ahmed Shafik, the same prime minister who served under Mubarak. Abdul explained that Mubarak wanted people to relate to him as a father and the symbol of Egypt, but the young people didn’t want a father, they wanted a democratically elected president. The students reported that before revolution Egyptians remained fearfully silent because if you discussed politics, the State Security forces came to your home to take you to prison and torture you. If you weren’t home, they would take another family member instead. By 2010 Mubarak doubled the size of security forces to be nearly three times the numbers of the army.[5] Reflecting this history of fear, a young man in Aswan asked me not to mention even his first name when I wrote about his support of the revolution.
Ahmed took the spring semester off to demonstrate, while Mustafa and Abdel went back and forth from the university to the square, sometimes sleeping in the tents or on rugs on the ground. Friends and strangers brought food and water to stock the supply tent seen on the right in my video and photos on the book Facebook website.[6] Police violence continued, as when they beat the mother and brother of a martyr, calling him a thug. One of the posters in the square showed a young man in a red shirt who was sentenced to prison for 25 years for demonstrating. Other signs said, “The people who made the revolution ask the Council for freedom.”
The students told me Egyptians were born in misery, growing up in a corrupt system. Their parents’ generation gave up and took the easy way out, simply focusing on daily life, acquiring food (that takes up about half of the average household’s expenditures[7]), getting married, and keeping silent. While I was in Tahrir Square, demonstrators who were part of a national strike had shut down a government building on the square, then reopened it with a large banner stating, “The complex is open by order of the revolution.” Demonstrators lined the path to the building clapping and waving a flag proclaiming in Arabic, “January 25 Freedom Revolution,” as seen in my video. “Youth were able to do what we were not able to do for ourselves,” said elders shown on an HBO documentary titled In Tahrir Square.[8]
The young activists told me their goals are to create a democratic secular constitution with equality between women and men and between various religions. Secondly, they want to guarantee a minimum monthly wage to workers of 1,000 to 1,200 Egyptian pounds. They advocate removing all members of the old administration, including university deans, the judiciary, media, and police. They want punishment for police and soldiers who killed protesters and for the corrupt politicians from Mubarak’s regime. However, in 2012 the military courts let police off with a suspended sentence and declared Mubarak and his sons not guilty of corruption. The only punishment was life imprisonment for Mubarak and his ex-security chief, which generated large protests in Tahrir Square, but the sentences were rescinded in 2015 under President and former General el-Sisi. He was Mubarak’s chief of military intelligence. A year after the revolution, the military had charged over 12,000 civilians in military courts.
The students said the education system needs improvement because government schools are terrible, some teachers don’t even go to class as I heard in other emerging nations like India, and students don’t learn English. The three young men all went to private schools that cost about 90,000 pounds a year. High school student Mohamed, 18, emailed from Alexandria, “In the public schools there are more than 100 students in every class, the teachers don’t work in the class, and the education curriculum are very stupid,” but 80% of Egyptians can’t afford private schools. Everyone I talked with in Egypt, except for a public school teacher, told me that public schools are appalling. Students who can afford it study with private tutors in order to do well on the all-important entrance exams for university because teachers hold back information so they can make money tutoring after school. Students select the exam subjects; for example, a high school senior in Cairo, Akram emailed he chose English and Arabic since he wants to study journalism. We “met” on Facebook through a mutual “friend.”
The students said people just want a job, food and health care, rather than aiming for a big car and house. It’s so expensive to set up a household for a new couple that men have to wait until they’re 40 or so to marry, a problem in a Muslim society that frowns on premarital sex. To get a good job an Egyptian young person has to have a VIP in the family or pay a bribe, similar to other MENA countries. I saw many apartment buildings with uncompleted floors with rebar exposed waiting for the owner to save up money to complete the floor when their sons marry and need an apartment.
I asked a feminist young man, Omar Ahmed, 21, secretary for the Egyptian Women’s Union, about the origin of the demonstrators’ focus on peace (Selam). He wasn’t sure but had heard Gandhi’s tactics mentioned. When I asked if his generation was more committed to peace, he pointed out that in May, on the anniversary of Israeli independence, one million Egyptians called for war against Israel, so the issue is multi-faceted. Some demonstrators did chant, “The people want to hang the criminal” Mubarak. Despite the power of fundamentalists, Omar is optimistic about the future of Egypt as he looks around the Middle East and sees dictators falling, “Syria is going down, Hamas is going down, and freedom is asserting itself.”
Not having visible leaders is an asset in their struggle since the police can’t target a few key leaders. Omar agreed with the three university students that there was no single movement or leadership; the ones who were featured in the media were not the real leaders. When former Vice-President Omar Suleiman asked to meet with rebel spokespersons, he faced over 100 people. None of them claimed to be in charge; “That’s the beauty of it,” said Omar.
High school student Akram was in Tahrir with his mother and sister for 11 of the 18 days of protest. When I asked how youth were able to make a revolution so quickly, he said there’s no logical answer, except that almost 8 million people (or 15 million[9]) protested in 18 cities and he felt labor strikes made a difference as well (from February 8 to 11 around 20,000 workers went on strike and from 2004 to 2011 workers organized over 3,000 strikes[10]). During the protests, unions formed a new umbrella trade union. Scholar Amy Austin Holmes viewed the neighborhood organizing and fearlessness in the face of state violence as an important resource, pointing out the activists didn’t have support from the elite, military officers or external support.
Akram confirmed that there were no leaders and that ideas just emerged in small circles in Tahrir Square that shared ideas. Someone would get an idea like blocking off the important government building on the square or protecting the entrances to the square, but people didn’t know what was happening on the other side of Tahrir when thousands occupied it. The media pointed to groups like the Coalition of the Revolution as the organizers, but youth told me it doesn’t in fact represent the revolutionaries as they use a new style of organizing without a central command.
I asked two young women camped out in Tahrir, a high school student and nurse, about leadership and how policy is determined (more from them and women’s role in the revolution in Brave: The Global Girls’ Revolution. Their photos are on the book album.[11]) The explained each tent or area picks a representative to serve on a leadership group, but it’s very fluid and changes in size from around 20 to 100 representatives. They reported women were a very small percent of the leaders, maybe 5 to 10 percent. When a group of demonstrators met with Mubarak while he was still in office, only two were women. A man listening to our conversation agreed. Women whom the Western journalists quote as leaders, such as Sally Moore, aren’t living with them in the square. Most demonstrators haven’t heard of these so-called leaders, although they know everyone in Midan, the central section of the square with the tents (the same word is used in Ukraine’s central square in Kiev).
The Groundwork
Egypt has a long history of being controlled by other nations and then by autocrats, with no real experience of democracy. Part of the Ottoman Empire, the Egyptian Pasha family governors paid taxes to the Sultan. Britain wanted to control the Suez Canal, so it dominated Egypt even when it was part of the Ottoman Empire. Anti-colonial riots in 1919 included women, led by feminist Huda Sha’rawi, but the British suppressed the riots. By the time World War 1 began, the Ottoman Empire lost its power and the British set up a puppet king when he was 16. A popular revolution led by Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1952 replaced King Farouk. Nasser and India led the non-alignment movement and he refused to pick sides in the cold war between the USSR and the US. His policies led to the Six Day War with Israel. His Arab Socialism developed state industries, including nationalizing the Suez Canal in 1956. He also instituted state feminism, giving women the vote and outlawing gender discrimination.
Anwar Sadat took over when Nasser died in 1970, continuing his strongman rule. He accepted the US as an ally and abandoned socialism for an “open door” policy encouraging private investments that benefited the wealthy. Bread riots occurred in 1977 when the government rescinded food subsidies. Sadat privatized some of the state’s industries and allowed more freedom for the Muslim Brotherhood (the MB was formed in 1928). He called for state-run TV to interrupt programs with the call to prayer five times a day, heard wherever you go in in Muslim countries from loud mosque loudspeakers–including dawn and on buses. His wife, Jehan Sadat, advocated women’s rights in state feminism, rejected after the January 25 revolution because of its association with dictators’ wives. When Muslim extremists assassinated Sadat in 1981, Vice President Hosni Mubarak was sitting next to him and took over the reins of power. He followed IMF dictates signing an agreement with them in 1991, received US aid, and declared a 25-year state of emergency granting him control.
By the turn of the century, Mubarak felt so confident in his power that he no longer tried to keep the people quiet by providing affordable housing, subsidized food, and health care. Bread riots occurred in 2008 and food prices rose again before the 2011 revolution, as they did in Tunisia, Yemen and Lebanon before uprisings. Services like trash collection were privatized and taxes raised on the masses while corporate taxes were cut in half. The regime hired thugs (baltagayya) to intimidate the populace into submission, similar to Iran’s motorcycle basiji. With hundreds of thousands of members or more, the MB provided social services to the poor including hospitals, food banks, and schools. It influenced their votes with gifts of food until the MB was outlawed by the military regime in September 2013, their assets seized, and their leaders jailed.
A blogger who wrote “Torture in Egypt,” Noha Atef (age 26) reported about work conditions.[12]
In Egypt, we work all day and night seven days a week. If we ever have a half-day off we spend it sleeping. You often have three jobs at the same time. You have your main job, then you go home and work from home. And then at night you go to your third job. Most Egyptians are doing this. They are doing all this and they still cannot meet their needs. My vision is to see people living in a humane way [with a weekend] break.
Decades of struggle for worker rights and the movement against police brutality established the groundwork for the “youth revolution.” Lobna Darwish grew up in a Marxist family in Cairo and describes herself as a revolutionary filmmaker. Speaking at the Global Uprisings conference in Amsterdam in 2013, she said her parents told her about their participation in huge protests in 1977 against President Sadat’s plan to cancel food and fuel subsidies, although there was no mention of the riots in her history books. Angry crowds organized by workers and university students burned down police and tax offices for two days until the army took over the streets. Sadat listened to the millions of protesters and kept the subsidies in place although he and this predecessor kept the poor subdued with a police state with frequent use of torture and expanding number of prisons. Darwish said about one-quarter or the current prisoners are debtors like women who used bad checks to buy household goods. She reported austerity measures hit middle-class neighborhoods after neoliberal austerity programs were put in place in Mubarak’s “love story” with the IMF and World Bank that peaked in 2000. She said socialists focused on the expansion of labor unions as the foundation for the revolution, while liberals emphasized the Kefaya movement discussed below. The new coalition of the middle and lower classes succeeded in regime change.
The precursors of the 2011 uprising included demonstrations in 2000 to support the second Palestinian intifada, with both high school and university students holding sit-ins,[13] and a protest movement in 2004 called Kefaya, “Enough.” This slogan referred to Mubarak running for a fifth term as president and grooming his son Gamal as heir. It was also a protest against the US invasion of Iraq. Kefaya was called the Egyptian Movement for Change and many of its members were students and intellectuals. It was the first group to openly oppose Mubarak, although the MB was critical of the regime as well. Kefaya organized demonstrations in support of labor, civil rights, Palestine, and opposition to the Iraq war, working with other groups like the Revolutionary Socialists. Strikes involving thousands of workers had occurred over the previous two years.
Kefaya activists helped form the April 6 Youth Movement in 2008, a loose coalition of many small groups in support of a government-owned textile factory worker strike in the city of Mahalla. According to Ahmed Salah, they made April 6 a brand; “We were successful in making it the icon of change” led by youth. He said after the revolution of January 25, “We had tried before, but nothing was like this.” The young people in Cairo started a Facebook page to organize strikes on April 6 in support of the mill workers, but without details of how to demonstrate. The April 6 Movement had over 63,000 Facebook “likes” in 2012, with Arabic and English pages. With a flat leadership structure in universities across Egypt, it was difficult for authorities to control. In response to these online protest groups, the security forces set up a division to track and police the Internet, which had spread rapidly to more than 13.6 million users by this time. The Cairo University group was made up of mainly working-class and lower middle-class students.[14]
The general strike in 2008 was led by cyber activist youth bloggers and unions and publicized on Facebook. One of the leaders of the strike was Esraa Abdel Fattah, known as “Facebook Girl” (born in 1978) who started the call for a strike in 2008. Her Facebook page attracted 74,000 supporters. As punishment, she was jailed for 18 days during which time the April 6 group got the country talking online about her imprisonment. By 2009, thousands of bloggers were active, an estimated 35,000 to 160,000 of them.[15] Youth culture valued blogging about current issues, including young women. Since they were writing anonymously, bloggers felt free to explore sensitive issues like religious beliefs and relationships.
April 6 Youth Movement leaders, like Nobel Peace Prize Nominee Ahmed Maher (age 29, see him on video[16]), called for economic and political reforms including higher wages and the end of government corruption and police torture. Maher and friends organized a Youth for Change brigade and Facebook pages that grew to over 500,000 followers. They could only sustain a strike for one day because security forces arrested April 6 activists, including Maher who was beaten by police. After his release he posted online photos of his torture scars. He spray-painted graffiti on Cairo walls such as “Mubarak is over,” similar to a logo used by the Serbian rebels. Maher was charged with starting an illegal organization to overthrow the government, but he said, “Our power is that we are not a political party. We do what we want anytime we want. We don’t have a headquarters” that security forces can target. Only two of the 26 political parties had youth wings so young people had to form their own organizations.
Maher was arrested for participating in a protest against the Morsi government involving waving women’s underwear outside the Interior Minister’s home and chanting that Minister Mohamed Ibrahim was prostituting the ministry.[17] When he was asked about Egypt’s biggest challenge, he pointed to the generation gap and the more traditional older generation. He joked, “We’ll just have to outlive them.”
Socialist activist Ola Shahba explained a year after JAN25 that the revolution was built on ten years of organizing.[18] They occupied Tahrir Square in 2003 to protest the Iraq war and for first time chanted anti-Mubarak slogans, but were driven out by police violence. Kefaya, formed in 2004, used horizontal and online organizing on its webpage “Egyptian Awareness.” Youth organized during the 2005 election, when bloggers as young as 15 and 16 documented election fraud with their cameras. Activists continued in a movement for judicial independence and against police torture with roots in the April 6 Youth Movement since 2006. A Facebook post in 2008 by Israa Abdel Fatah went viral in support of a strike by textile workers eventually joined by 76,000 friends.[19] They documented police violence and other problems on YouTube starting in 2006 and then on Twitter. Youth activists were inspired by the active role of the Workers’ Union in the Tunisian revolution and had communicated with activists in the Progressive Youth of Tunisia since 2008.
Ola Shahba was active with Youth for Justice and Freedom, which she views as the main youth group behind the revolution, as well as a workers’ movement called Tadamon and the Revolutionary Socialist Organization. They opposed neoliberal policies that had speeded up for the previous five years under the influence of Mubarak’s son Gamal and his links with the World Bank. The Bank selected Mubarak as the world’s “top reformer” in 2008.[20] However, older members of the regime thought privatization was going too fast, concerned about the increasing gap between the rich and the poor. Shahba said their global movement has a common goal against neoliberalism and needs to coordinate their movements; “We need to say another world, another reality is possible,” a global theme especially since capitalism can’t survive without extracting resources from developing countries.
International Training in Non-Violence
Although a university student explained youth won because “We didn’t understand politics, didn’t have a dirty agenda,” some leaders were trained in political tactics.[21] Global influences fed the Egyptian uprising that was able to mobilize millions of protesters around Egypt with its population of 81 million and in turn to inspire revolutionaries in other countries. Occupying a central square or park became the modus operandi of youth uprisings after Egypt, rather than just demonstrating for a few days as in the Battle of Seattle in 1999 against the World Trade Organization conference.
Realizing they needed more training in how to organize on the streets, April 6 member Mohamed Abdel, a 20-year-old blogger and activist, went to Belgrade, Serbia in 2009 to study with Center for Applied Nonviolent Action and Strategies (CANVAS.) It grew out of Otpor, the Serbian youth group that ousted President Slobodan Milošević in 2000 (discussed in Chapter 6). The training emphasized the need for discipline and strategic planning. Abdel continued email contact with his teachers after his return to Egypt.
Serbian youth leader Srdja Popovic learned about Gene Sharp’s writings in 2000 from American Robert Helvey, a retired colonel sent by the International Republican Institute (IRI) to teach Otpor (“resistance”) students. The IRI is funded by the US State Department and the National Endowment for Democracy, which later funded efforts to overthrow Morsi.[22] Like Gandhi, Sharp taught that dictators rule with the tacit consent of the people and can be unseated if the people unite using psychological, social, political and economic weapons rather than guns. In the documentary film How to Start a Revolution, Sharp commented, “As soon as you choose to fight with violence you’re choosing to fight against your opponents’ best weapons and you have to be smarter than that. Psychological weapons, social weapons, economic weapons and political weapons [are] ultimately more powerful against oppression, tyranny and violence.”[23] This effort to brand a struggle is a spinoff of pervasive media advertising. During the Egyptian Revolution, Gandhi and Sharp were quoted, rather than Marx, Mao, Castro, or Chavez.
Following Sharp, CANVAS emphasizes undermining pillars of support for dictators and reducing people’s fear and tacit consent for their rulers, having a specific plan, and using media to brand the movement as with a color like orange with a vivid slogan like “Enough!” A Frontline video shows Adel learning these strategies from Popovic.[24] The April 6 logo was like Otpor’s black fist.[25] Abdel organized CANVAS-style workshops to teach what he had learned from the Serbs and the information was put into a pamphlet. Soon after January 25, 2011 (hereafter Jan25 to use author Wael Ghonim’s abbreviation) demonstration, an anonymous pamphlet began to circulate, called “How to Protest Intelligently.”[26] People speculated that the April 6 group wrote it. Copies of Sharp’s list of 198 non-violent tactics for change were translated into Arabic and handed out in Tahrir Square by the MB and other groups, passed around in paper copies and online. Sharp was surprised by the overthrow of Mubarak and said the Egyptian revolution may be “the most powerful example of ‘people power’… in world history.”[27] Popovic credited Egyptian youth for their open minds, ability to communicate over the Internet, and belief that change can occur.
Ahmed Maher, a co-founder of April 6 Movement, believed that trying to work with opposition parties destroyed the pre-Jan 25 youth movement. He studied nonviolent uprisings in Poland, Chile, and Serbia, and read Gene Sharp’s book From Dictatorship to Democracy. Others traveled to study nonviolent changemaking in the US, such as workshops organized by the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict. Some activists were trained by the Academy of Change, created by a group of Egyptians in their 30s, living in Qatar, drawing from Gene Sharp’s writings. They talked with the April 6 youth, sending advisors a week before January 25 to train organizers. Other activists studied at the Egyptian Democracy Academy, partly funded by the US. Several weeks before the 2011 demonstration in Tahrir Square, a group traveled to Tunisia to learn their strategies and they continued to support each other’s rebellions.
Samir Amin is an Egyptian Marxist economist in his 80s. He observed that the young bloggers were Americanized, writing in English, “participants in the chain of counterrevolutions, orchestrated by Washington, disguised as ‘democratic revolutions’ on the model of the East European ‘color revolutions.’”[28] He doesn’t think that the CIA caused the popular uprising, but that it works to “distance its activists from their aim of progressive social transformation and to shunt them onto different tracks.” He believes that the US doesn’t want a truly democratic Egypt.
The Role of Social Media
A young activist named Sayed said, “They poisoned Nasser, they assassinated Sadat, and Facebook killed Mubarak.”[29] By Jan25 close to 200,000 people pledged their participation in the event on Facebook. High school student Omar emailed that Jan25 was “an event made on the We are all Khalid Said Facebook page,” which Egyptians called the martyr page. Educated unemployed youth who communicated on Facebook gained new hope in their ability to be changemakers. They used casual language forms on social media that breeds informality, not following the norms of public speech, gaining a comfort with violating tradition that carried over to the revolution against government authority. A spokesperson for the rebels, Wael Ghonim (born in 1980) told CNN, “The revolution has begun online. This revolution began in Facebook.” Ghonim explained his part in starting a revolution in his 2012 book Revolution 2.0, although he said the revolution was leaderless as he explained in a TED talk.[30] He said, “There isn’t one of us here that is on some high horse leading the masses. This revolution belonged to the Internet youth…” A Google executive who spent a lot of time online, he previously created a successful website called IslamWay.com, but he wasn’t politically active. The fear of the regime kept people like him afraid, silent, and passive. Young Egyptians frequently commented, “There’s no hope.”
To counter this problem of hopelessness, in 2010 Ghonim set up a Facebook page for Mohamed ElBaradei, former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency, who was accused of being a tool of the West as a member of the International Crisis Group.[31] Ghonim met young activists such as Ahmed Maher of the April 6 Movement through this campaign, as many young people hoped ElBaradei would run for President against Mubarak. The co-administrator of the page was a 24-year-old journalism graduate, AbdelRahman Mansour, founder of WikiLeaks Arabic, and a political blogger. Their page asked for signatures in support of seven demands for change, supported by the MB. Within three months the page had over 100,000 followers. Google trained Ghonim in marketing, so he knew “if you build a brand, you can get people to trust the brand.”[32] His message to readers was you have rights, your taxes pay government officials, and mistrust the official media.
Anthropologist Linda Herrera spent 17 years in Egypt; she reported that Google and the US State Department backed Ghonim’s activism.[33] She explained that after the unpopular US attack on Iraq in 2003, the State Department realized that in a region with a population composed of about three-quarters young people, it needed to reach out to them directly through ICT. Former CIA and Foreign Service agent Graham Fuller wrote a report about “The Youth Factor” suggesting the use of “soft power” to create more pro-American and pro-free-market youth. The “Freedom Agenda” of President George W. Bush aimed to encourage voter education, youth leadership and cyber journalism training, and media monitoring. Herrera reported that Ghonim’s message was designed to fit the State Department’s Alliance of Youth Movement’s (AYM) “soft power” tactics and goals: avoid politics, praise leaderlessness (although Ghonim was the co-administrator of the Khaled Said Facebook page), and most importantly don’t challenge capitalism and the free market economy. The AYA page is https://Movements.org that states it “opens closed societies” and “crowdsources human rights.”
AYM was designed by the State Department’s Jared Cohen to fight youth extremism and support US corporations and consumerism using the “corporate model of marketing youth lifestyles,” as Otpor did.[34] The AYM summit in New York, April 2008, was sponsored by the State Department and corporations including Google and Facebook. MTV livestreamed the conference hosted by actress Whoopi Goldberg. With State Department funding, Howcast Media produced videos on how to do cyberactivism, narrated by young Arab actors in fashionable clothes. Some youth activists met with US Embassy staff in Cairo, as revealed by WikiLeaks. James Glassman, State Department Under Secretary for Public Diplomacy, said in a press conference that his department’s role in the “war of ideas” was to work behind the scenes to train youth cyber activist groups in the Middle East. AYM drew on Otpor and CANVAS trainings that received US government funding, although most Otpor member didn’t know about the funding source until after they ousted President Milosevic. Glassman said other models of cyberactivsm were the April 6 Youth Movement and the Columbian “No More FARC” campaign led by Oscar Morales.
In 2010 Ghonim came across a Facebook photo of Khaled Said or Saed, a 28-year-old man beaten to death by police in Alexandra. His mother and sister spoke up about his murder and participated in anti-torture protests, helping to ignite the revolution. Said studied computer programming and composed music. Always on the Internet, said his mother, Said publicized a video of police dealing drugs in their office. Those corrupt police tracked him down at an Internet café through paid informants, and bashed his head against a wall in the building next door in front of witnesses. Khaled’s family was able to bribe a policeman to get the photo of Khaled’s body, a rare instance when corruption worked for the people. Outrage about the photo of his mangled face and broken skull, taken by his uncle’s cellphone in the morgue, catalyzed the anger against President Mubarak’s security forces. They were free to detain, torture and disappear citizens as they pleased under the emergency law in place since 1981. An airbrushed photo of Said alive was used to portray him in a sophisticated marketing campaign as a typical middle-class young man.[35] (The two policemen were sentenced to 10 years in jail in 2014 for torture and in 2015 a court rejected their second appeal.) The Facebook site publicized Said’s funeral in June, which was attended by about a thousand people.
Ghonim created a page called Kullena [we are all] Khaled Said in June 2010. It showed police publically beating Said to death in Alexandria and became a popular mouthpiece for the youth movement.[36] On its first day, 36,000 people joined Ghonim’s page, mostly under age 30. The Khaled Said page quickly became the largest online activist group, gaining over 200,000 followers in a few weeks. Although someone else had already created a similar page, Ghonim felt its tone was too aggressive. Like other rebels, he was inspired by the movie V for Vendetta in which an anonymous rebel tries to stir up revolt against an unjust government and included a clip of the film on his Khaled page. Gandhi’s non-violent resistance inspired him so he included quotes from him on the webpage. Videos of student protests in Chile gave him ideas as well, illustrating the transnational fertilization of youth-led uprisings.
Ghonim posted other examples of the regime’s brutality, including photos and videos of torture victims. Recognizing that marketing images have more impact than words, he posted photos of the Khaled Said group members publically holding a sign with the webpage name and also posted their poetry and designs. He asked members to call TV talk shows and demand prosecution of the police who murdered Khaled. Ghonim started organizing on the streets, asking friends of the Facebook site to stand silently on certain Fridays in Cairo and Alexandra, wearing black with their backs to the street, holding the Koran or the Bible. He called these protests the “Silent Stand” and publicized them as an “event” on Facebook and with press releases. (A silent standing man also occurred in the Turkish uprisings of 2013.) Thousands participated in June and July, along with the presence of security forces, in “The Revolution of Silence.” He involved readers by asking them to vote on topics such as what color shirts to wear during a “day of silence” on Cairo streets. He said in a TED talk in March 2011 that these events connected the virtual world to the real world. There were no leaders, he said, because people suggested ideas, voted on them, contributed photos and videos. However, he decided what suggestions to implement.
He is what Paolo Gerbaudo in Tweets and the Streets (2012) calls a choreographer or “soft leader” of social change who manipulated social media to mobilize demonstrators to come to the street. Part of the branding of the revolution, the April 6 group only had a few dozen members in early 2011 but it became a brand name; Ahmed Salah said, “We were successful in making it the icon of change.”[37] Trying to overcome passivity, Ghonim quoted Obama on the page, “Yes, we can.”
However, the activists were critical of the lack of support from the US, feeling President Obama valued stability over democracy. The Coalition of the Revolution refused to meet with Secretary of State Hillary Clinton because of US support for Mubarak, demanding her formal apology to the Egyptian people. Reuters quoted President Obama on January 25 proclaiming, “The Egyptian government is stable and is looking for ways to respond to the legitimate needs and interests of the Egyptian people.” Rebels felt like President Obama waited to see who was in charge without any concern for justice or the Egyptian people. His administration later supported the military coup under human rights violator General el-Sisi by refusing to name it a coup so $1.3 billion in US military aid could continue. During the revolution, Obama never called on Mubarak to step down but he did speak to him several times on the phone telling him he’d better implement reforms soon. The Saudis wanted the US to support Mubarak to insure stability in the region and over a billion dollars in US aid continues under el-Sisi. When Donald Trump met Sisi in New York in September 2016 he said he was a “fantastic guy” with whom he enjoyed “good feeling between us,” similar to his praise for Vladamir Putin. Trump praised Sisi for “really taking control” of Egypt.[38]
An Egyptian poster shows a photo of Obama with an x over his face and a green check over the US flag next to it.[39] Yara, 17, explained to me that, “For us, it indicates that America is fine; that we don’t hate America or Americans. It’s sending a message that despite the fact that we’re strongly angry and disappointed by Obama, we, by no means, are angry at Americans.” Rebels aimed to curb US influence in their efforts to implement democracy. Mohamed Soltan, age 25, spent 21 months in prison because police were looking for his MB father but since he wasn’t home, they took Mohamed instead. He reported growing anti-American feelings across Egypt in 2015, with his fellow inmates all hated the US, whether MB, liberal, ISIS, or activist students.[40]
Fearful of the State Security who used torture as one of their main ways of collecting information, Ghonim kept his identity secret as administrator of the Facebook site. He used a proxy program called Tor, which constantly changed his IP address. He again asked AbdelRahman Mansour to be his co-administrator. He was seven years younger than Ghonim and more connected to rebel youth culture. Mansour contributed to the feminist blog We are All Laila, co-founded WikiLeaks Arabic in 2010, and took activism classes at the Academy of Change.
In the November 2010 elections Ghonim campaigned for people to write in a vote for “Khaled Said, the symbol of Egyptian youth,” to boycott corrupt election practices. However, two-thirds of young people weren’t registered to vote because they distrusted party politics, and didn’t do volunteer work either.[41] Even organized groups of youth like the “Ultras” soccer fans weren’t politically active until the 2011 evolution. Social media enabled youth to get politically active. At the end of 2010, April 6 leaders decided to take ironic advantage of the January 25 national holiday called Police Day for another demonstration. Ghonim believes his partner AbdelRahman suggested the idea. By January 2011 their page had 390,000 friends, over 40% women and 70% under age 24, and received nine million hits a day![42] The other Khaled Said Facebook page, the April 6 Movement page (80,000 members), and the ElBaradei campaign helped publicize the event without much coordination. They plastered the streets of Cairo with posters about the Police Day protests.
A post from a Facebook fan feared that, “No one will do anything and you’ll see. All we do is post on Facebook. We are the Facebook generation. Period.” His viewpoint was illustrated in a popular Egyptian film titled Leisure Time (2006) about the aimlessness and boredom of three men in their early 20s. Facebook members were asked to distribute mass text messages and paper flyers to publicize Jan25. Photographers were encouraged to photograph the action to protest police torture, poverty, corruption, and unemployment.
Because of social media, “young Egyptians can’t be brainwashed anymore by the government; they’ve woken up,” observed Jessica Elsayed, 17, a reporter in Alexandria. Media like AL Jazeera and CNN broadcasted young citizen journalists including bloggers Gigi Ibrahim, Shamseddine Abidia, and Tarek Shalaby. Akram, the Cairo high school student, emailed me in 2012 saying, “Now it’s all about Twitter; the ideas start there, then they make events on Facebook.” The most prominent tweeter was Wael Ghonim. Esraa Abdel Fattah tweeted and blogged from Tahrir Square and started a group to train women to become political leaders. Thousands of bloggers continue to discuss politics on the Net, and Mosireen media collective posts video footage from citizen cell phones and cameras, so ITC continues to be a powerful tool.
Because only 5% of Egyptians were Facebook members when the revolution began, Arab journalist Emad Mekay reported that the main communication throughout the Arab Spring wasn’t social media but paper flyers, Al Jazeera TV, and word of mouth. Much of the information exchange took place at noon on Fridays when men gather at local mosques, as most people didn’t have Internet access.[43] The rates of Internet penetration are 35% in Tunisia, 26% in Egypt, and 6% in Libya. Many Egyptians kept informed by watching TV cable talk shows and listening to the radio, as well as using ubiquitous cell phones. By 2010, despite high poverty rates, around 72% had access to cell phones used to create recorded voice messages of skits and stories and some poked fun at pious religious figures.[44]
Asmaa Mahfouz, one of the April 6 founders, made a videotaped message on January 18 for people to show up on Jan25, which was put on the Khaled page.”[45] A 25-year-old MBA graduate from Cairo University, she said, “I, a girl, am going down to Tahrir Square, and I will stand alone. And I’ll hold up a banner. Perhaps people will show some honor.” She urged, “If you think yourself a man,” “don’t be afraid of the government.” She appealed to men’s honor to come to Tahrir Square to protect her and other women from harassment, to demand human rights and the end of government corruption.[46] The video went viral, getting over 80,000 hits the first week. She was one of the activists who distributed leaflets in Cairo slums on January 24. Youth utilized their media skills to their advantage, portraying vivid stories of police violence or showing a close up of Mahfouz who helped break what activists called “fear barrier.” Ghonim came from Dubai to Cairo in order to participate in the protests until he was detained and blindfolded for 12 days on Jan 27.
Later in the year, on August 15, a military prosecutor charged Mahfouz with inciting violence against the military and insulting the armed forces on her blog. On bail, she faced a military court because she accused the military of allowing thugs to attack protesters. She posted on Facebook, “If the judiciary doesn’t give us our rights, nobody should be surprised if militant groups appear and conduct a series of assassinations because there is no law and there is no judiciary.”[47] Most charges were dropped but on March 2012 she was sentenced to a fine and a year in jail for supposedly beating up a man she had never seen.
Activists survived the government shutting down the Internet for five days and cellphones for a day from January 28 to February 2, an act that called more global attention to Mubarak’s dictatorial tactics and anger from Egyptians. When they couldn’t see what was happening on their screens, more people went to the streets. In response, engineers from Twitter and Google developed a “Speak-to-Tweet” service to send voice messages by Twitter on phones. The young activists also used Facebook to fool secret police about the location of demonstrations. True locations of meeting points were only discussed in person and then shared via a phone network of protesters. A member of the April 6 Youth Movement, single mother Amal Sharaf (age 36) coordinated the protests from the movement’s small office, another example of the importance of women in organizing the revolution. Social media and face-to-face organizing synergistically created the revolution. Some scholars dismissed the importance of social media, saying youth are always at the forefront of revolution, like Alain Badiou in France, while other scholars emphasized the new role of the Internet, like Manuel Castells, Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri.
The Invitational 18-Day Revolution
Activists refer to their revolution, so I’ll honor their term because regime change did occur, even if the military still rules Egypt. It was the first revolution announced 12 days before the event, although activists didn’t anticipate overthrowing the government. Young activists joked about what was the dress code and was there an after-revolution party planned? Eventually around 20% of Egyptians demonstrated during the 18 days until Mubarak resigned, about 15 million people.
Encouraged by the January 14 ousting of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali in Tunisia, the April 6 group set up an “operation room” to oust Mubarak. A Frontline video shows the young male and female leaders.[48] Ahmed Maher established the “operations room” about 15 days before Jan25 where organizers met daily. An Al Jazeera video shows the male and female organizers in action in their Cairo office, planning publicity, organizing demonstration routes, recruiting in poor neighborhoods, and supplying food and medical care.[49] They discussed bogus marches on their cellphones to fool the police and started demonstrating in the slums rather than downtown Cairo, chanting about high food prices and police violence. Activist Philip Rizk pointed out at the Global Uprising conference that the first protests were organized in Suez on January 23 in solidarity with the Tunisians, producing the first martyr of the struggle. He said Egyptians lost honor when such as small country started the Arab Spring rather than his country.
Two days before Jan25, the April 6 group organized cells of 30 to 50 activists, going to poor neighborhoods chanting, “They are eating pigeon and chicken and we are eating beans all the time. Oh my, 10 pounds can only buy us cucumbers now, what a shame, what a shame.” They mobilized thousands of demonstrators, a new phenomenon under the repressive regime that before never exceeded a few hundred protesters. Dispersed demonstrations made it more difficult for security forces to crack down on them. Once they built up a crowd, they would move to a bigger street, finally assembling in Tahrir. The Facebook page said that if 50,000 people signed up to demonstrate they would hold the protest; More than 100,000 signed up.[50] Posters were put up by members of the April 6 movement, ElBaradei supporters, some leftist parties, and the youth wing of the MB. The older Brotherhood members didn’t support the protest until later; one of them said they didn’t want to be tied “to a virtual world.” Street protests included a variety of classes and ages, including non-union “precarious workers.”
The young rebels waited until midnight of January 24 to post assembly locations so as to not give security forces much time to mobilize. Only the leader of the group would know the exact location to avoid the police. Tweets were used during Jan25 to further direct marchers: Ghonim had over 30,000 Twitter followers. The protesters chanted, “The people want to topple the regime,” repeating the Tunisian slogan seen on Facebook. Demonstrators were asked to carry the Egyptian flag but nothing featuring political or religious affiliations. The revolution was not fought in the name of Islam, but democracy. The main call was for “bread, freedom, and social justice.” A Frontline video that followed young MB leader Muhammed Abas shows him asking a demonstrator not to show his pocket Koran to the public and no Islamic banners were visible.
Jan25 began at noon in squares around Cairo, with around 30,000 to 50,000 demonstrators chanting “Bread, Freedom, Human Dignity.” On Jan25, when Ahmed Maher looked around the square and saw all the unfamiliar faces, “and they were more brave than us, I knew that this was it for the regime.” A 21-year old female student said, “We’re not afraid of them. What are they going to do, arrest millions of us?” She echoed the teachings of Gene Sharp who pointed out, “If people are not afraid of the dictatorship, that dictatorship is in big trouble.” A powerful resource is large numbers of people who are no longer afraid of the regime. The surprised security forces retreated. The Central Security Forces then hired thugs called baltagiya–axe-wielders, to attack protesters, and the regime released convicts from the jails to loot and scare people. Despite all this force, the protesters chanted, “We’re not leaving, he’s leaving.” As Wael Ghonim said, the power of the people is much stronger than the people in power because they were willing to stand up for their dreams of dignity for all, without playing the dirty game of politics.
Activist Mina Fayek said, “We used to joke it was easier to stand in front of tanks and bullets than to convince your parents to let you go to Tahrir Square to protest.”[51] During the occupation of the square a media tent was set up where people could share their amateur videos and document government violence. Eyewitness accounts can be seen in the video Uprising (2013) and Yasmin Elayat’s 18 Days in Egypt thatgathered more than a 1,000 stories from participants.[52]The Oscar-nominated The Square (2013) traces the revolution from 2011 to 2013.[53] The video makers interviewed youth activists who “manifest a recognizable global style—cosmopolitan and culturally savvy, open-minded and informal—of youth disaffection.” Filmmaker Jehane Noujaim believes the revolution “changed the consciousness of a country and an entire region.” (Her previous film, Egypt: We Are Watching You, is about three women who fight for social change.) While filming The Square, many of the crew were beaten and arrested along with the cast. Noujaim points out that it took a long time to achieve civil rights in the US or end apartheid in South Africa, so she’s hopeful democracy will eventually prevail.
Women demonstrators were an impetus for men to turn out to prove their courage, “If a girl can do it, I can too.” One of those young women, Yara (17) told me in a Skype conversation that she took an exam in her high school then went to Tahrir Square to hold protest signs. She was connected with the Khaled Said Facebook group where she learned about Jan25 and she knew about the April 6 Movement. Yara went to meetings but a lot of people she knew got involved through Facebook. Her group thought that a maximum of 200 people would show up on Jan25, middle-class university and high school students like themselves who weren’t affiliated with a party or group but wanted political change. They felt empowered by the Tunisian revolution which gave revolutionaries confidence that the people had the power. She knew more about politics than most of her peers because her father is a reporter and discusses political issues with his first-born child. In contrast, Yara said many of her noninvolved peers accepted Mubarak as ruler because they were familiar with him.
The young demonstrators were shocked when around 3:00 PM they heard voices and felt the ground shaking as around 80,000 people converged on Tahrir Square. One organizer told BBC, “To be honest, we thought we’d last about five minutes. We thought we’d get arrested straight away.” The crowd marched towards the offices of the ruling National Democratic Party (ND). The first wave of police violence began that afternoon in Tahrir where they fired tear gas and water cannons, but they were chased back by the huge crowds throwing rocks. “Leave Now” and “Farewell you thief,” the crowds shouted to Mubarak, as they held up their shoes to show disrespect. Protests also broke out in Suez, Ismailia, Mansusra, Tanta, Aswan and Assiut. The government blamed the MB for the uprising, which it accurately denied. Youth were joined by workers’ unions, Coptic Christians, and later the MB.
On January 27 Mohamed ElBaradei arrived in Egypt ready to “lead the transition” if asked (he wasn’t). On the 30th he addressed the protesters, saying, “What we started can never be pushed back.” He told an NPR reporter, “It’s the greatest day of my life. I couldn’t have imagined that I would live long enough to see Egypt emancipated from decades of repression.” President Jimmy Carter referred to the uprising as an “earth-shaking event.” ElBaradei reported, “It was the young people who took the initiative and set the date and decided to go.”[54] He added that “young people are impatient” and know how to use the media and the US pushed Egypt and the Arab World into “radicalization with this inept policy of supporting repression” by dictators like Mubarak. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said at the onset of Jan25 that the Mubarak government was “looking for ways to respond to the legitimate needs and interests of the Egyptian people.”
On January 26 and 27 security forces cracked down on the illegal demonstrations, arresting about 1,000 demonstrators, beating people with metal sticks, shooting rubber and real bullets aiming for the head or chest, and firing tear gas canisters made in the US. On January 27 the Internet and cell phone services were cut off, but only around 5% of Egyptians were Facebook users and less than 1% used Twitter at that time.[55] The government also cut off transportation into Cairo, blocked streets and in the city, released more than 17,000 prisoners onto the streets and withdrew police, and put Suez in lockdown. Neighborhoods organized their own watch groups. These actions lead to the Day of Anger/Rage on January 28. Journalist Lina Attalah was dragged on the ground by four policemen who beat her with batons and shouted verbal abuse. Women demonstrators are usually called whores. People who saw TV coverage of police violence were motivated to join the demonstrators the next day. Interior Minister Habib al-Adly dismissed the rebels as “a bunch of incognizant, ineffective young people,” but because of these young people he was later put on trial for ordering his soldiers to shoot the non-violent protesters—more than 800 protesters were martyred during 18-day revolution.
At least 4.5 million Egyptians protested in the squares during the 18 days, undermining the regime’s authority. People brought their children so they could see history in the making. Middle-class educated young people started Jan25, but activist Jawad Nabulsi reported, “Walking around Tahrir Square, we saw most people were not like us. There were not educated or informed, and a lot of them tried to disrupt things,” but the organizers made sure the protest was peaceful.[56] Women and children were also present: “Without women, this protest would not have been possible.” Nabulsi saw women shot with tear gas and rubber bullets who kept marching. He predicted if a renaissance occurs, women will lead it. He got shot in the eye by a policeman who pointed his gun directly at his face on January 28, the bloodiest day, and became well known for his eye patch and for his philanthropy.[57] He bled for five hours, going from hospital to hospital before he found someone who would treat his wound. Strike threats influenced the military to side with the protesters for fear the country would be immobilized; the military controls much of the economy, owning many factories and companies staffed by soldiers as well as prime real estate, exempt from paying taxes.
The Khaled Said page called for a national “Day of Rage: A March Against Torture, Corruption, Poverty and Unemployment.” It took place on Friday, January 28 as tens of thousands left their mosques and went to Tahrir Square, including many “ultras” soccer fans. The clubs were well-organized and connected on social media including the “We are all Khaled Said” page, committed to volunteerism and inspired by the film V for Vendetta. The event was also supported by the April 6 Movement, the National Association for Change, the Popular Democratic Movement for Change, the Justice and Freedom Youth Movement, the Revolutionary Socialists, and the Muslim Brotherhood Youth.[58] About 80,000 protesters occupied Tahrir, chanting, “The people seek the fall of the regime,” and “Freedom.”
Activists said this was the day when fear died in Egypt. Protesters came prepared with lemons, onions and vinegar to counteract tear gas and soda or milk to bath their eyes and other tools learned from the Tunisians. Some protesters wore armor made of cardboard or plastic bottles, wore bike helmets, and brought spray paint to paint police car windows black, and rags to stuff into police vehicle exhaust pipes. Some say this day was the most important battle, where a few thousand protesters fought over a thousand riot police on the Kasr al-Nile Bridge. In the fight Maher wore a cardboard and plastic shield, a bike helmet, and a shield on his arm. (These defenses were also used in the 2014 Ukrainian uprising). For five hours protesters rotated going to the front, getting injured, and going to the back until police retreated. Rebels burned down Mubarak’s party headquarters on their way to Tahrir Square. A member of the MB said he knew it was a lasting revolution when he saw “there was a new generation who could break the fear barrier. At midnight, when the violent clearing of the square happened and the protesters didn’t run away and go home, I knew it was a revolution.”[59]
More people turned out on the next day even though police fired into the air to try to disperse them. The MB ordered able-bodied men to join the protests, organizing teams with different tasks such as breaking the pavement into rocks, building barricades with rocks, and defending the front. Ultra soccer fans helped. The battle lasted until 4:00 am, while soldiers watched from behind the gates of the Egyptian Museum that borders Tahrir. Frustrated riot police started shooting real bullets, injuring 45 and killing two protesters. To protect the demonstrators, soldiers fired into the air and ground to disperse the riot police, leaving the rebels in charge of the square.
The government called in soldiers to reinforce the security police, in Cairo, Suez and Alexandria, but they refused to fire bullets at the demonstrators, as all young men are drafted in the military. The demonstrations had spread to Alexandria and Suez where demonstrators ignored the curfew imposed by the military. On January 31 the army said it wouldn’t use force as it recognized the “legitimate rights of the people.” Soldiers hugged the protesters. It wasn’t clear if soldiers acted on their own or were following orders to prevent bloodshed. By February 1, activists called for a “march of a million,” and hundreds of thousands demonstrated in Tahrir and thousands more in other cities.
The protests continued for 18 days, including entertainment by singers and comedians, just as other young activists around the world incorporate fun and street theater. Noor Ayman Nour, founder of the metal band Bliss, reported: “This was a very artistic revolution,” typical of Occupy Movements globally. The single most popular YouTube video of the revolution was a music video uploaded on January 27 by Ramy Essam called “Leave.”[60]
Ghonim missed 12 days of action when he was captured and kept blindfolded in a cell by the security forces, January 27 to February 7. Nadine Wahab, an Egyptian-American media expert in the US, took over management of the online news while Ghonim was in captivity. Activist Esraa Abdel Fattah announced on Al Jazeera TV that no negotiations would start until Ghonim was free, as he was one of the people who represented youth. Ghonim gained more fame as a spokesperson after his arrest, enhanced by his emotional sobbing on February 7 on a popular TV show in reaction to being shown photographs of murdered demonstrators for the first time.[61] Unable to carry on, he left the studio mid-broadcast. He said, “All I did was use a keyboard,” as the real heroes were on the ground. The TV interview galvanized more protesters. In a video posted in March, Ghonim said there were no heroes because everyone contributed something, using electronic media to share their dreams and overcome fears of challenging the regime.[62] He wrote on Facebook that they won because they believed in their dream of freedom.
Ghonim reported, “Our protests were peaceful and our motto was ‘Do not break.’”[63] They valued non-violence symbolized by chanting “peaceful,” although they did throw stones and broken pavement to protect themselves, and burned hundreds of police stations and thousands of police cars, as well as Mubarak’s party offices. They didn’t “fetishize nonviolence.” Ola Shaba explained they discussed throwing Molotov cocktails to protect themselves, but not throwing them to injure soldiers. She said over 1,000 demonstrators lost at least one eye in the struggles, and that the security forces’ use of live ammunition was new.
Blogger Noha Atef pointed out when “the protesters are chanting “peaceful, peaceful, we are peaceful” and you use live ammunition against them, it means that you are weak. And after just two days of protesting, the police disappeared. We don’t see them on the street.” To protect their neighborhoods, neighborhood watch patrols were quickly organized and some continued after police returned to their jobs. The revolution wasn’t without bloodshed, as over 1,000 protesters were killed according to activists I interviewed (the official figure is 850 deaths), and many more were wounded.
The most violent attacks on protesters used camel drivers and some thugs on horseback who were paid by the regime to cause havoc in Tahrir on February 2 in the “Battle of the Camel.” This occurred after a week-long occupation and a February 1 speech by Mubarak who promised not to run for office when his term was up in seven months. The army called for the protests to end as the people’s message had been heard. Witnesses estimated that at least 70,000 pro-Mubarak NDP and security forces (some of them were paid and/or threatened with job loss) entered the square brought in by buses to oppose about 20,000 demonstrators. When I asked a camel driver about this event through a translator he said their intention was to confuse the demonstrators, not to do violence, and the regime forced them into it. My translator explained they were paid to do it and were also threatened with not being able to continue their work with tourists who pay to ride on the camels. Police snipers were poised on the tops of buildings; they even fired inside a hospital set up in a mosque. Groups of demonstrators climbed up after the snipers knowing the people in front would be shot. Around 1,500 people were injured with at least three deaths.
The battle lasted well into the next day, including police use of live ammunition against stone throwing demonstrators. Eleven people were killed and over 600 injured that day, but demonstrators were willing to risk their lives for the revolution, for dignity. They got hit by gas canisters or threw them back at police who didn’t have gas masks, fainted from the gas, had bullets removed from their bodies, and went back to the streets. They spray painted tank windows black to blind the drivers and were shot by the police from the top of tanks. They got down to pray in front of the tanks.
The Ultras, young male fans of the AL Ahly soccer team, protected demonstrators from the camel drivers (rival soccer fans also united in the Turkish uprisings in 2013). High school student Akram reported:
They weren’t the key leaders, however they played a very powerful and important role. They defended the square in the camel battle; also they took part in all the later protests against SCAF [The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, the military council that replaced Mubarak]. They chant against SCAF in the matches as well. They’re joined by the Ultras White Knights who support their competitor team.
Other young people, including some women, formed neighborhood watch People’s Committees to protect their neighbors from looters and baltagiya thugs paid by the police to intimidate the people. Even in the face of violence a student tweeted, “I kid you not. A group of us are practicing baseball with the stones they’re throwing. Bats and all. Fun revolution : ).” After the demonstrators drove away the security forces, they burned Mubarak’s NDP party headquarters and police offices. That evening Mubarak announced he was turning the government over to the vice-president but would stay on as titular president. A few of the Coalition of the Revolution Youth went to meet with the vice-president and told him Mubarak had to go.
On February 7, the government offered a 15% raise in salaries and pensions and released Wael Ghonim from captivity. On February 9, labor union members joint the protesters and massive strikes began around the country. President Mubarak acknowledged youth’s leadership for change and their dreams for a brighter future. In his last speech to the nation on February 10, Mubarak, like other dictators in the region, blamed the foreign media and interfering nations for the unrest, but addressed and praised the “noble youth.” He said, “I speak to the youth of Egypt from the depth of my heart, I deeply cherish you as a symbol, a new Egyptian generation seeking a better future.” He said he spoke to them as a father to his children, not a shrewd approach with young adults. His two sons almost came to blows over that last speech, with Alaa urging him to step down and heir apparent Gamal convincing him at the last moment to rewrite his speech to keep his title as president. His rambling speech convinced the army to oust Mubarak, feeling it had US backing. His reign only lasted one more day. On February 12, people celebrated and cleaned the square. The next day soldiers removed tents and traffic moved through Tahrir for the first time since Jan25.
Almost everyone I talked with while traveling to four cities from Cairo to Dahab to Luxor to Aswan in July 2011 was glad Mubarak was gone, because of the fear of his security forces and the poor living conditions. I was told his government bought tainted wheat from Russia for the people to eat because it was cheap and his wife Suzanne would get a lot of money to open a school that only had students when she came for a yearly visit. The 1% made fortunes on the back of the people. Businessmen I talked with were the exception in support for the revolution, opposing it because of the steep decline in tourism and missing the stability of the old regime. A discussion of what groups actually led the revolution and recent events is on the book website.[64]
Who Led the Revolution?
The April 6 group formed links with Coptic Christians, ElBaradei for president supporters, and young MB members to support four young men accused of beating up police in Alexandria after a New Year’s bombing of a Coptic cathedral. Protesters marched in a Coptic neighborhood in Cairo on January 3, which gave them the idea to organize together for January 25 in Tahrir Square. Each person was responsible for communicating with 10 people in a message tree to let them know what routes to the square they’d use and which of the 20 routes were listed online only to distract police. Meetings were kept secret by saying go to a kiosk to find instructions for where to go next.
Professor Hazem Kandil identified six groups that mobilized the 2011 revolution: Facebook groups “We are all Khaled Said” and the April 6 Youth Movement (70,000 members by 2010); the Youth of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) who challenged the older leadership; youth and middle-aged leftists (some were Communists, most were urban intellectuals); supporters of Mohamed El-Baradei for President and his new group the National Association for Change; and human-rights activists who were working for groups like Amnesty International.[65] The Jan25 demonstrations were endorsed by Kefaya (also known as the National Association for Change), and opposition political parties. Other organizations involved in planning were The Freedom and Justice Movement secular youth organization and the Gabha Party.[66]
Political organizations with the most Internet presence before and after the Revolution were in this order: the youth wing of the MB, Keyafa Movement, Communist Party and the New Wafd Party. They worked together in the Revolutionary Youth Committee. Socialists, workers, and soccer fans got involved in the street protests, as did the MB helping with logistics like security and food. Marxists, liberals, anarchists, and non-ideological youth joined together to overthrow Mubarak.
Socialist Ola Shahba reported that the last days of the occupation of Tahrir, striking workers “tipped the balance of power in our favour.” She emphasized the need to build alliances with the workers’ movement for the revolution to succeed, although it’s painful for her as a revolutionary socialist to admit that the workers movement was not in the vanguard. She said it’s bourgeois to call it a youth revolution, although youth did organize Jan25. They were laughed at because they were joined by kids and street children bringing supplies, old men at the front lines, and women of various ages.
Youth
Youth led a “momentum-driven mass mobilization,” using disruptive power, and civil resistance.[67] Egyptian youth illustrated the story of government repression with skilled use of photos, likened to promoting a concert. They created hope, as with Asmaa Mahfouz’ video telling Egyptians, “If you go down [to the square] and take a stance, then there will be hope.” Breaking what they called the fear barrier, they adopted the motivating Tunisian slogan, “The people demand the fall of the regime.” However, Rabab El-Mahdi believes viewing youth as the guardians of the revolution is an orientalist view that overlooks the classes involved in dissent with “a new imaginary homogenous construct called ‘youth.’”[68]
Sixty percent of Egyptians are under 25 and 25% of youth were unemployed in 2011. The young urban rebels are not representative of the nation because 60% of Egyptians live in villages influenced by conservative Islamists (see my interview with an uneducated rural young woman in Upper Egypt[69]). Over a third of females and 18% of males are illiterate.[70] More than 35% of middle-school students ages 12 to 15 are illiterate due to large class sizes and inadequate teacher education and the percentage of students in primary education dropped to 90% in the 2014 school year. About 20% of the Egyptian population is poor, living on about $2 per day and 44% of the workforce was illiterate in 2011.[71] Ahmad Hasan, age 25, explained from Cairo that the revolution took place because of “lost dignity, poverty, corruption, rigged elections, and the spread of nepotism and cronyism.” Throughout the Arab Spring people called for al Karama, dignity, meaning social justice and constitutional reforms. Polls indicate that youth were particularly motivated by the emotional desire for dignity.[72]
Noting how rarely youth are asked about their experiences with revolution, James Youniss and Brian Barber interviewed youth activists in Cairo and Alexandria in 2011.[73] When asked why they rebelled, young people pointed to the fear of being detained or arrested like Khaled Said, even unable to speak freely in a restaurant for fear of being overheard and interrogated. This fear was expressed in a common saying advising “walking beside the wall” to keep a low profile, but the Tunisian victory inspired them to overcome their fear of the security forces. They trusted that soldiers wouldn’t fire on them as every male serves in the military and has community roots. They also mentioned the corrupt economic system, the need to bribe government officials, the fact that half the population lives in poverty and the high unemployment rate of educated youth. Some blamed Mubarak’s son Gamal for shattering the economy with neoliberal World Bank policies and they were angry about the obvious fraud in November 2010 elections. Their strength was diverse groups, Christians and Muslims, rich and poor, unified as “one hand” in wanting Mubarak to leave, a phrase I heard frequently in Tahrir Square. They built an identity on being Egyptians reclaiming their power and historic glory.
Ahmed Maher implied that he was the main organizer of the event in an interview.[74] I asked Yara, age 17, about his claim as she was in Tahrir daily: “I wouldn’t really take Ahmed Maher’s word. He isn’t much respected in the revolutionaries’ medium.” Civil engineer Maher was active in Kefaya since 2005 and helped organize Youth for Change. In 2008 he helped organize the April 6 Youth Movement. He got interested in the Serbian movement Otpor where he studied Gene Sharp’s writings. He said what kept their movement from succeeding earlier was the “old parties.” Maher predicted, “What happened in Egypt and Tunisia will happen elsewhere: Algeria, Morocco, Jordan and Yemen, all those countries with autocrats, hopefully they will have democracy.”[75] He was briefly arrested in May 2013, after a visit to the US, for “incitement” at a demonstration against police violence. He was imprisoned again in November 2013, along with activists Mohamed Adel and Ahmed Douma. They were sentenced to three years in prison on the charges of unauthorized protests and assaulting police officers. Maher’s letters were smuggled out of prison.[76]
Ghonim thinks youth as a group made the revolution; “The bottom line was that Jan25 was not the work of any political groups. It was a reaction from a generation that had been raised amid fear, failure, and passivity, a reaction mainly inspired by the events in Tunisia.” Call them the “Miracle Generation: These young people have done more in a few weeks than their parents did in 30 years,” observed a Cairo University professor, Hassan Nafaa.[77]
The 25 January Youth Coalition or Revolutionary Youth Coalition was formally established on the first day of the uprising. The coalition had 14 group representatives and a general assembly with a fewhundred members. Leaders are listed in the endnote, with only two women,[78] but “No single individual has the right to speak for the revolution, including us,” said April 6 press coordinator Injie Hamdi: “The 25 January Revolution belongs to all of Egypt’s young people.”[79] Akram emailed me, “I heard about The Revolution’s Youth–in Arabic we say E’tlaf Shabbab Aithawra–however they aren’t so effective, not so popular neither in the street or in the revolutionary circles.” The Coalition included previously established democracy organizations like Kefaya and El Ghadlm, the April 6 Youth movement, Justice and Freedom, MB youth, Mohamed ElBaradei’s campaign for the presidency, The Popular Democratic Movement for Change (HASHD), The Democratic Front and Khaled Said Facebook group administrators.[80] The middle class was the main leader of the revolution, but workers, especially in Suez and Mahalla al-Kubra, joined them on the streets.
The Revolutionary Youth Coalition lacked coordination between its groups and disbanded in July 2012 after Morsi was elected president. A member who was also part of the Islamist youth party called the Egyptian Current Party said, “They weren’t able to give up this idea of polarization. They kept saying, “You are from the Islamists, you are from the liberals.”[81] He said, “They should have taken one goal and kept on pursuing it after the revolution. An in my opinion it should have been the judicial system. If we had reached this goal, then the revolution would have succeeded.” The youth party was one of the few youth parties to survive, but also struggled with finances and organization so it merged with the Strong Egypt Party in October 2014. They announced they were starting a new phase because youth leaders of the Jan25 uprising are “scattered” and youth were “disenchanted from political life, either out of asceticism, weariness or despair.”[82] “Our statement today is a message for independent youth who believe in the goals of their glorious revolution and its ability to change for the better,” in opposition to control by the military or the MB. The party is headed by former MB member Abdel-Moneim Abul-Fotouh (born in 1951.)
Egypt lacked strong unions like Tunisia’s UGTT, which called for a decisive general strike on January 14, 2014. The left was fragmented and anarchist anti-statism resulted in lack of political organization. In December 2011 some members discussed applying the lobbying tactics of the US groups MoveOn.org and the Tea Party, with the eventual goal of starting a political party. April 6 supported Morsi for president but by mid-2013 called for his resignation and supported ElBaradei’s Dustour Party. Some members felt constrained by the group and left it to take action on their own. One young woman explained she didn’t feel free, and “you have to quit to be independent.”[83] The April 6 Youth Movement had only a few thousand members and split in April 2012 over a disagreement about leadership, with the formation of a new group called the April 6 Movement Democratic Front.
Soccer fans formed another group, led by cheerleaders, applying their experience fighting with police in stadiums. In retaliation, police in the Port Said incident targeted them in February 2012 when over 1,000 of them were injured and 79 Al Ahly team supporters killed. In contrast, the army and the MB were highly organized and thereby assumed power.
Regarding organization infrastructure, Paolo Gerbaudo named the problems with leaderlessness.[84] He said, what weakened the movement was the lack of strong organizations such a political parties or trade unions that could have provided planning and structure. Youth did succeed in organizing ongoing groups such as the “No to Military Trials” organization, Ma7liat, and Salafyo Costa.[85] Ma7liat aims to reduce corruption on the local level. Salafyo Costa unites Salifs and Christians to work together in charitable activities, with its own TV show on the youth channel.
Although youth believe they led the revolution and they did initiate and plan it, looking at the main supporters of the revolution, it wasn’t youth, according to a small statistical study of participants in the Egyptian (sample size of 98 people) and Tunisian Revolutions (192) by Princeton University researchers.[86] Only 8% of students surveyed by Princeton University researchers were active in demonstrations in Egypt, compared to 35% in Tunisia. Only 13% of the Egyptian demonstrators were aged 18 to 24, (compared to 35% in Tunisia) and 31% were aged 25 to 34 (25% in Tunisia). Using data from the Second Wave Arab Barometer administered in 2011, the Princeton authors concluded that the Tunisian Revolution was led by a younger and more diverse class background than in Egypt. The Princeton authors concluded, “These simple statistics give lie to folk theories that the Arab revolutions were caused primarily by youth frustration.” Keep in mind that the same was small and only 8% of the Egyptian sample reported participating in the demonstrations, compared to 16% in Tunisia.
I asked Akram (now a university student) about the Princeton study and he replied, “Yes, the main supporters aren’t youth, the primary vision for the revolution wasn’t established by the youth either. The revolution was a result of things that were made and set by the older generation!” I asked him to clarify and he said, “The older generation is the generation that showed us what was wrong with the country; initiating and planning the revolution was the work of youth, but the primary concepts and visions were not.”
Tamarod Petition to Oust Morsi in 2013
On Sunday, June 30, 2013, the one-year anniversary of Morsi’s inauguration, teacher Amal participated in the largest demonstrations in Egyptian history (the military claimed as many as 14 million people joined the demonstrations in Cairo, making it the largest protest in history!). Amal corrected this figure, emailing, “I just want to correct the number of the peaceful protesters on June 30, as according to Google the number estimated is 33 million protesters all over Egypt and not just 14 million.” Young men and women demanded that Morsi step down, chanting “Out! Out! Out!” Yara was there on June 30 to speak against the MB’s rule as a blight that extinguished the hope generated by the revolution, observing that sexual harassment was worse than ever. The demonstrations and a petition that got over 22 million signatures was organized by the youth group Tamarod, meaning “Revolution” or “Rebel.” It was founded in April 2013 by members of Kefaya, according to some reports. The name came from a Syrian youth magazine. Yara explained that Tamarod’s purpose was to contradict the Brotherhood’s claim that they controlled the streets with their large numbers, versus just a bunch of kids. People responded because they were so frustrated with the MB and President Morsi; Amal noted Egyptians are not extreme Islamists.
President Morsi was ousted by the military in July, following huge demonstrations against Morsi’s attempt to Islamize Egypt, roll back women’s rights, and his declaration in November 2012 that he could take any measures to protect the revolution. General Sisi said at a press conference announcing deposing Morsi that the army acted after “consultation with national and political powers and youths.” He asked youth leaders like Ahmed Maher to go on a Western tour to announce that the people were behind Sisi, but of course Maher refused. Yara said around 10 to 15 people who had participated in Jan25 got together, not associated with any particular group. Mahmoud Badr reported on a video that five friends got together to organize Tamarod and they had about 50 people at their first meeting.[87] Badr and another founder, Mohamed Abdel Aziz, were later appointed to the post-coup constitutional reform committee. One of the founders is Ahmed al-Masry who is seen in a video about them.[88] Their goal was to call for early elections because, “Our generation will not stand for tyranny and will keep fighting for our beliefs.”
Since youth activists know each other around the country, they phoned their network, expanding to 100 to 200 people, including Yara, who circulated petitions to oust Morsi. Most were students including around 40% young women, Yara reported, but a video of the Tamarod leaders who initiated the protests that unseated Morsi only shows one woman. A member of the executive committee, Ahmed Abdo said they voted to start pressuring the new government by presenting initiatives, as with their ”Write your Constitution” campaign to give citizens feedback on drafts of the new constitution.[89] He said they had direct lines of communication to the new leaders via their spokesperson Mahmoud Badr. They asked MB youth to go home to stop violence and not carry guns to sit-ins. They joined with Mona Seif and her “No to Military Tribunals for Civilians” group aiming for the release of civilians from military prisons.
The Tamarod petition listed problems associated with Morsi: no dignity for the people, lack of security, poverty, economic collapse, order wasn’t restored, the economy was in crisis, and security forces who killed demonstrators weren’t punished. Unemployment was up, to over 13%. The youth knew the petitions themselves wouldn’t do anything because Morsi wasn’t following the constitution, but they had Tahrir Square. Tamarod said they got 22 million signatures, standing in the streets, sometimes blocking traffic and also collecting signatures online. Some trade unions helped collect signatures and encouraged participation in anti-Morsi demonstrations. Independent unions multiplied, leading strikes and advocating for labor rights in the constitution.
Media savvy, Tamarod delivered the signatures along with a black balloon to signal a dark day, a red card meaning no, and a whistle as their only weapon. Ahmed al-Masry, a co-founder, said the people gave up on Morsi because “No one is heard but the president and his tribe.” Graffiti read “Fuck you Morsi” and “Obama supports dictator Morsi.” Some protesters said that by ignoring youth demands, the US contributed to the rise of the MB. One of the demonstrators told The Guardian newspaper, “The 2012 elections were unfair. The MB distributed oil and water to the poor people—they bought their loyalty. The cabinet was all MB and his clan.” Unemployment and food prices were increasing and the economy worsening. Tamarod succeeded in mobilizing such a huge crowd that it led to Morsi’s ouster in a military coup.
However, Tamarod was tainted by funding from the security forces who used them to get rid of Morsi. (The US continues to give over a billion dollars each year for mostly military and some economic aid, second only to aid to Israel.) Interior Minister Muhammad Ibrahim and the generals were behind the Tamarod petition campaign, with their secret police infiltrating the group.[90] A wealthy businessman ally of Mubarak paid for Tamarod TV ads on his TV station and newspaper, and provided office space, although he said they didn’t know he was their benefactor.
How was Tamarod able to mobilize such a huge and successful campaign around Egypt? The spokespersons had no previous visibility: Mohammed Abdelaziz, Mai Wahba, Hassan Shaheen, Eman El-Haghy, and spokesman Mahmoud Badr were not household names. Adel Iskandar asked, “What distinguished a community of activists from slacktivists?” By the time of the first anniversary of the July 3 coup demonstrations, about 40% of Egyptians had access to the Internet, but Tamarod focused on their cell phones and the streets. They publicized phone members of their local members so the public could call and ask questions. They used the successful tactic of an earlier campaign called Askar Kazeboon (Military are Liars) that screened videos of military brutality in thousands of public areas as well as online.
Paper petition drives were not new either; for example, ElBaradei led such a petition campaign in 2009 to 2010. Young people stopped drivers on the street to sign petitions. Signers bravely included their national identification numbers thereby risking retribution. A cartoonist named Andeel said, “What we are witnessing today is a defeat of Facebook and Mark Zuckerberg and a thunderous triumph for Xerox.” Tamarod also aimed to appear on all the private TV talk shows to discuss the petition drive and inspired songs, poems, graffiti, poster art, street theater and other public art. Islamist groups created an unsuccessful campaign called Tagarod (Emptiness) to gather petitions in support of Morsi. Tens of thousands of people downloaded a new Android game app called Tamarrad where petition signature gathers try to avoid running into sheep (the term used to describe MB supporters); the punishment in the game is a Morsi quote.[91] Tamarod asked demonstrators not to carry any symbols of political affiliation, but in October 2013 Tamarod talking about forming a new political party.
Videographer Karin Muller filmed the protests against Morsi, shown in her film Egypt Beyond Pyramids.[92]She reported thatyoung men took a leading role, although they were only about 15% of protesters. The spontaneous protest used the slogan Game Over. The demonstrations against the Muslim Brotherhood seemed more like a party than a revolution, with face painting for kids, flags, dancing to tambourines, noisemakers, fireworks, balloons, masks, puppets, food and tea. The atmosphere was electrifying, a time of hope. At that time the army was popular so the crowd cheered when helicopters flew overhead.
After three days in Tahrir, Morsi was removed in a military coup. The crowd went wild and the MB was labeled a terrorist group. Muller pointed out that only one-third of the 70,000 university graduates find a job. After five days, the first shot was fired, and the party, children and fireworks disappeared. Rage and frustration prevailed in the square with attacks on women; Dozens were gang raped. Young MB men gathered on roads and bridges to fight as ambulances waited on the side. A few men locked arms to protect women but what Muller called the wilding went on until dawn. When she visited a village along the Nile, someone yelled out that she was a spy and mob attacked her, breaking her back and ribs.
The military has more power than the Interior Ministry’s security forces. It’s the tenth-largest military in the world and has huge undocumented economic holdings estimated to include 20 to 40% of the country’s assets. SCAF took over government led by General el-Sisi. The US national security adviser to President Obama gave his approval for the Egyptian military coup after the June 30 demonstrations.[93] The US refused to call the July 3, 2013, military takeover a coup because the government would have to cut off aid, although over 51 protesters were killed by five days after the coup. On June 8 Secretary of State John Kerry confirmed that Egypt’s military would receive the usual $1.3 billion (mostly for military aid) and the UAE and Saudi Arabia gave $8 billion to the military government. US State Department funds were used to fund Morsi opponents in the “democracy assistance” program.[94] One of the recipients was Esraa Abdel-Fatah, age 34, head of the Egyptian Democracy Academy. She was a member of ElBaradei’s Al-Dostor Party, which called for laying siege to mosques that supported Morsi’s proposed constitution and supported the military takeover.
Under military rule after July 2013, the government prohibited demonstrations and free speech, disbanded parliament, limited protests, defined civil disobedience as terrorism, fired judges who advocated democracy, and jailed MB protesters and liberal youth who protested the ban on protests. Sisi called in Ahmed Maher and other protest leaders to praise them and ask them to stop demonstrating to stand together against enemies, which they rejected. General el-Sisi said he would do all he could “to empower the youth to take part in state institutions and to be key players in the process.”[95] He said the military didn’t want to rule Egypt but was answering the people’s “call for help.” He was also the general who in April 2012 defended virginity tests for young women demonstrators in a nonsensical argument that the tests would “protect the girls from rape.” Both his public and leaked statements make it clear he believes he is a father responsible for directing his morally flawed people. In a leaked statement to other officers he said he was like “the very big father who has a son who is a bit of a failure and does not understand the facts.”[96] He believes the voice he heard in a dream telling him, “We will give you what we have given to no other.”
More than 1,000 MB protesters were killed with live ammunition during a demonstration in August 2013 in Rabaa, leading President Obama to suspend military aid for two years. At least 60 journalists were also silenced, including 20 Al Jazeera journalists imprisoned under the guise of protecting national security from terrorists. A blogger called Zeinobia said it was the “day that changed Egypt forever unfortunately.” Coptic churches were also attacked. By December dissent was effectively outlawed and youth activists were arrested for violating the protest law that required government permission to demonstrate. The official media accused April 6 leaders of working with the MB. Critical academics and human rights groups like Human Rights Watch and Oxfam were also persecuted. An Irish teen who was jailed in 2013 after a mass trial with 493 other prisoners, Ibrahim Halawa described the torture he experienced and witnessed in Egyptian prisons.[97] He and his three sisters joined him in two demonstrations while they were on a visit to Egypt. On August 13 around 1,000 demonstrators were killed and the Halawa siblings were arrested and tortured.
The “Revolution Path Front” was formed in September 2013 to prevent the revolution from being hijacked again, proposing an “Egyptian Bill of Rights.”[98] They called for a redistribution of wealth. At a press conference of “left” activists, they stated that although millions took to the streets in January 2011 and June 2013, “It has been two-and-a-half years since the revolution began and Egyptians have not yet achieved their dream of building a new republic that will provide them with democracy, justice and equality.” They blamed the MB and the military. About 150 founding members belonged to various groups including April 6 movement, The Revolutionary Socialists, Justice and Freedom Youth, and Strong Egypt Party. Yara said she had heard of them, “A lot of people have given up though and just feel like all this isn’t going to work. We are all very frustrated, as you can imagine.”
Outcome of the Revolution
Egypt under el-Sisi is in many ways more oppressive than under Mubarak, silencing journalists and democracy organizations. Judges sentence hundreds of defendants in short mass trials, and ban groups like Human Rights Watch from entering the country to research slaughter of protesters.[99] The 900 students arrested in 2014 remained in jail without trial, along with somewhere between 16,000 and 40,000 political prisoners.[100] Code Pink reported that over 2,500 civilians were killed in protests in the year following the 2013 coup.[101] Egyptian Women Against the Coup criticized beatings and sexual harassment of female prisoners, and not being allowed to use the bathroom for ten hours at night. Some leaders of Jan25 are so unhappy with the outcome they’ve joined ISIS, like Ahmed Darawy who came from a well-educated wealthy family. Photos of him as a jihadi are online.[102] However, teacher Amal said the country is stable.
On a legal technicality, President Mubarak and his sons were acquitted of all crimes in November 2014, including corruption and ordering the killing of around 900 protesters in 2011. The court referred to the uprisings as part of a regional “American-Hebrew plot” designed to destabilize the region in support of Israel.[103] In protest, the Salafis organized the first major anti-government demonstrations in months. Around 2,000 young people protested the court’s verdict near Tahrir Square, which was closed off. The theme was “Muslim Youth Uprising,” and unlike the first Tahrir protests, protesters were asked to hold their Qurans in the air. Security forces squelched the demonstrations, killing at least two people. Many concluded the Jan25 revolution was dead. Two years later Morsi was sentenced to 20 years in prison for the deaths of protesters in 2012. He faced other charges, including organizing a jailbreak during the 2011 revolution. Human rights groups report the military punishment of the MB led to the deaths of over 1,400 people and the arrest of 22,000 others, including around 200 people sentenced to death in unjust mass trials.[104]
The Jan25 revolution became a symbol of failure. A leader of the Lebanese “You Stink!” protests against lack of government provision of basic services, especially garbage disposal, said, “This is not similar to what happened in Egypt or elsewhere where people were manipulated, or without greater political awareness.”[105] In contrast, he described the Lebanese movement as, “a sort of popular revolution, a mix of many movements – some anarchic in the good philosophical sense such as the refusal of the centralized power – it’s really a grassroots movement so I don’t think its going to stop. The movement will grow.” The same could be said for Jan25, so he didn’t identify the problem, the lack of a strategic plan for how to replace Mubarak’s rule.
Young people initiated and organized the revolution, but were supported on the streets by millions of people of all ages, the middle-class and people from poor neighborhoods, and by unions. The military decided that Mubarak and then Morsi should step down and they’ve maintained power ever since. An optimist, Philip Rizk, a Cairo activist, concluded that although fascism is rising around the world, the people have newly found solidarity since the revolution and the police state is shaken to its core. It can’t return to the past. Elaa Abdel Fattah, the well-known activist and blogger who was jailed for inciting violence, predicted, “I don’t think that this revolution is going to end without really completely renegotiating the order of power in Egypt and across the Arab world.”
From the grassroots some neighborhood committees that formed to fill the vacuum of police absence during the revolution continued as neighborhood watches and community development groups, serving as watch dogs against corrupt local officials. The biggest rally in two years denounced President Sisi, with over a thousand people in downtown Cairo, including some MB members, in April 2016. Fifty-one of the protesters were sentenced to two years in prison. Protesters revived the old slogan “The people want the fall of the regime,” motivated by increasing criticism of the president for giving two islands to Saudi Arabia, the poor economy, and mishandling the murder of an Italian student. A spokesman for a coalition of opposition political parties, Khaled Dawoud explained, “It’s about the overall performance of President Sisi, the way he treats us, the unilateral decisions, the arrests of young men and women.”[106] In June of 2016 high school students protested corruption in the inadequate education system, but police quickly dispersed them with tear gas.
Gene Sharp was proven correct that when people no longer fear a dictator and undermine his pillars of support, his power collapses. However, the young revolutionaries weren’t able to follow through with his advice to make careful plans, initially trusting the military because of its support for ousting Mubarak. The revolutionaries weren’t able to unify in a political party to represent their liberal goals, so the long established and well organized MB and then the military general got the most votes. “We didn’t have a vision. We didn’t have an answer for what comes next,” said Walid Shawky, a member of the April 6 leadership. Many of the tens of thousands of young people who joined the movement after the revolution left people in despair, desire for stability, or fear of the Sisi regime.
Interviews with 40 young activists (15 were female) from October 2013 to February 2014, after the Sisi coup, reported that they coped with the trauma of the failure of the revolution by withdrawing from politics and numbing their feelings.[107] Many of them suffered violence at the hands of the regime, including tear gas, torture, and rape of both sexes. Many had friends and family who were also injured or killed or who opposed their politics. Despite their trauma, mental health services were lacking. One of the interviewees explained that things got worse since the revolution and SCAF’s take over, plus the cost of living increased: “so all these people died for nothing and all these people will die for nothing. And this gets me like no hope.” Another young man said, “I don’t think that this country has any hope, has any, any, any hope, unless young people are in power. After the revolution those people were very resistant to the idea of change.” Many gave up despite the fact that many young people criticized their parent generation for being apathetic.
Ahmed Hassan said in the documentary The Square that the biggest victory is that kids play a game call “protest,” with the army fighting the MB. In his book Once Upon a Revolution, Thanassis Cambanisdescribes two male activists–one went into exile and the other ran again for parliament in 2015. He confirms that oppressive forces are back in power. What has changed four years later, despite thousands in jail for demonstrating without a permit, is people are still willing to protest. Before Jan25, “it was unthinkable that even one person would speak out. The genie can’t be put back in the bottle.” Relying on social media, the Al-Dostour Party launched an “Our youth in prisons” campaign in the summer of 2015. The party said the government uses security problems to tighten controls and ignore the constitution.
A rare sight, a protest against the ban on protests briefly shut down Tahrir Square in late 2015 and around 100 students with masters’ degrees demonstrated in March of 2016 to demand jobs. Their slogan was, “Kill hope, kill dreams, our country is against knowledge.”[108] Government austerity cuts in imports increased the cost of living and cut jobs. One student demonstrator’s solution is to look for a job abroad: “If I find one, I’m never coming back,” said Abu Zeid, who was arrested for demonstrating for a government job. An increasing number of teenage boys are migrating to Europe, drawn by friends’ photos of an appealing lifestyle in Italy posted on social media, leaving some villages are without teen boys.
In summary, Egypt’s revolution got rid of Mubarak and Morsi, but the military remained in power, jailing young liberal activists and imposing mass death sentences after short deliberations. A court declared Mubarak was not guilty of permitting the death of over 900 Jan25 demonstrators in March 2017, leading to the declaration the revolution was over. An activist named Mohamed tweeted, “Mubarak on the asphalt, and the youths are in prison.” The response of many educated youth is to want to leave the country. Unemployment and utility and fuel costs remain high. In a televised speech in 2016, El-Sisi warned Egyptians they lived in a broken country surrounded by enemies, just a semblance of a state that requires law and order and strong institutions.[109] But youth influenced global uprisings and believe they eventually will succeed in establishing democracy after older people leave power. Blogger Lina Attalah said that although youth are called losers in their “dazed revolution,” as long as they read and write, they remain the children of “bold adventures and impossible dreams.”[110]
Since they can’t protest in person, they use social media. For example, protests against decaying infrastructure, especially hospitals, take the form of posting photos on Facebook in the “So if he comes, he will not be surprised” campaign. The title refers to Sisi’s surprise at the poor conditions in two Cairo hospitals he visited in June 2015. Despite so many “things that people want to scream about,” Facebook is the only way to be heard by people in power, according to Rasha Abdulla, a professor at the American University in Cairo.[111] She said there are no government checks and balances. One of the pictures showed packed lecture halls and a student affairs staff member going shopping during office hours. President el-Sisi declared 2016 the “year of the youth,” promising financial aid and educational opportunities in a January speech, joking, “You don’t have any excuse now” to protest.
But many reasons to protest include how Generation Protest became Generation Jail. Worse than the Mubarak regime, human rights groups claim that about 60,000 political prisoners are in jail, compared to about one-sixth of that number at the end of Mubarak’s reign.[112] Peaceful teenage demonstrators are sentenced to years in jail, called terrorists and anarchists. In contrast, Mubarak’s police would only jail them for a few days. Human rights groups that try to defend the protesters are squelched by the regime, such as freezing their bank accounts. Ahmed Maher, a leader of the April 6 Youth Movement, was sentenced in 2013 to three years in jail for illegal demonstrating and rioting, placed in solitary confinement, but he somehow smuggled out messages. Out of prison, for three more years, he has to stay at the local police station 12 hours of each day because the regime explained to him, “tweets can lead to demonstrations, and demonstrations can lead to revolution, and that will bring down the regime and create martyrs.” The regime claims to save Egypt from falling apart like Syria and Libya and preserve traditional values by attacking homosexuals, similar to Russia. In 2017 Maher said that he feels anger growing against el-Sisi and support for rebels like him and that the revolution was worth it, because “It created a feeling, a space, even if we don’t have that now.” He quoted Samuel Huntington’s The Third Wave (1991), stating that the waves of revolution are greater than waves of counterrevolution. However, Sisi won re-election in 2018 by not permitting viable opponents like Putin in Russia. Like Putin, he staged media images of him as a strong leader, posing in front of the pyramids and in front of a boat on the Suez Canal.
Wael Ghonim wrote in 2018,
The opposition groups were blinded by the January 25th victory. They didn’t trust each other and lacked empathy. Sometimes I found myself lacking empathy too. We were all practicing one form or another of what we criticized the Mubarak regime of doing. …Heartbroken and devastated, I was depressed. But today, I chose not to give up. I’m not giving up on Egypt because it was naïve to think that 30 years of dictatorship will be toppled in a few days, and its equally naïve to think that one of the biggest events in the modern history of Egypt have failed just after a few of years. I’m not giving up on a world in which the power of the people is greater than the people in power.[113]
To keep current, check online sites such as the Foreign Policy’s Middle East Channel, Al Jazeera English, and the Khaled Said Facebook page. Akram reports one can follow all the news on Egyptian Chronicles.[114] The next chapter looks at Sub-Saharan Africa with many countries with youth bulges living in poverty.
Discussion Questions and Activities
Young Egyptians quoted in the chapter seem to blame the older generations for the failure of the revolution. Agree or disagree?
Student activists said there were no leaders except the Tunisian example. Agree or disagree?
What motivated an teenage activist like Yara to risk her life in Tahrir Square?
When police forces are violent, do you think nonviolent protests should be put aside to retaliate?
Discuss international influences on the Egyptian youth revolutionaries, including training by US agencies.
President Morsi was the first democratically elected non-military president. Was the coup necessary? Would you have supported it if you were the US president?
Activities
Watch my interview with young activists. What themes do you hear?[115]
Compare with a more traditional Nubian young woman who lives on a small island near Aswan.
Watch a few of the videos about the revolution, looking for how youth were able to topple Mubarak.
Videos about the revolution include ½ Revolution about a group of demonstrators in January who understood that the revolution is incomplete; Tahrir 2011: The Good, the Bad and the Politician, a collection of handheld camera documentaries; Uprising (2013) Fredrik Stanton’s interviews with activists, and The Square (2013).
Endnotes
[1] David Kirkpatrick and David Sanger, “A Tunisian-Egyptian Link That Shook Arab History,” New York Times, February 13, 2011.
[9] Sokari Ekine and Firoze Manji, The African Awakening. Pambazuka Press, 2011, p. 279.
[10] Amy Austin Holmes, “There are Weeks When Decades Happen: Structure and Strategy in the Egyptian Revolution,” Mobilization, Vol. 17, No. 4, 2012, pp. 391-410.
In a six-part video Ahmed Maher tells the history of the April 6 Movement from 2005, working with Kefaya and labor organizations to conduct peaceful demonstrations and strikes.
[17] Rogan Motis, “The Space Between Revolution and Resolution,” CIPE Development Blog, July 8, 2013.
[21] Hossam Elsayed Shahin, speaking at a Fairleigh Dickinson panel on “Winds of Change: The Role of Arab Youth in the Future of the MENA Region,” November 7, 2011.
[31] Tony Cartalucci, “US Planned Syrian Civilian Catastrophe Since 2007,” Land Destroyer Report, September 4, 2013. (The accuser was Dr. Webster Tarpley of World Crisis Radio)
[58] Susana Galan, “’Today I have seen Angels in Shape of Humans:’ An Emotional History of the Egyptian Revolution through the Narratives of Female Personal Bloggers,” Journal of International Women’s Studies, Vol. 13, No. 5, October 2012, p. 22.
[77] Bobby Ghosh, “Rage, Rap and Revolution: Inside the Arab Youth Quake,” TIME Magazine, February 17, 2011.
[78] The group representatives include Ahmed Maher and Mahmoud Samy from the 6 April Youth movement, ElBaradei supporters Ziad Alimy and Abdel Rahman Samir, Islam Lotfy and Mohamed Abbas from the Muslim Brotherhood, Shady Ghazali Harb and Amr Salah from the Democratic Front Party and from the Youth for Justice and Freedom. Additionally, Wael Ghoneim, one of the founders of the Facebook group “Kolona Khaled Said,” as well as independent activists Naser Abdel Hamid, Abdel Rahman Faris and Sally Moore are also members. Notice only two leaders are women.
The youth coalition included political activists such as the Facebook activists Wael Ghonim and Amr Salama; April 6 Youth movement general coordinator Ahmed Maher; Asmaa Mahfouz; media coordinator of the Public Independent Campaign for Supporting ElBaradei, Abdel-Rahman Samir; members of the Justice and Freedom group, and Democratic Front Party members Shady Ghazali Harb and Amr Salah.
[85] Ahmed Abou Hussein, “The Thawra and Our Duty to invest in Youth,” in Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, eds. The Future We the People Need: Voices from New Social Movements.
[86] Mark Beissinger, Amaney Jamal, and Kevin Mazur, “Who Participated in the Arab Spring? A Comparison of Egyptian and Tunisian Revolutions,” Princeton University, APSA conference paper, 2012.
2010 to 2018 Youth Revolutions Began in the Middle East
Her hand slogan reads “Victory for the People.”[1]
What bugs me in my daily life are racist people who keep trying to change the way I think about Arabs. I think my purpose on earth is to make Israel make peace with all countries. If I were the Prime Minister of Israel, I would first try to make changes in schools and kindergartens to educate kids to like the different people and not hate them. And then I would try to make peace with the Palestinians and the Arab countries. Shai, 15, m, Israel
People are on the edge, you can’t fool us anymore.
Avi Cohen, a 25-year-old participant in the Israeli Rothschild Avenue protests.
Things that bother me in my life, first the city where I live is a mess, the Israeli blockade on Gaza, the dictatorship practiced by Hamas in Gaza, the continued power cuts and lack of adequate fuel, which makes our lives seem worse, lack of attention to university students, the lack of treatment for medical patients, etc. Fatma, 18, f, Palestine
A Yemeni woman cannot be part of terrorism because she herself is suffering from terrorism. Tawakkol Karman, “mother of the revolution” in Yemen
No, no to emergency law. We are a people infatuated with freedom. The people want the fall of the regime.
Syrian teen graffiti that resulted in their arrest and torture and the start of the destructive civil war.
The young people started it and everybody fought. Before we were slaves to Gaddafi. Omar, a Libyan revolutionary.t[2]Interviewed by CNN’s Anthony Bourdain
Note: Bahrain, Palestine, Libya, Syria, Algeria and Saudi Arabia are discussed on the book website along with more background on Tunisia and Yemen.[3] Sub-Saharan Africa is also on the website.[4]
*******************************
Middle East
Vladimir Lenin said, “There are decades when nothing happens, and there are weeks when decades happen,” as in the beginning of 2011. A UNICEF study of Arab youth released in November 2011 claimed that they led one of the most dramatic public street protests in history.[5] People disagree about the impact of the Arab Spring uprisings, but agree that youth were leaders and that they were “simultaneously idealized and pathologized, championed and ignored,” scholar Zina Sawaf stated.[6] The Arab Spring has failed completely. It is a catastrophe that only the Islamists will be able to take advantage of” to create mini-Irans, warned Algerian author Boulaem Sansal.[7] Algerian Prime Minister Ahmed Ouyahia said it was a plague of western intervention that resulted in “the colonization of Iraq, the destruction of Libya [and Syria and Yemen], the partition of Sudan and the weakening of Egypt.”[8] The momentous events of the Arab uprisings are, in my view, of similar historical significance to the fall of the Berlin Wall and the breakup of the USSR in 1991, an international youth-led rebellion against neoliberal capitalist inequality that spread around the world.[9]
Miriam Jamshidi, an attorney and Middle East expert, commented that the Arab Spring was unique in combining wanting both democracy and economic and social justice.[10] Background is that the MENA region has the highest youth unemployment rate in the world; 27% in 2010 before the uprisings (which increased to 30% in 2016. By 2018, five million new entrants into the workforce challenged MENA where 60% of the population is between the ages of 15 and 30. The region’s population doubled from 1980 to 2010. The 22 Arab countries include around 370 million people with a median age of 22 compared to a global average of 28. Women were three times as likely to be unemployed. This problem led Stratfor research group to predict in 2018 that “revolution might become the youth’s biggest employer in the not-too-distant future.”[11] College educated young adults have a higher rate of unemployment than less educated peers in countries like Egypt. In Tunisia and Egypt youth leaders started their uprisings with a call to end to unemployment and rising food prices. Women’s leadership in the uprisings is also revolutionary. The greatest impact of the Arab Spring is the global knowledge that youth-led uprisings can overthrow entrenched old autocrats, the rulers of “republics of fear,” as Iraqi academic Kanan Makiya termed them in his 1989 book with that title. The feeling of hope that rebels gained coupled with righteous anger is a powerful motivator for action by young unemployed people. Youth were considered the conscience of their countries as they opposed government corruption and economic inequality, and served as capable mediators between generations in their communities.
Recent upheavals in the Middle East began with protests against the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, and surged again in 2011 with the Arab Spring that led some countries like Yemen, Syria, Iraq and Libya to fall in chaos that is exploited by ISIS, as described in the stories of six people from different regions.[12] The six countries most impacted by the Arab Spring were republics rather than monarchies, carved out by western powers after World War 1. (For a brief history of the region, see the book website.[13])
Youth-led uprisings succeed in fomenting a massive regional uprisings for democracy, sparked by the Tunisian success in ousting their dictator in January of 2011. The Arab Spring uprisings had four possible outcomes: success (Tunisia), despot removed but not replaced with democracy (Egypt, Yemen, Libya), civil war (Syria, Libya, Yemen), or the government stayed in power and repressed protests (Bahrain, Morocco and two-thirds of the region’s autocrats).[14] The Arab Spring involved only one-third of the Arab world.[15]
Youth activism challenged Orientalism, the term for Western scholars’ assumption of superiority over the Middle East, defined by Edward Said in 1978. He said that large groups of people were viewed as “the other,” less than human, similar what Simone de Beauvoir pointed out about women in The Second Sex (1953). A Turkish graduate student, Balca Arda commented on this chapter, “The definition of Middle East varies most of the time according to the neo-Orientalist understanding that equates the Orient with chaos, violence, authoritarian government and police state. The borders of Middle East are arbitrary, [established by European powers along with puppet rulers in 1916]. That is why there is a slippage between the terms of Muslim, Middle East and Arab.” Freedom House found that MENA was in fact the most authoritarian in the world in 2010 and in 2015.[16] The Bush Administration launched a democracy promotion campaign in 2002, but authors of Beyond the Arab Spring observed, “No other part of the world had proven quite so resistant to the so-called third wave of democratization,” which transformed Latin America and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and 1990s.[17]
Arab revolutionaries speaking at the progressive World Social Forum in 2013 rejected the Western media’s term “Arab Spring,” in favor of “Arab Revolutions,” “Arab Awakening,” or “Arab Citizens’ Revolt,.” But I’ll use the former as it’s most widely used by English speakers. Arab youth formed a new identity as a generation different from their fearful and quiet parents, willing to take risks and criticize the government. Both women and men bravely stood in front of tanks and police lines. Numerous books examine the recent Arab Uprisings as listed in the endnote, but most without a focus on youth–not even a chapter title with youth in it.[18] The exceptions are listed in the endnote, making MENA the region with by far the most books about recent youth-led uprisings.[19]
Arab Dawn: Arab Youth and the Demographic Dividend They Will Bring (2015) by Bessma Momani features youth with a positive viewpoint, to counter the prevailing negative view of the Middle East in the West. She predicts that the Arab Spring was the beginning of a helpful social and cultural revolution. The youth bulge will lead to a “social and cultural revolution” because young people support democracy, entrepreneurialism—especially young women, and globalism. These attitudes are facilitated by ICT (women write half the blogs) and the growth in university attendance, creating a “hybrid identity.” Momani observes that youth reject the choice of secular versus Islamist as they develop a hybrid of Western and Islamic thought. She thinks that change will be most evident in Saudi Arabia where many young people attend universities abroad, but so far this hasn’t happened. Although Prince Salman, called MSB, initiated some reforms such as allowing women to drive and permitting movie theaters, his consolidation of power included threatening leaders of the women’s right to drive campaign to stay silent or risk jail. He placed wealthy members of the monarchy in a gilded cage in a hotel until they turned over some of their fortunes to the state. Even before he became heir to his father’s throne, Shite minority bloggers and other who spoke up about the discrimination they face in Sunni Saudi Arabia were jailed, lashed, or killed. For example, Shite activist Israa Al-Ghomgham faced the death penalty in 2018 for her role in the Saudi Arab Spring in 2011 speaking out about discrimination including exclusion from government jobs in a country where it’s a major employer. Her crimes were “inciting rallies and young people against the state and security forces on social networking sites” and post videos of their protests. A Twitter campaign for her release is called #FreeIsrael and #SayHerName.[20] The monarchy under MBS’s rule aims to diversify the economy to create more private sector jobs in a country were two-thirds are employed by the state, but a third of women are unemployed, so that unemployment falls from 13% in 2017 to seven percent by 2030.[21]
Causes of the Arab Revolutions
The “Lost Generation” surprised everyone with its savvy leadership of the Arab Spring, transforming them into the “Miracle Generation.” Princeton Professor Richard Falk worked for the UN as “Special Rapporteur” from 2008 to 2014, conducting many fact-finding missions. Observing the Arab Spring, he said it was a surprise because academics are trained to look a “politics from above,” so that revolutions from below startle pundits.[22] Examples of other surprises to scholars are Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in apartheid South Africa, the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Velvet and Jasmine Revolutions in Czechoslovakia and Tunisia, and Occupy Wall Street.
Since the Arab uprisings surprised most scholars, the Economist Magazine created a “Shoe-Thrower’s Index” to identity factors that inhibit and enable rebellion in Arab states.[23] Not surprising, very repressive secret police make rebellion more difficult, as in Libya and Syria. Conflicts didn’t escalate in some countries where rulers made concessions, as in Morocco where the monarch quickly granted reforms to reduce some of his formal power. Algeria had minor uprisings, but the president granted economic reforms and reduced prices. Discontent makes protests more likely, caused by a youth bulge with high youth unemployment and an undemocratic and corrupt government in power for decades. An educated population support democratic governments with these resources: a modernized large middle class, an active civil society including feminist groups central to building a democratic culture, a homogeneous population, and support from outside the country.[24] Tunisia was the most advanced in these areas so it’s no surprise that it is the most successful fledgling democracy in the region.
Post- or Modern Islam
Islam is the second largest world religion including about a quarter of the global population, and it’s the fastest growing, predicted to become the most popular religion, growing by 73% from 2010 to 2050.[25] Sunni Muslims look to Abu Bakr as the successor to Prophet Muhammad, while the Shia follow living Imams. Extremist Sunnis believe Shia are apostates; the two sects fight each other, as in Iraq or the enmity between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran that led to civil war and famine in Yemen as Saudi planes bombed Houthis who they linked to Iranian influence. The Saudi and Emerati planes were refueled in the air by the United States military, which also supplied intelligence and military equipment, leading some Democratic members of Congress to call for a halt to US enabling the warfare that led over 75% of Yemenis to be dependent on humanitarian aid while hundreds of thousands died from starvation or bombing civilians. Some young Muslims are part of post-Islamism that emphasizes civil rights combined with traditional faith and modern values of freedom. For example, Ahmed left the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt because of what he refers to as his “post-modern Islamic identity” that accepts interaction with the opposite sex, other religions, and people with different political beliefs.[26]
Youth are more comfortable than their elders with diversity, as when Christians and Muslims protected each other during prayers in Cairo’s Tahrir Square during the January 2011 revolution, and accepted women in leadership and combat positions in street battles with police. The “Islamic Winter” of Muslim parties in ascendency was short-lived when the Egyptian military expelled and jailed the Muslim Brotherhood’s President Mohamed Morsi and secular parties took over leadership in Tunisia from moderate Islamist Ennahda party. The anti-Islamist Nidaa Tounes party won in Tunisia’s October 2014 elections, which attracted candidates from over 100 parties including some formed after the revolution like the Current of Love party (Courant de L’Amour). Gender parity on electoral lists was required. Nida Tounes broke up in 2016, partly over a struggle for leadership, leaving Ennahda with control of parliament.
According to the authors of “Youth and the Arab Spring,” a unique difference in the Arab world is that youth are more supportive of political Islam than older people, more likely to support Islamic law and more likely to identify themselves by their religion than their nationality. They’re traditional in that three-quarters of MENA youth identifying themselves as followers of family, religious and cultural traditions, according to the World Values Survey of 2005 to 2008. As a consequence, rates of premarital intercourse, pregnancy, and HIV/AIDS are low. However, as in other areas of the world, youth are less like to identify themselves as religiously observant and go to worship services (40% compared for 60% of the older people). A post-modern cohort, they didn’t revolt in the name of Islam or any political party or class.
Arab Spring protest movements included leadership of youth and women and countered the pervasive passivity evidenced in the most frequent expression in the Muslim world, Insha’Allah—God willing. A Palestinian man who lives in Saudi Arabia told me in Cairo that this belief is the root of problems in the Middle East, waiting for Allah to act. Amal, an Egyptian teacher who critiqued this chapter, has a different point of view: “I totally disagree with him as the reason for the problems of the Muslim world is that they don’t follow the teachings of Islam which calls for hard work, honesty, respecting the other, coexistence, cooperation, freedom, justice and all the noble morals and moreover to have interest in science and research.”
Revolutionary change can occur in daily life as well as generated by dramatic street protests. Iranian Asef Bayat refers to Middle East activists working on their own without recognized leaders or organizations as “social nonmovements,” composed of millions of disconnected people, mainly the subaltern urban poor, women and youth.[27] Bayat observed that globalized youth rebelled against puritanical Islamic regimes that stifled fun and joy, the core of youthfulness. He said the Prophet was reported by his wife Aishah (“Mother of the Believers”) not to laugh, only to smile, preferring to focus on devotion to Allah.[28] (She was a female icon who led troop while riding on a camel and wrote thousands of hadith. Youth in nonmovements spontaneously form a collective identity by wearing similar fashions at schools, urban public spaces, cafes, and meeting virtually on social media. Bayat predicts that globalized youth and the growth of democratic movements will result in post-Islamism combining a non-violent Islam with individual choice and freedom as in Turkey and Tunisia, so that the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 will be the last one fought in the name of Islam.
However, Islamists are a strong political force with their decades of organization. With the exception of Libya, Islamists won the first free elections in Tunisia, Egypt, and Morocco starting in 2011. Reporter Joel Brinkley calls the spread of Islamic extremists the Islamic Autumn: Jihadists are the majority of the opposition fighters in Syria, and have troops in Mali, Nigeria, Southern Thailand, the Philippines, Iraq, Pakistan and Afghanistan. Even Austria is worried about Salafist extremist teenagers in their country. In Egypt, Islamists attack security forces in the Sinai on an almost daily basis and the Muslim Brotherhood continued protests in cities. I traveled by bus across the Sinai in 2011 but wouldn’t feel safe doing that now in 2018. Civil war rages in Iraq, Syria, Libya and Yemen while Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shia Iran fight for the most influence in the region, currently devastating Yemen in the process. A chart of global protests found that some of the most intense events of a timeline from 1979 to 2014 were Islamic: The most intense global protests were triggered by the Danish cartoon showing an image of Prophet Mohammad in February 2006, then in February 2011 during the Arab Spring, followed by a surge caused by the release of “Innocence of Muslims” video in September that made fun of the Prophet and triggered protests in 60 countries.[29]
Unemployed Educated Youth are Angry at Government
Before the youth revolutions of 2011, Amr Khaled, a Muslim preacher who rejected extremism, warned, “Arab and Muslim youth need to be listened to. No one listens to them. They have dreams. We need to bring out those dreams.”[30] Secretary of State Hillary Clinton warned on January 13, 2011, that the region’s foundations were sinking into the sand because of youth’s economic problems. One-third of the Arab world is aged 15 to 29, a job-hungry time of life. However, on the eve of January 25 revolution she misjudged the situation in Cairo, telling reporters, “Our assessment is that the Egyptian government is stable,” even though it ignored youth unrest over high unemployment, scarce housing, rising food prices, government corruption and police violence.
Anger with autocratic governments was expressed in the widely used Arabic term hogra, referring to rulers’ contempt for their people. WikiLeaks revelations of corrupt and dishonest governments spread across the Islamic world, heightening discontent. For example, a leaked document quoted Yemen’s President Ali Abdullah Saleh saying to US General David Petraeus, “We’ll continue to say the bombs [drones] are ours, not yours.” A chart indexes the corruption, poverty, unrest, average age and literacy rates in Middle Eastern countries.[31] Transparency International ranks five Arab countries as among the 10 most corrupt nations in the world: Syria, Iraq, Libya, Somalia and Sudan.[32] More than 80% of Middle East nations scored less than 50% out of 100 possible for transparent governments (Denmark and New Zealand were the least corrupt). Another cause of youthful discontent is Western intervention in new colonialism of military intervention in wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen, and Syria that caused chaos and the death of around 1.3 million people by 2015.[33]
The Middle East suffers economically because it averages a greater proportion of its gross domestic product on military purchases than any other region and depends heavily on one volatile income source–oil exports.[34] This became a bigger economic problem in 2015 when the price of a barrel of oil dropped to $40, down from $105 the previous year, leading countries like wealthy Saudi Arabia to borrow money.[35] One of the reasons for the fall in oil revenue was the slowdown of the economy that consumes the most energy—China. Yet half of the occupants of the Middle East live in countries without oil.
With the exception of Libya, the oil producing nations didn’t spawn revolutions. They don’t tax citizens and wealth concentrated in the public sector prevents the growth of an entrepreneurial middle class. During the Arab Spring Saudi King Abdullah quickly announced benefits worth $37 billion dollars, Kuwait’s sheikhs gave each citizen about $4,000, and the Sultan of Oman raised the minimum wage to $520 a month. Food subsidies were implemented in Morocco, Algeria, and Jordan.
The kingdoms of Morocco and Jordan had only minor protests because they offered more democracy than Tunisia and Egypt. The monarchs in both countries promised political reform. King Abdullah of Jordan appointed a new cabinet, redrew electoral districts, increased public sector wages, and created new jobs. King Muhammad VI facilitated a new and more democratic Moroccan constitution.
As in other global uprisings, a root cause of discontent is the austerity programs that followed loans from the IMF–for example in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt in the 1990s. Moving public resources into the private sector led to corruption on a large scale. It follows that poverty and unemployment feed conflict, as explained in the World Bank’s “2011 World Development Report on Conflict, Fragility and Development.” Some fear a “revolution of the hungry” will erupt.[36] However, a large Gallup World Poll representing most of the world’s Muslims didn’t find any difference in the unemployment rates or job status of radicals and moderates, so other factors influence youth uprisings such as desire for dignity and the end of corruption.[37]
Youth unemployment in the Arab region remains high, the cost of living is rising and foreign investment is decreasing. High youth unemployment in countries with a youth bulge creates fervent desire for change. The “waiting generation” often can’t find a job after university graduation. (Also a problem in the US, fewer than half the college graduates of 2011 found a full-time job by a year later.[38]) The Arabic slang word hittistes refers to those who lean against the wall. Many hittistes in their humiliated generation lack wasta (connections to someone with power) or the bribe money needed to get a job.
Getting married requires a good job to pay for a wedding, feasts, dowry, and a place to live, a frustrating situation for unemployed young people. The fact that about 10.7 million young people will enter the labor force in the next decade in the MENA region requires the creation of 40 million new jobs for youth.[39] They want better job security than the 67% of the workforce in informal employment that lacks benefits, so over half of youth would like to work in the public sector. Three out of four working-age women aren’t employed, another challenge.
In addition to imposing austerity measures, ironically Western powers trained some of the youthful leaders of rebellion against neoliberalism. According to Oxford professor Tarriq Ramadan, starting in 2004 significant numbers of young bloggers and activists (including leaders of Egypt’s April 6 Movement) were trained by US government-funded NGOs such as Gene Sharp’s Albert Einstein Institution.[40] Trainers emphasized how to use nonviolent tactics to shape mass psychology via the Internet with symbols and slogans spelled out by Sharp. For example, the black clenched fist symbol used by Otpor in Serbia was adopted in Tunisia, Morocco, Egypt and Syria because it had no religious divisiveness between secular or Islamist viewpoints. Simple slogans like “Get out!” And “Enough! were repeated over and over to influence mass psychology. Ramadan observed that instead of instead of waging war that failed in Iraq, the US used mass movements to “undermine regional stability and bring about a Western-dependent transition under military and economic control.”[41]
Ramadan pointed out the main motive of the Western powers isn’t democracy, as shown in their support for repressive dictators and monarchs like the Saudi king, rather they care about economic and military interests that require stability and access to oil and other resources. Western countries set up bases in Egypt, Tunisia, Bahrain, Morocco, Algeria, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Qatar. Emerging economic power China is more popular than the US in the region, so real democracy would be fearful for the West.[42] Since its formation in 2008, Africom (United States Africa Command) bases in Africa expanded.[43] However, a conspiracy of foreign powers didn’t start the uprisings nor did Islamist organizations. Young women and men led them in nonviolent opposition with new models of democracy that Western powers tried to instigate and manipulate for economic gain.[44] Ramadan noted the “very instrumental presence of powerful multinational corporations [i.e., Google] at every stage of the process that climaxed in the mass uprisings.”[45]
2011 Dominos
The Iranian Green Revolution took place in 2009 and was sparked again in 2011. The Tunisian rebellion (December 18, 2010) spread to Jordan (January 14), Egypt (January 25), and Yemen (January 27). Oman and Jordan also had January protests, then the wave rolled on to Bahrain (February 14), Libya (February 15 when the National Transitional Council was formed), Mauritania (February 25[46]) and Syria (March 15) followed. Demonstrations even took place in Saudi Arabia in March. Long lasting rulers were toppled in Tunisia, Egypt, Yemen and Libya. The use of ICT is discussed on the book website along with earlier protests.[47]
Iran
In Iran, youth under age 30 make up 70% of the population and played a large part in the “Green Revolution” demonstrations to protest government fraud in the 2009 elections. Upper middle-class urban youth led the opposition without much support in rural areas, as is typical.[48] Iran’s Twitter or Green Revolution was a reaction to election fraud that kept President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad in power. Videos of the street conflicts played on YouTube and Twitter, making it the most documented revolution in history, as BBC reporter Paul Mason pointed out. He explained that the revolution failed because the poor and the workers weren’t willing to switch to reformer presidential candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi (still under house arrest in 2018), but they were the predecessors of the 2011 uprisings.[49] During the Green Movement Iranians downloaded the Serbian Otpor manual “Nonviolent Struggle, 50 Crucial Points” 17,0000 times.[50] Iranian youth are tech-savvy and well-educated, writing around 100,000 blogs. Four million Iranians had Facebook pages in 2014 and many people in cities have satellite dishes enabling them to watch illegal foreign TV and movies.[51]
The key ingredients for an uprising were present: radicalized youth angered by rising unemployment, a repressed workers’ movement, access to social media, and dissatisfied urban poor.[52] One in every 20 Iranians is a student. Women, who are required to wear black chadors and headscarves to cover their alluring hair, are almost two-thirds of university students. Young techies around the world kept Iranian protesters communicating with proxy servers through sites like Twitter (with around 500 million users worldwide) when the government tried to shut them down. Twitter delayed a scheduled maintenance that would have shut it down during the protests after State Department employee Jared Cohen (born in 1981) asked them to stay open. A 24-year-old California man developed a new “Haystack” code to override the government shut down of proxy servers.[53] Cell phones enabled citizen journalism to keep the protests in the global news after western journalists were expelled.
Iranian student protests continued into 2010, using the Internet to organize demonstrations, and they chanted slogans like “Khomeini knows his time is up!” and “Death to the dictator.” Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is considered God’s voice to Iran, like the Pope to Roman Catholics, so it’s revolutionary to criticize him. This is the only violent chant I’ve heard in the Arab uprisings; much more common is Egypt’s “peaceful, peaceful” (Selmeyya, Selmeyya). Young protesters waved flags without the Allah national emblem that was added after the 1979 Islamic revolution. These kinds of symbols and colors are important as young demonstrators brand their movements to make them recognizable to the public. The uprising was documented on YouTube and in a 2010 webcomic and graphic novel called Zahra’s Paradise about a 19-year-old boy who disappeared during the protests.[54] His mother, Zahra, his blogger brother and friends searched for him after he was abducted by the secret police. The book includes the names of 16,901 people they claim were killed by the Islamic Republic.
The Green Movement activists were activated again in 2011 by the overthrow of Egyptian President Mubarak, which the government initially praised, and tens of thousands took to the streets again. Demonstrators chanted the familiar “death to the dictator” while marching on the streets and calling Allah Akbar (God is great) in protest from their apartment rooftops in the dark. They also chanted that it was time for Khamenei to follow Ben Ali and Mubarak in resigning. A young Iranian woman interviewed by CNN on her phone explained she was fighting for her rights and for a university friend who was killed by security forces.
In response to youth uprisings, the Iranian government arrested thousands, used tear gas, beat demonstrators, and began an execution binge.[55] In parliament, members pumped their fists chanting for execution of opposition leaders Mir Hussein Moussavi and Mehdi Karroubi, the defeated presidential candidates in 2009, held under house arrest for years. Like Presidents Mubarak in Egypt and Assad in Syria, the Iranian dictators blamed foreign instigators and “thugs.” A difference between the military in Egypt, which initially was trusted by the demonstrators, and the security forces hated and feared in Iran, is that the former are conscripts of all young Egyptian men and the latter are volunteers who are sworn to loyalty to the rulers. The Basiji paramilitary on their motorcycles are hated for their violence.
Ali, a young Iranian living in California, told me the Basiji started out as brave volunteer fighters, heroes who defended Iran in the eight-year war with Iraq. Ali thinks it will take a miracle to oust the religious dictators, but history leads him to believe it will happen because no dictator lasts forever. He says the Guardian Council of 12 has the real power, along with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. They’re all over 70 and old-fashioned; they don’t know the new world, he says. He views them as dark people who are afraid of the light. They like depression and crying, just thinking of the afterlife and paradise or hell. They don’t want people to be happy, to dance and play music or drink beer. They try to teach that the US is an evil monster, but the people don’t believe it. He says many listen to and watch Voice of America on radio and TV.
In 2013, Iranians elected a more moderate cleric, President Hassan Rouhani who campaigned for better relations with the West. Like reformer Mohammad Khatami, he relied on women’s votes to get elected. He said during his campaign that “discrimination against women will not be tolerated” because their skills are needed to develop the country. In May 2014 six young people in Tehran, including three unveiled women, made a viral video joyfully dancing and lip-synching to a song about happiness, which you will enjoy.[56] They were arrested for producing an “obscene” video that offended public morals and chastity. They were made to recant on TV, but President Rouhani tweeted that “We shouldn’t be too hard on behaviors caused by joy.” A month later three Iranians were jailed for making a “vulgar” music video to support Iran’s team at the World Cup match in Brazil. It also shows men and women singing and dancing.[57] Rouhani also called for more academic freedom in universities to retain talented people, but change is difficult since the real power rests with Ayatollah Khamenei and the Council of Guardians, enforced by the Revolutionary Guard and their Basij paramilitary force. However, youth meet in coffee shops and shopping centers and they access satellite TV and otherwise get around government censorship of alternative media.[58]
Since Rouhani became president in 2013, a “lifestyle movement” is underway with women without headscarves, university students wearing bright colors, street musicians and concerts (conservative clerics say music is haram), comedians (before joking in public was suspect), and billboards not just for political leaders but celebrities.[59] This opening is similar to what happened in the “Iranian Spring” under moderate president Mohammad Khatami from 1997 to 2005. Political expression is the red line that still can’t be crossed, although campaigns mushroom for initiatives such as to save stray cats and dogs or improve the quality of Iranian cars. As the old leaders die, it’s likely they will be replaced by more moderate people in a country with so many educated young people. In the March 2016 elections more moderates were elected, backing up Rouhani’s centrist government. He was reelected in the 2017 presidential elections handily defeating conservative rivals.
A recent uprising occurred in Iran where over half the population is under 30, about 40% of the youth are unemployed, and the cost of staple products like eggs have gone up 40%. These factors led to demonstrations in December 2017 (shown on video with women and men participating[60]). They began in rural Mashhad to protest price increases and spread to around 80 Iranian cities, leading to over 1,000 arrests and 22 deaths. The economic grievances expanded to calls against corruption and to oust Ayatollah Ali Khomeini (who constitutionally has three-quarters of the power and a permanent appointment). Protesters chanted cries of “Death or Freedom,” “Death to Rouhani” and Khomeini who put the blame on foreign enemies like the US. Crowds chanted “Forget Palestine” to make the point that Iranian economic problems should be solved first. They also chanted “Down with the Islamic Republic,” “It is over for all of you,” and “They make a man [Khomeini] into a god and a nation into beggars!” They protested large budget expenditures for Islamic organizations while the budget proposed increased fuel prices and aimed to privatize schools. President Hassan Rouhani (elected in 2013) responded that Iranians have the right to protest but not to do violence, saying, “People want to talk about economic problems, corruption and lack of transparency in the function of some of the organs and want the atmosphere to be more open.” (He promised to appoint three women government ministers but hasn’t done so.) He noted, “One cannot force one’s lifestyle on the future generations.”
During the 2017 demonstrations the Iranian government shut down Instagram and the messaging app Telegraph, but as usual hackers easily found ways around the block. A difference between the biggest demonstrations since the 2009 protests over corruption in the presidential election was that the recent protests didn’t have known leaders like the presidential candidates who were spokesmen in 2009 (and are still under house arrest). Also, poor people in rural areas led the recent protests rather than middle-class young people in Tehran. However, hundreds of students and others did demonstrate at Tehran University, leading riot police to shut down surrounding roads to contain them. In response to the protests, the government canceled increases in prices of bread and fuel.
Millennials are the generation that most values relationships rather than deferring to established religious and government authorities. In a delightful example of male feminism in Iran, young men wore head coverings and posted their photos on social media using the hashtag #MeninHijab to protest compulsory hijab for women.[61] Some critics think my book series is too optimistic about youth altruism, but these Iranian young men give me great hope.
Why Was Tunisia First?
The Tunisians were the first country to give other dissatisfied youth hope that they could tackle dictators. As news spread around the world, Cambodian dictator Hun Sen threatened his people in a speech, “I would like to tell you that if you want to strike as in Tunisia, I will close the door and beat the dog this time.”[62] Revolts spread to Egypt, Algeria, Libya, Morocco, Yemen, Jordan, Syria, Saudi Arabia, Oman and Bahrain. See the photo of the bandaged young man in his hospital bed that sparked the rebellions.[63] Former Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa said in hindsight that the Tunisian Revolution was “driven largely by the desire of the country’s youth for more freedom and economic opportunities and owed its success at least in part to social media” because the government controlled the conventional media.[64] Over one-quarter of Tunisians are ages 15 to 29 and most Tunisians are from Sunni Islamic backgrounds.
Observers judge Tunisia as the most successful of the Arab uprisings; some say the only success, although no one predicted that the uprising against corrupt dictators would begin in the police state of Tunisia. Its strengths were having the most developed civil society, with a strong labor union federation, student unions and professional associations such as lawyers’ groups that could balance Islamist forces. It claims one of the Arab world’s best educational system, the largest middle class and strongest organized labor movements.[65] A Tunisian youth activist stated, “For you, politics is power. For me, civil society is power.”[66] The military was small and not supportive of Ben Ali’s rule, in contrast to Egypt’s powerful military strengthened by US aid—second only to Israel. The US stayed out of Tunisian politics after the revolution for the most part, but tripled military aid in 2016 to help oppose ISIS terrorists. The US pledged more than $1.4 billion to support the transition to democracy and sustainable economic growth, according to the US State Department in July 2018.
Another factor in Tunisia’s success was it caught the government off-guard as the first uprising in the Arab Spring. Autocrats in other Arab countries responded with defensive action, such as giving cash grants to citizens in Saudi Arabia. A major influence, the army didn’t try to assume power and political parties were willing to compromise and work together as when the Islamist party Ennahda gave up its plan to refer to Sharia law in the new progressive constitution. In Libya, Muammar Gaddafi asked the Tunisians, “What did he ever do to you? You should wish for him [Ben Ali] to come back.” Gaddafi said in March 2011, “I play, personally, a stabilizing role in the African region. If the situation in Libya is destabilized then Al Qaida will take command here. Libya will turn into a second Afghanistan and the terrorists will roam across Europe.” Libya had the highest African Human Development Index in 2010 when less than 10% lived below the poverty line but turned into a failed state after Gadaffi was killed.
Applying Political Process (PP) theory to the Tunisian movement, Mozambican scholar Alcinda Honwana analyzed the Tunisian youth movement that displaced dictator Ben Ali.[67] Resource Mobilization (RM) and Political Process (PP) social movement theories analyze what enables social movements succeed, with RM emphasizing access to resources like effective propaganda. RM developed in the 1970s to analyze costs and benefits of participation in protests, criticized for not explaining the loose networks used in recent movements and not giving enough attention to the emotions and beliefs of activists. Framing Theory corrects this deficit; it studies how social psychology and ideology influence political decisions.
Honwana pointed to causes of the uprising as economic crisis, unemployment–especially of young college graduates, and splintering of the elites, plus widespread anger over police violence and censorship. At the funeral of the Tunisian vendor who set himself on fire to protest corruption, 5,000 angry marchers chanted, “Farewell, Mohamed, we will avenge you. We weep for you today, but we will make those who caused your death weep.” In terms of framing the uprising to get mass support, the demand “Ben Ali leave” had broad appeal. However, Honwana finds PP limited because youth aren’t involved in the old political process; they’re making a new politics outside of political parties.
Looking at other resources that favored the rebels, Tunisia is more prosperous than its neighbors, has close trade ties with Europe and many European tourists—until terrorist bombings of tourist sites in 2015. Government could function after Ben Ali stepped down in contrast to the chaos in Libya. The government guaranteed a university education to anyone who passed the exit exams at the end of high school. But, like other developing countries, teachers often offer paid tutoring to their students after school to make up for insufficient instruction in the classroom. More women are enrolled in universities than men in Tunisia, similar to Libya, Saudi Arabia and Syria.
This education policy tripled the number of Tunisian graduates over a decade, so that 57% of young adults who entered the job market in 2011 were college-educated, compared to less than a third in the US. Ranking Arab educational systems, only Qatar was above Tunisia and the former has oil money to invest in its schools, according to a Global Competiveness Report (but by 2013 the top ranked Arab educational systems were in Qatar, UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Oman).[68] A Brookings Institution report found that 56% of Arab primary students and 48% of lower secondary students are “not learning foundational skills” leading to high dropout rates compared to other developing countries. A factor is poor teacher training. Jordan is a leader in reform efforts, along with Saudi Arabia, Qatar, and Kuwait.[69] However, the unemployment rate for college-educated young Tunisians increased to three times the national average of 15%. Youth were also angry about the indignity of having to live in fear of saying something that might alienate the security forces. One of Bouazizi’s neighbors, an unemployed lawyer named Jaber Hajlawi, said in 2011, “My brother has a Ph.D.; he works in a supermarket. The problem is that qualifications mean nothing. It’s all about who you know. Now, we expect things to change. I want my freedom and my rights. I want to work. I want a job.”[70]
Skype conversations with a Gen Y Tunisian teacher provided many insights as to why Tunisia was the leader of the Arab Spring. Khouloud lives in the most northern city while her family roots in the rural south. A college English teacher in her 20s, Khouloud was raised to think she had the right to dress as she pleased, to be educated and have a job. Teachers instill critical thinking skills, as when they asked students in her high school class how Ben Ali could get 99.9% of the vote. They don’t condescend to their students. Educated people like her speak French, Arabic, and English so they have access to a variety of information such as the pride French people feel in their revolution of 1789. She said Tunisia is a very westernized country with men and women mixing socially, in classrooms, and in transportation–the opposite of Saudi Arabia she said. Arab friends say Tunisian women have character, they’re not mediocre. Although most people are Muslim, Khouloud reported many are not observant about daily prayers or fasting during Ramadan, similar to what I observed in Turkey.
The Tunisian military had never fought a war and did not support Ben Ali against the rebels. Generally, the self-interests of the officers determines military support; they did not want to go down with a sinking ship in Tunisia and Egypt, in contrast to Syria where they are so closely linked economically and politically with the Assad regime that they fight to the death.[71] Pro-regime Syrians shouted, “God, Syria, Bashar, and that’s it.” Soldiers in Tunisia and Egypt refused to fire on the masses because the army relies on conscripts who could be your brother or son, while Ben Ali kept the military subordinate to his large security forces. When Ben Ali ordered the military to fire on the protesters, General Rachid Ammar disobeyed. The armed forces retreated early in the uprising, handing power to the new Higher Committee to Protect the Goals of the Revolution. After Ben Ali left the country, the army proclaimed itself “the guarantor of the revolution.” If the army had backed Ben Ali, Mubarak, Saleh and Yanukovych, they might still be in power.
Khouloud said the direct inspiration for the Tunisian revolution was mining protests in 2008 in the rural south. Historically December and January is always the season for uprisings in Tunisia, repeated in the 2008 protests about changes in hiring practices in a mining town in the interior, where jobs went to Ben Ali’s friends rather than local people. Ben Ali sent 12,000 troops to put down the protests that occurred every Sunday for six months in a town with no parks, terrible roads, and health problems caused by the mining. Police kicked open doors in the middle of night looking for protesters but the media didn’t cover the protests. People started thinking they had nothing to lose by protesting, as Khouloud heard when she talked with some of the mining protesters who persisted for six months. After the strike, a group of young Internet organizers organized the Progressive Youth of Tunisia. They corresponded with Kefaya youth activists in Egypt using Facebook to discuss strikes and blogging as changemaking tools. Their police state was even more dominant than in Egypt, with less press freedom, but stronger trade unions.
Labor struggles prepared the way for the uprising, including rural workers in the interior and the middle-class in Tunis and other cities. By the beginning of 2010 there were other uprisings in the southern border. Sidi Bouzidi, the city where the revolution started, was near the mining demonstrations. It’s a wild area with a lot of mountains, where military action against French colonial rule began in the 1950s. In 2010, WikiLeaks about the ruling family’s corruption discussed in private cables from US Foreign Service officials were reported by Nawaat.org and Al Jazeera TV. Young cyber activists were assisted by Egyptian friends and by the international group Anonymous whose hackers broke into government sites in Operation Tunisia to help reveal The Family’s corruption. That’s how Tunisians referred to Ben Ali, his despised wife, and their relatives. Khouloud reported that the underlying problem was the degree of corruption was “more than anyone could handle.” In a small country, people knew about it but WikiLeaks revealed that the US government also understood the extent of The Family’s corruption.
Discontent was brewing but the government didn’t pay attention to it. People had to stay silent to keep jobs or get their free education. They were expected to pay bribes to government officials or they’d slow down paperwork processes. Khouloud heard stories about Big Brother watching you that she thought were urban legends until she heard more reports after the revolution as people told their stories on various media. Thousands who didn’t “play the game,” were put in jail and tortured. She also thinks that at age 75, Ben Ali was tired of power, and luck played a part in his downfall.
The foundation for rebellion was laid by a widely viewed video of President Ben Ali’ second wife, Leila Ben Ali, using a government jet for expensive shopping trips to Europe in 2007. Tunisia was the first Arab country to get Internet access in 1991, with nearly a fifth of the people connected by January 2011, accompanied by much government censorship and threat of jail for viewing unauthorized websites.[72] Access to the Internet spread knowledge of government corruption as about 2 million out of 11 million Tunisians were on Facebook and about 30% had Internet access.
Almost everyone had access to a mobile phone, an impactful resource for organizers because it is inexpensive–perhaps just the price of coffee at an Internet café, instantaneous, and can evade police surveillance. Rebels didn’t have to meet face-to-face and they learned from peers in other countries, as have all the leaders of uprisings since 2011. Unemployed educated activists have the resource of time to spend organizing, writing blogs, keeping track of social media comments, creating videos, and tweeting. Graffiti was influential as well as blogs, Tweets and music, as in other uprisings.[73] An anthem of the young protesters was a song by a 21-year-old Tunisian rapper, Hamada Ben Amor who is called El General, that went viral throughout the Arab world. It translates as: “Mr. President, your people are dying/ People are eating rubbish/ Look at what is happening/ Miseries everywhere, Mr. President/ I talk with no fear/ Although I know I will get only trouble/ I see injustice everywhere.”[74] He was interrogated by police for three days but released due to public protest. Surprisingly, his 2013 song “I Wish” called for Tunisia to become an Islamic state.[75]
The vendor who set himself on fire and started the revolution, Mohamed Bouazizi’s hometown of Sidi Bouzid is the capital of a poor rural area. Why did the uprisings start in the rural areas when most other global revolts started in urban areas? Uprisings always start in the interior neglected by the government in Tunis. Poet Wala Kasmi wrote that the revolution was made by the “forgotten children of the hinterland.” Tunisia is divided into the “pampered” coastal area and the deprived inland area where some people don’t have electricity. Khouloud’s mother comes from a poor inland area with no running water to drink outside of the village center, and the children have to walk six miles to school without shoes or books. Schools are freezing cold in the winter with open windows. Some kids have to walk through a river valley where children have drowned. They only have dry bread to eat at school. The Ben Ali government gave them sheep and money to vote for his RCD party but rural people felt the party didn’t deliver on their promises. Khouloud said the situation still is not getting better for the poor because government focuses on politics and what parties are in power.
As to why youth were in the forefront of making the revolution, Khouloud said her parents’ generation was taught to be respectful of authority; they weren’t rebels, with memories of being colonized by France. Their parents were illiterate, like her grandmother whose energy went to feeding her children. Her father is a nurse who did participate in labor strikes to protect his job. In contrast, her generation is educated, taught to believe they have rights. She estimated that up to 80% of the demonstrators protesting on the streets were young people ages 15 to 35, not just students but representing a variety of backgrounds and professionals like lawyers and doctors. As someone who teaches college students, she observed that youth ages 15 to 25 are wilder because they expect immediate results.
The Bouazizi Trigger, Supported by Unions and Professionals
The Arab Revolution began with a self-immolation protest in front of a municipal building in December 2010, by fruit and vegetable seller Mohamed Bouazizi, age 26. His age group, 15 to 29, is over a quarter of the population. Khouloud reported, “The first version that went into the media has it that he was a university graduate. I watched his sister interviewed on TV confirming he was a high school dropout, but for sure he was the one supporting his family.”
A policewoman stopped his vegetable and fruit cart, helping herself to some apples. As the sole support of his family (his father died when he was three), he protested when two policemen pushed him to ground and took his scale. He asked, “Why are you doing this to me?” In protest, Bouazizi set himself on fire in front of City Hall in the town of Sidi Bouzid and died in the hospital 18 days later. The sole support of his widowed mother and five younger siblings,[76] he paid for his sister’s college education, but he couldn’t afford to finish high school. His sister explained that being slapped by a policewoman was too much: “In Tunisia dignity is more important than bread.” A lawyer named Leila Den Debba said a revolution was underway “where the young people did not rally for food but for a dignified life.”[77]
Before his immolation, three other young Tunisians had killed themselves to protest the regime. Graffiti in his town square says, “No to youth unemployment. No to poverty.” Bouazizi voiced the hopelessness of his generation. The national media didn’t report his self-immolation but the news spread on Facebook. His distant cousin, activist Ai Bouazizi, filmed the immolation on his mobile phone and posted it on Facebook, where Al Jazeera TV discovered it. He added a fabrication that Mohamed was a college graduate and that a policewoman slapped him in order to make the hero representative, not only of the poor, but all young Tunisians. When the government censored Facebook and deleted opposition pages, the international hacker group Anonymous attacked government websites in Operation Tunisia, using dial-up connections. Unemployed college graduates were the first to organize after Bouazizi‘s action to protest lack of job opportunities and corruption. Mohamed’s mother called on men to join her in protest, a common theme in the Arab Uprisings of women asking men to prove their courage—as Asmaa Mahfouz did in Egypt. The Association of Tunisian Lawyers soon supported the protests.
The police repression was so violent that, as usual, they attracted more protesters. The turning point for the uprising was the massacre of 22 youths and wounding of around 200 other protesters in the poverty-stricken towns of Kassarine and Thala in the interior in January 8 to 12, 2011. Police shot demonstrators with live bullets, sparking mass protests in Tunis supported by middle-classes, and backed by the large national General Tunisian Labour Union (UGTT). It’s the main non-governmental national organization in Tunisia, open to all professionals as well as workers. Ben Ali promised in his last speech that no more “real bullets” would be used. Videos of the oppression were posted on the Internet until the police cut off access and USB thumb drives were then used to spread the news on Facebook, Nawaat.org blog and Posterous.com, etc. Nawaat.org was one of the most used sites and therefore especially targeted by Ben Ali.
News was spread throughout Tunisia and internationally by Arab bloggers, especially the Egyptian “We are all Khaled Said” Facebook page, American Jillian York’s Global Voices, and the UK newspaper The Guardian. The youth-led uprisings garnered support through savvy use of their ICT resources, posting videos of police brutality that went viral on the Internet and then were shown on international news TV stations like CNN and Al Jazeera. A large upsurge in demonstrators usually occurred after well-publicized displays of violence. Tunisians replaced their profile pictures with the V for Vendetta mask to show support for Anonymous hackers. The hactivists replaced government pages with the Operation Payback avatar of the Guy Fawkes mask. Widespread graffiti was a tool of the Arab Spring, as shown on an interactive graffiti map that includes photos and videos.[78]
In small towns near Sidi Bouzid police stations were burned and the rebellion spread from Menzel Bouzayene and Meknassi on to other towns, assisted by UGTT. The most powerful civil society organization, it represents about a tenth of the population. Bloggers spread the news of Bouzzizi’s death and demonstrations got larger as they moved from rural areas to the capital and gathered support from the repressed labor movement. Widespread protest, after decades of scattered protests, took everyone by surprise.
Mouheb Ben Garousi, co-founder of the I-Watch news organization led by people in their early 20s, said that even in their homes any discussion of politics was met with, “Shh! The walls are listening!” His parents taught him not to think about politics, afraid the police would send him “behind the sun,” the term for critics of Ben Ali who disappeared. He calls it the Dignity Revolution rather than the Jasmine Revolution, because “dignity became the main thing we cared about,” more than economics. The president’s party even had spies in the university student dormitories where he lived in Tunis. Ben Garousi learned about the demonstrations in Sidi Bouzid from Facebook since the mainstream media was silent or reported on rioting caused by supposed terrorists and gangs. Although the government blocked access to WikiLeaks, arrested bloggers, and harvested Facebook user names and passwords, protesters were able to use social media as by tweeting the location of government snipers.
Ben Garousi posted protester’s videos on his Facebook page using a proxy to get around government censorship, returning home to Kairouan. When a friend called and told him that the UGTT union was organizing a protest, he joined it. (Political parties didn’t help organize protests.) He and his friends ignored their parents’ pleas not to go out on the streets, and were joined by 20,000 others in a city of 300,000. He said overall about 300 protesters were killed by security forces in the Tunisian uprising. After Ben Ali fled, Ben Garousi returned to Tunis where activists demanded that the regime’s Prime Minister Mohamed Ghannouch step down. Almost all the protesters were young and came from all over the country. He and a friend started I-Watch to monitor corruption; their group evolved into the first youth think-tank. All of its leaders are between 20 and 25 and other young people started similar projects to rebuild the country.
The UGTT opened their local union offices in Sidi Bouzid to protesters, conducted outreach to international media, and helped organize demonstrations and strikes around the country. Protests spread to other cities of the central region assisted by the local committees of the UGTT and then on to the coast organized by “Unemployed and young people’s defense committees.” Student unions and lawyers were the first to organize on the streets. Photos of the first month of protests are online.[79] In the “March of Freedom,” thousands marched from Sidi Bouzid to the capital on January 23 in the first occupation of the central Kasbah. Police cleared the square two days later, but protesters re-occupied the Kasbah in a sit-in again from February 20 to March 9. I didn’t see tents in photographs of the sit-in, just masses of people sitting in the square.
The protesters’ goals were employment, freedom, and dignity (karama). Slogans were “Game Over,” “Yes, we can,” “Freedom,” “Get out/piss off!,” “Karama watanya” (national dignity), “Ben Ali, thief!” and “Work, freedom and social justice.” Similar slogans about dignity and justice repeated throughout the Arab Spring. Graffiti artists painted on streets, including portraits of Bouazizi.[80] They frequently quoted verses from the national anthem that encourages people to believe in themselves and Egyptians chanted it too:
When the people will to live,
Destiny must surely respond.
Oppression shall then vanish.
Fetters are certain to break.
Before Ben Ali left, looters broke into big stores owned by his in-laws and government snipers shot at the demonstrators, although the post-revolution government of Prime Minister Beji Caid Essebsi denied any snipers existed. By January 8, 2011, Amnesty International reported that 73 protesters were killed. The army refused to follow Ben Ali’s order to fire on the protesters and large demonstrations filled the streets of Tunis. When the riots reached the ghettos of Tunis, Haythem El Mekki, 29, realized nothing could stop the people’s anger. A journalist and blogger, he reported “Nothing was planned; no movement was organized.”[81] El Mekki said the army did nothing to stop the revolt. Shortly after he called for a demonstration against Ben Ali’s RCD party: “There was no stopping us now.” When asked how he felt, he said, “Simultaneous orgasms of freedom.” Photos reveal the “best moments” of the revolution.[82]
UGTT called for a national strike on January 14, 2011 surrounding the presidential palace that resulted in President Ben Ali’s departure to Saudi Arabia. The next day, with signs In January and February, youth and other disgruntled people occupied government buildings surrounding the Ministry of the Interior, the Courthouse, and so on. Four weeks after Bouazizi poured gasoline on himself, hundreds of thousands of people demonstrated in the capital from all over the country. They also organized strikes and factory take-overs. The army forced Ben Ali to leave the country in January after 23 years in power and after approximately 100 protesters were killed.[83] Ben Ali fled to Saudi Arabia and on January 17 former Prime Minister Mohammed Ghannouchi headed the new government. Celebratory signs said “Game Over” in English.
A member of the UGTT Executive Board reported, “This Intifada lacked a central brain but there were local leaders everywhere, and most of them were union members.”[84] It continued organizing in committees for the protection of the revolution. Large demonstrations at the Kasbah in January and February 2011 ousted political leaders with ties to the old regime and advocated elections for the national assembly.
Explaining the active role of lawyers early in the protests, Khouloud said that unlike the US where status and respect comes from being self-made, Tunisians value higher education. She was shocked when she learned as a teenager that Ben Ali’s second wife was a hairdresser (a rumor was Leila was plotting to take over the government if her sick husband died.) She was said to have told her husband when he hesitated to get on the airplane to exile, “Get on imbecile. All my life I’ve had to put up with your screw-ups.”[85] A lawyer was the first politician assassinated after the revolution. Lawyers often spoke to crowds at protests, trained to be convincing speakers in courtrooms. While in front of the crowd they encouraged people to speak, such as a mother who complained that government officials were disrespectful of her when she sought a job for her educated son, telling her he should sell chickpeas.
Women demonstrators were present in large numbers. Women helped organize the revolution, including the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women. A feminist teacher who demonstrated in the streets, Wical Jaidi said Ben Ali’s security police recognized her and her friend and started to herd them to the Ministry of the Interior building, where “we knew we would be raped and killed.”[86] She added that women were praised for being activists, but not permitted to voice their thoughts after the revolution: “Many women of my generation are being pushed back home.” Some women started wearing the niqab face covering which was outlawed before the revolution.
Women pushed for their rights after Ben Ali was ousted, but they had to struggle just to maintain existing rights after the revolution, as was true in Egypt. Conservative Salafists organized demonstrations on some university campuses demanding segregated classes and the right of women to wear the niqab. Hundreds of Salafists led protest marches against the screening of Persepolis (2008), an animated Iranian movie about a young girl’s rebellion against conservative Islam, including a character representing God, which is harem–forbidden. The TV station owner was fined by a court for violating moral values. Women TV announcers were under pressure to wear headscarves, which had previously been banned in Tunisia. Adel Elmi, the head of an Islamic NGO stated, “We want at least minimum respect for Islam … no miniskirts, no half-naked women in ads, no pictures of Marilyn Monroe,” and no gay rights.[87] Two bloggers were put in prison for blasphemy on their Facebook pages.
The Tunisian assembly decided that the constitution would not be based on sharia Islamic law whereby women are entitled to only half as much inheritance as men. The constitutional committee was composed of 12 parties with a woman vice-president. The first democratically elected president, Moncef Marzouki said Tunisia’s main problem was not religious belief but the high youth unemployment rate. Blogger Slim Amamou was appointed Secretary of State for youth and sport. Youth activist webpages encouraged youth to help with the democratic transition and the development of citizenship, such as the Facebook pages Culture for Citizenship and Association Jeunes Liberte, plus blog sites Cahierdeliberte.org and Fhimt.com.
Ennahda Takes Then Gives Up Power
The Ennhada Party, outlawed by Ben Ali, took over in a fair election after his departure in 2011. A 2011 law required that every electoral list include half women placed alternately on the list, to prevent them from being placed on the bottom as in other countries. The winning party was the supposedly moderate Islamic party called Ennahda, but its female spokeswoman and parliament member said single mothers “do not have the right to exist,” illustrating its traditional attitudes. [88]Like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, it was the most organized group, the first to have offices in every constituency around the country.[89] Youth criticized the opposition for being anti-Ehnahda without a positive program to replace it.
Democracy activist and feminist Yasmin Hloui reported about the Islamist versus secular struggle, “We young people had failed to dominate the debate and change it [in the 70s and 80s]. Instead the ideological and normative differences that were to my generation irrelevant became, in the post-revolution period, sites of contention and conflict.”[90] She added that they inherited the “language of hate” and were in a “crisis of framing,” so she tried to organize a conference about hate speech but failed because of disagreements among her group. She also reported fraud occurred in the October 2011 elections that elected Ennahda and that people feared criticizing the party after the election. When she and other young people protested, they were attacked on Facebook as immoral young people who were unbelievers. She heard stories of female professors ordered by their students to wear the veil and demanding that male and female students should be separated by a curtain. Youth organizations allied with UGTT pressured the Islamic government to step down before elections and to include women’s rights in the new constitution.[91] UGTT led large anti-Ennahda protests in February and May 2012, charging it with continuing the same neoliberal economic system led by Ben Ali.
Some of the Ennahda officials were associated with corruption like the Minister of Foreign Affairs who was involved in “Sheraton-gate,” when he charged the government for the cost of staying in the hotel with a woman when his home was ten minutes away from his office. The woman in charge of the Ministry of Women and Family Issues didn’t take a stand against rape; when a little girl was raped in her kindergarten, the Minister tried to cover it up. Ennahda didn’t confront very conservative Wahabi religious leaders from Gulf counties who insisted that girls as young as five wear the abaya robe and that girls be circumcised. Khouloud is afraid that the cunning Islamists will find a way to come back to power. She prays at home and not at the mosque because of hate speech given by imams and their instructions that women’s belong in the home. She says, “They make you scared of God, while I love him.” Former presidents Bourguiba and Ben Ali had restricted issues that could be discussed in mosques such as they prohibited telling men to grow beards or advocating an Islamic government.
Khouloud misses the safety that Ben Ali’s regime provided when she and her mother could walk home from a wedding at 2:00 AM without fear. If a woman reported harassment, a policeman would beat the guy up, and then arrest him. That’s not true now when terrorism is a national issue and people don’t feel safe hanging out in public streets. She never thought she’d see a government leader shot in broad daylight as when two popular opposition leaders were killed in front of their homes. Chokri Belaid was assassinated in February 2013, allegedly due to a religious fatwa declaring him a nonbeliever who should be killed. Ennahda was blamed in street protests for not controlling Islamist extremists who acted like Saudi moral policemen in some neighborhoods and attacked some police and army units. People blamed Ennahda for the lack of security that led to the second assassination of a leftist opposition leader, Mohamed Brahmi, in July, followed by five months of political deadlock. UGTT, which played a large role in the revolution, called for a general strike to protest the assassination. The assassins were arrested but released, leading to accusations that Ennahda leader Rashid Ghannouchi was a serial killer.
Youth groups organized, including a Tunisian version of Egypt’s Tamarod (“Rebellion”) that led the ouster of President Mohamed Morsi. Nur Laiq interviewed 70 youth activists in Egypt and Tunisia in 2012, ages 18 to 38.[92] She reported that the majority of youth are Muslims, but they divide between secularists and those who support political Islam. This fragmentation inhibits their political influence but Tunisian youth are more represented in political party youth wings and councils than in Egyptian parties. Like their Egyptian peers, they wish for unity; one activist said, “Religion shouldn’t be the debate. It’s crazy that the debate is here.”[93] Another young activist told her, “There’s no Tunisian or Egyptian. We are all one entity; Islam unifies us.”
As in Egypt, some youth were skeptical of political parties and formed their own groups or got involved in other civil society organizations. University students organized the I-Watch NGO two months after the revolution as a watchdog to fight corruption, the main cause of the revolution. They believe it’s the first youth think-tank in Tunisia. The group educates youth about citizenship and organizes volunteers to monitor elections: Their website includes photos and their recent projects.[94] Their national youth assembly’s main demand was to form a national youth council to advise legislators on youth issues like unemployment. Their leaders are not permitted to join a political party.
They evaluate the records of elected officials, as when their January 2015 report on Prime Minister Mehdi Jomaa revealed only nine of his 32 promises were achieved, according to I-Watch president Achref Aouadi .The group has much work to do since a Carnegie report in 2017 found that corruption was endemic in comparison to the control exerted by Ben Ali when he was president and limited corruption to his family and friends, infecting every aspect of the reform process. The report cites a poll where 76% think corruption has gotten worse, mainly blaming the government.[95] Lina Ben Mhenni, famous for her blogging during the revolution, reported in 2015 that, “We enjoyed a few months of revolutionary euphoria but just after we went back to old practices, torture is still practiced, individual freedoms are not respected.”
Youth broke away from Ennahda political party to form Ikbis, which means to apply pressure or turn the screw. Laiq found that most youth, including those in Ikbis, were critical of the government for not achieving the goals of the revolution. They didn’t like the continuing employment of former members’ of Ben Ali’s government whom they considered corrupt. A sit-in in Tunis in August 2012 drew 20,000 young people to protest government inaction. A young man who shared a harem cartoon about Prophet Mohammed was jailed until he was released under the new caretaker government, but then they arrested him again.
Although Tunisians have safety concerns, Khouloud said the bright side of the revolution is that Ennahda Islamists are not in power and prime ministers and other officials act professionally, tackling problems of tax avoidance and corruption. (The Nidaa Tounes party Prime Minister Youssef Chahed has been in power since 2016.) Khouloud has faith in teachers and citizens who love their country. The new government listens to suggestions from the people, not wanting to appear unresponsive. However, a World Bank report three years after the revolution found that youth feel they’re not included in decision-making or consulted about their issues.[96] Few are active in civil society groups and political parties. The 2014 constitution commits to youth participation but implementation lags although political parties are required to nominate at least one candidate under age 35 among the top four names on their list. Youth place much more trust in religious leaders and family than the political system or the press. The majority of Tunisian youth drop out of school before completing secondary education, so that 83% of rural youth are NEETs as are 57% of urban youth. Despite official gender equality policies, few young women are employed—only 40% of urban women and 18.5% of rural women.
Tunisia declared a national curfew for a few days in January 2016 in response to a second week of protests against unemployment and corruption. Protests started in Kasserine after the funeral of a young man who died protesting his unemployment when he was electrocuted as he climbed an electric pole, then the protests spread around the country. The youth unemployment rate was over 30%.
Anti-austerity demonstrations rolled over to Tunisia in January of 2018 to protest the new Finance Act that raised sales (VAT) taxes on consumer goods and sought to cut public sector wages, as requested by the IMF in order to reduce the deficit. Young Tunisian educated adults have the same problems as Iranians with high unemployment (about 35%), government austerity cuts, increased taxes, rising prices, government corruption, and an economic divide between more prosperous cities and poorer rural areas. Although January was the seventh anniversary of the Tunisian protests that started off the Arab Spring in 2011, the progress was slow. The new youth movement calls itself “What are we waiting for? (Fech Nestannew), beginningwith graffiti on city walls and then on social media. Imen Mhamdi, a female university graduate who works in a factory, joined the protests because, “This government, like every government after [President] Ben Ali, only gives promises and has done nothing. People are angry and poverty is rising.”[97]
Tunisian President Beji Caid Essebi said he understood protesters’ grievances but he didn’t revise the austerity measures. He did submit proposals to parliament to increase aid to the poor, address youth unemployment, provide free medical care for unemployed youth, and set up a housing fund for low-income Tunisians. He reminded demonstrators, “Be modest, your country does not have a lot of means.” He also advocated a bill to change the inheritance law from women getting half of what men inherit to equal rights unless the giver states otherwise. In opposition, Islamists demonstrated on the streets in August of 2018 as countering the Quran. Although the Ennahda party (member of the coalition government) supported the equal rights clause of the 2014 constitution, and a 2017 law to end violence against women, it opposed the change because is “invokes fear related to the stability of the Tunisian family and the customs of society”. Thousands of supporters marched in favor of the bill, including the Tunisian Association for Democratic Women. “Tunisia: Ennahda Rejects Inheritance Equality,” Human Rights Watch, September 6, 2018.
After the revolution, young people continued to organize sit-ins, occupations, and stopped the mining protests to demand jobs, the end of corruption, and halt mining and fracking. Legal reforms in 2017 included criminalizing domestic violence, lifted the ban on Muslim women marrying non-Muslim men, and no longer allow a rapist to avoid punishment by marrying his victim. In March 2018 more than 1,000 Tunisians, mostly women, went to the streets of Tunis to call for equal inheritance rights, as proposed by President Beji Caid Essebsi. Their slogans were “Equality: A Right, not a Privilege.” We don’t want complementarity. “Equality is my right, this is why I fight.” The national protest was organized by the Tunisian Coalition for Equality in Inheritance and included 73 feminist groups, human rights associations, NGOs, unions, etc. the commission for Individual Freedoms and Gender equality was established in August f 2017. It also advocates women’s rights to pass on their family name to their children. This in a time when women are twice as likely to be unemployed and half the women over 60 have no personal income. However, Safwan Masri argues in his 2018 book Tunisia: An Arab Anomaly that women will not allow their country to regress due to Tunisia’s success in educating their people. Unlike other MENA countries, Tunisia is considering decimalizing homosexuality and in 2017 permitted the first Queer Film Festival in the region.
Algerian Hamza Hamouchene reported, “The state’s failure to listen to these demands, meanwhile continuing to erode public services, is the result of a reckless insistence on applying the same neoliberal recipe for disaster, in all its relentless violence, that the Tunisian people have been fighting for so long.”[98] Writing in 2018, Hamouchene observed “Its revolutionary fervor, though weakened, is still alive. It lives in the ongoing struggles and resistance of social movements, the emergent revolutionary organizations, youth collectives, women’s rights associations, trade unions, the unemployed gradates, small peasants and marginalized communities in the regions of the interior and working-class neighbors, away from bustling tourist sites.”
The government announcement of the 2018 budget with tax increases led to protests that lasted for two weeks in January 2018, resulting in around 800 arrests and dozens of injuries. Taxes and cost of living angered Tunisians around the country. Demonstrations spread to 16 out of 24 governorates and drew from a variety of classes as people feared the goals of their 2011 revolution were compromised by the neoliberal government. The youth movement Fech Nestennavo (What are we waiting for?) connected with the leftist Popular Front coalition to initiate the protests, along with rising inflation and unemployment (youth unemployment reached 36%.) Rising food prices added to the discontent as austerity measures followed from interest rates on loans from the IMF. Some activists faulted the NGOization of civil society for undermining an independent civil society. Hamouchene advocates decolonialization. Prime Minister Chahed of the secular Nidaa Tounes party optimistically said 2018 would be the last difficult year for Tunisians and his government promised thousands of new public sector jobsMeanwhile, Ennahda rebranded itself as “Muslim democrats” rather than aiming for Islamization of the country but the two parties feel out of coalition. . (Rory McCarthy discussed the party in Inside Tunisia’s al-Nahda: Between Politics and Preaching, 2018). Overall these politicians participated in free elections, wrote a progressive constitution, and aimed to correct the errors of the Ben Ali regime. Yet they didn’t establish a constitutional court, a state of emergency remained in effect, and a 2017 law gave amnesty to corrupt officials from the Ben Ali regime.
Yemen
Yemen is of interest to Western powers and the site of US “war on terror” drone attacks because of its strategic location close to the Red Sea, Gulf of Eden and the Arabian Sea and border with Saudi Arabia, plus its oil resources. Yemen became a republic in 1990 when the traditionalist Islamist North and communist South unified in one country under President Ali Abdullah Saleh, after a history of conflicts that continue to the present. Deposed southern army officers began demonstrations in 2007 and were joined by unemployed youth and others to form the Southern Movement to protest northern control. Another divisive force, tribalism is rampant and al-Qaeda moved in during the 2011 uprisings after their bases in Afghanistan and Pakistan were closed down.
In the poorest Arab country, 75% of the population is under age 30. After the revolution, one-third of the population suffers from chronic hunger, over half live below the poverty line, 60% of youth are unemployed, and 40% of the adults are illiterate, without a large middle class. Nearly half the children suffer from stunted growth because of malnutrition. The capital Sanaa lacks a steady supply of electricity and water.
Three young friends formed Resonate! Yemen in 2010 to mobilize youth involvement in politics and they became more radical after the January 2011demonstrations. They demonstrated in Freedom Square in the city of Taiz as an independent youth movement and in Change Square near the university in the capital of Sanaa. They helped organize medical, media, and discussion areas for protesters to meet. The night Mubarak was ousted in Egypt, youth went to the streets in the city of Taiz to announce the beginning of the Yemeni revolution.
On January 16, 2011, about 30 protesters led by Tawakul Karman gathered to call for President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s resignation. The demonstrations started at Sanaa University with ten people the day after President Ben Ali left Tunisia. Karman was arrested a few days later, leading to further protests. Young urban youth filled the central square in the capital city of Sanaa. Media-savvy protesters released balloons over the presidential palace painted with the message “Leave, Ali.” Men were surprised when Karman took the microphone to speak but they followed her and her Facebook and cell phone messages. After a week, she was acknowledged as the movement’s leader. Youth groups such as Yemen’s Youth Movement, the Youth Revolutionary Council and various NGOs joined the protests to get rid of Saleh.
Karman was inspired by the youth uprising in Tunisia and referred to the Arab Spring as the Jasmine Revolution. Known as the “mother of the revolution,” she was 32, a college-educated journalist, the mother of three children, and active in the opposition party Islah. (See her photo online and she has a Facebook page.[99]) She had previously led sit-ins at the Ministry of Social Affairs to gain the release of jailed journalists in her role as head of Women Journalists Without Chains. Karman had protested every Tuesday since 2007 in front of Sanaa University, originally to protest displacement of 30 families from their village when their land was given to a tribal leader with close ties to Saleh. She also organized protests to campaign for women’s rights and press freedoms.
A demonstrator named Barra’a Shaiban reported, “The revolution had some magical element that attracted everyone to it. Perhaps it was hope. Whoever arrived at the square couldn’t leave, and whoever had been quiet finally broke their silence.” He added that in the first few months of the revolution, “youth felt they had the power, they were shaping the situation, and that their voices were the most important—without the need to go to the political parties. But two years later, another youth activists, age 27, said, “sometimes I regret we had the revolution—like we fooled ourselves.” When youth were marginalized in the National Dialogue conference, Karman boycotted it. Rebecca Murray, “Yemen’s Youth Denied the Revolutionary Change,” Inter Press Service, February 16, 2013. Youth formed a council and publicized their “Demands of the Youth” document written by the Media Revolutionary Council. Protesters said, “After Mubarak, it’s Ali’s turn,” referring to President Ali Abdullah Saleh. He was born to a peasant family and rose to power through the military. He prepared his son Ahmed to take over as president and posted huge billboard photos of himself, the Brother President, similar to Libya’s Gaddafi who called himself Brother Leader.
The revolution got into gear when Egypt’s President Mubarak stepped down on February 11 and several hundred people went to the streets to celebrate. Some chanted, “The people want to bring down the regime,” but most people didn’t have hope that Saleh could be ousted. They set up tents near the Sanaa University and side streets in what they called Change Square. A banner read “Welcome to the first kilometer of dignity.” Demonstrators watched the TV news on a giant screen, vendors sold freedom tea, and billboards advocated the familiar “Get Out!” and “Ali, Leave.” Youth chanted, “no political parties, no partisan politics, our revolution is a youth revolution.” A BBC documentary titled Reluctant Revolutionary follows a rebel during the revolution in 2011.[100] Various groups taught young people how to use the Internet to blog but they were hampered by the government cutting off electricity for all but an hour a day. They bought batteries for laptops or went to cafes with generators.
One of the largest youth coalitions, The Coordinating Council of Revolutionary Youth represented independents, political party youth wings, the northern Houthi religious sect and southern movements, and supported women’s rights.[101] They advocated creating a modern democratic state. They drafted a “youth plan” in March 2011 called “Youth Vision for the Future of Yemen” and opened it up to comments on social media. They continued to mediate between various groups but were only given 40 seats in the 565-seat conference to draft the constitution. Youth groups flourished after the 2011 protests, with conferences, graffiti and campaigns such as the Youth Lobby Group’s push for a 20% quota for youth in government. University students created the Future Map to advise high school students in their career choices. In 2012, Resonate! Yemen launched a campaign “Institutionalizing the Youth Movement.” It includes young women in hijab and a few in niqab face covering.[102] Out of 250 youth groups, they picked 10 to train and support. Resonate! Yemen monitored the February 2012 elections through a text message system.
British-born Yemeni graduate student Abubakr Al-Shamahi reported on the demonstrators in Yemen, seeing all ages, the poor and the well off, with tribal men supporting the youth who they referred to as the ticking time bomb.[103] One of his favorite photos was a man in traditional Arab attire carrying a photo of Cuban revolutionary Che Guevara. When Al-Shamahi asked a teenage boy why he was demonstrating, he replied, “Corruption has reached terrible levels, and there is one man to blame.” Marches to the presidential palace took place after Friday prayers, a common time to demonstrate Muslim countries. On April 27, snipers picked off demonstrators from rooftops shooting to kill, including a 14-year-old, but the crowd kept marching and chanting, “Peaceful, peaceful, we will remain peaceful.” Demonstrators also organized cultural events, poetry readings, and workshops on politics and economics, similar to other global occupations of public squares. Al-Shamahi returned to the UK convinced that Yemen could never go back to the way it was under Saleh, and reported that although the media focused on Karman, many other women led chants on the main stage. Women bloggers in the US and Canada tweeted information throughout the protests, as on the blog “Yemen Rights Monitor.”
At some demonstrations, veiled women were cordoned off in their own section to protect them from harassment. Yemeni women are often burka-clad with only their eyes showing, the majority is illiterate, their legal testimony worth half of men’s, and many girls are married off as children—this problem increased due to the hardships caused by Saudi bombing in Yemen. Some women held a veil burning to protest restrictions on women. A Yemeni female student reported in 2011, “We had a thirst for freedom and love in our hearts, despite the fact that thousands were wounded and over 400 killed. We want a civil government with real democracy and the end of corruption.”[104] A Yemeni woman who recited poems critical of Saleh was sentenced in June to a year in prison and another poet and student named Ayat al-Qurmezi was also convicted of anti-state charges for inciting hatred with her writing.
Saleh declared that women and men who mingled in the demonstrations violated Islam, a divide and conquer strategy. In response women organized a march the next day. When asked to comment on this section, Karman sent message to me on Facebook, “wonderful subject, but many women–especially from the new generation of young people–are wearing only the veil [hajib] because the generation of young people in Yemen has more freedom than its predecessors.” She stopped wearing the niqabin 2004 so she could be “face-to-face with my activist colleagues.” She was jailed on January 22 and kept in chains but released after three days and thugs beat her and other protestor, while Saleh told her brother, “Control your sister. Anyone who disobeys me will be killed.” A text message spread, “Saleh has brought shame upon his country’s women; meet tomorrow at 3.30 p.m. at Sanaa University for a women’s march of honor,” resulting in 10,000 women in black abayas marching through the capital on April 16. Women were almost a third of the demonstrators and some of them burned their black robes in October to protest government violence against protesters. Their prominent role in the uprising is documented in the film The Scream (2012) by Khadija al-Salami. Karman went on to win a Nobel Peace Prize, start a human rights organization (Women Journalists Without Chains in 2005) and continue her journalism from Alexandria, Egypt. She is called “Mother of the Revolution” and “Iron Woman.” She publicly removed her niqab in 2004 on television and replaced it with a head scarf. She advocated for education for girls in a country where two-thirds of women are illiterate. She started organizing weekly protests in the capital Sana’a to advocate for investigation of government corruption and for democratic reform. As a consequence, she was frequently arrested. She became a leader in the opposition Islah Party.
A youth activist named Ibrahim Mothana described the revolution on video.[105] He said their issues for the future are to develop the economy, end violence and dismantle the security problems created by the 40% unemployment rate with an average income of less than $1,000 a year. When asked about leadership, he said everyone on the streets was a leader and that social media wasn’t that influential in such a diverse protest occurring in so many cities. Mothana said, “We were desperate for that kind of communal leadership.” He predicted that a new Yemen will be born because the youth spent more than 150 days making their voices heard on the street. Part of the new freedom, employee-led protests occurred in workplaces, similar to labor strikes. (Mothana died in 2013 from what his family said were natural causes at the age of 24.)
The demonstrations steadily grew to over a million protestors. On March 18 the regime’s snipers killed 52 protesters, called the Friday of Dignity massacre. Within a month, the protests spread to other cities and the security forces continued to live bullets as snipers fired from rooftops. Yemen was one of the few countries where some demonstrators called for an Islamic state (along with Syrian and Iraqi Sunni extremists), rather than democracy. The militant Islamic terrorist group Al Qaeda in Iraq warned Arabs in flowery language to “beware of the tricks of un-Islamic ideologies, such as filthy and evil secularism, infidel democracy, and putrid idolic patriotism and nationalism.”[106] Saleh was injured in an attack on his palace in June. He promised not to run for reelection in 2013 and promised a few reforms, but that didn’t satisfy his people. He followed Tunisia’s Ben Ali to Saudi Arabia after over 33 years in power on February 27, 2012. After changing his mind many times, he finally resigned in November. Blogger Atiaf Zaid Alwazir reported that although youth were inspired by the Tunisians to lead the revolution in Yemen, they were sidelined in the negotiations that led the Gulf Council transition plan signed by President Saleh on November 2011.[107] Sakeh manipulated behind the scenes to support the Houthis; both factions fought al-Qaeda and its rival ISIS that emerged in late 2014.
Elections in February 2012 selected Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi to be president, until rebel Shite Houthis ousted him (their movement began in 2004). In 2015, Saudi Arabia started bombing Houthis with weapons supplied by the US and UK, causing “collateral damage” with the death of over 10,000 Yemeni civilians, plus that many need assistance, and over 40,000 injuries during the first two years of the conflict. [108] The UN says the conflict in Yemen led to one of the world’s worst humanitarian disasters. It continued into 2018 when the world’s attention turned to Saudi Arabia’s machinations because of accusations that Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman was behind the gruesome murder and dismemberment of critical journalist Jamal Khashoggi in Istanbul in October.
The young rebels’ goal was to end corruption and instill dignity, according to Ali Saeed.[109] When he realized the revolution didn’t succeed in ending corruption but just made it more brazen, an engineering student named Akram Al-Shawafi started an NGO called Youth of Transparency and Building (YTB) in 2012. Youth working in government offices copied proof of corruption for YTB. Al-Shawafi explained, “We went to the streets in 2011 because of corruption that fatigued the youth and the Yemeni people. However it became worse than ever. Before officials used to practice corruption secretly, but now they do it publically.”[110] A survey showed that over half of respondents agreed that corruption had gotten worse in 2013. A year after the uprisings, a photojournalist, age 26, announced he was going to run for president to become “The First Youth President in the World,” but the ballot only listed elder Abdu Rabbu Mansour Hadi.
After Saleh’s vice-president Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi took over as president, Yemen’s elections were postponed until 2014 after the National Dialogue Conference (NDC) met for ten months, recommending a federation of six regions when it finished its report in January 2014. The grassroots–including youth, were mostly left out of the transition process. The youth delegates to the NDC reported some political elites tried to control them but they did their homework on issues so were well informed.[111] Yemen’s 2014 National Dialogue Conference Outcomes included the Supreme Council for Youth to include youth in public policy formation. A youth quota of 20% applied to all three branches of government and boards of political parties. The state promised to support a “Skills Development Fund” to provide job training for youth and provide microfinance no-interest loans to youth and women. It also committed to supporting girls’ education. The youth were rightly skeptical about the chances of implementing these goals. The Houthis took over the same year.[112] Some observers praise them for eradicating extremists in the areas they control, fewer cases of violence against women and fewer child brides. “Many independent youth felt that the traditional opposition figures who worked side by side with the old regime do not believe in real change and have co-opted the revolution for personal and political gains,” reported blogger Atiaf Alwazir.[113]
Beginning in March 2015 with US consent, Saudi-led airstrikes devastated cities, killing thousands of civilians and displacing millions from their homes by September 2015. “They are targeting the whole population,” reported a survivor of the strikes, age 20, burned over two-thirds of his body.[114] American weapons and drones were used in the civil war, including missiles for Saudi fighter jets and cluster bombs. In August 2016 the Pentagon announced it planned to sell weapons valued at $1.15 billion to Saudi Arabia, which aims to counter Shia Iran’s influence on the Houthis and in the region. Mercenaries fought on the ground, some from Latin America hired by the UAE, and ISIS and Al Qaeda took advantage of the chaos. To make the situation even worse, Yemen is predicted to run out of water as aquifers are depleted (Saudi Arabia, Iran, Pakistan and Mexico are also in danger).[115]
Women and children were caught in the crossfire, some young women had to marry to protect themselves (this problem increased as the civil war continued), others struggled to provide for their families while their husbands were fighting or killed, and others were displaced without social services. A BBC documentary on Yemen: The Hidden War interviewed a mother who said she was feeding her four children pulverized weed leaves.[116] She didn’t know if she or the children would die first, saying hunger is worse than the bombs. The UN reported that 537,000 children faced famine and 1.3 million more were malnourished by Fall 2015. At least 500 children were killed and more wounded in Saudi airstrikes that began in March 2015 to oppose the Houthis; overall 8,000 were injured or killed from the start of the fighting through the first half of 2016.[117] By the end of 2018, over 85,000 children starved to death during the previous three years because of Saudi blockades that prevented food and aid from reaching the people. Even when food was available in markets, many didn’t have the money to buy it. About half the population faced famine leading to calls for UN action to end the war.[118]
Over 80% of the population needed humanitarian aid by 2015, according to UNICEF, and almost two million children couldn’t attend school.[119] The north is devastated, and al-Qaeda power grows. Thousands became refugees and left the county. Sunni suicide bombers attacked Shia mosques during services and car bombs were frequent. The Saudis buy half the weaponry used against Yemen, and the UK supplies a quarter. The bombing campaign aims to disrupt food distribution. The cholera epidemic is the largest outbreak in modern history—more than half of the victims are children. Yet women were left out of peace negotiations in Yemen and the Middle East. A blogger reported, “It’s the “male-controlled mentality of Saudi-inspired Salafism that has detached women from participation in building the peaceful Yemeni society.”[120]
Hundreds of thousands demonstrated in support of the Houthis and a new governing council that was rejected by the UN and the international community in August 2016. In an opinion piece in the Washington Post on November 21, 2018, Karman spelled out the path to ending the war: the UN Security Council should pass a resolution demanding the end of the war, stop arms exports to Saudi Arabia and the UAE, the Houthis should not be allowed to receive arms from Iran, calling them an extremist group with a theocratic ideology. “Enough is enough,” she concluded. Updates and articles are provided in Atiaf Alwazir’s blog “Woman from Yemen,” which she began in 2011.[121]
Israel
Also influenced by the Egyptian uprising, on July 14, 2011, young Israeli protesters set up tents in Tel Aviv. Soon there were 100 camps around Israel, the history. The movement single largest protest movement in Israeli became known as J14, inspired by “contagion” from Egypt’s January 2011 uprising and Spain’s M15, and lasted until September. About 10% of the Israelis went to the streets, probably a higher percentage of support than in any of the Arab Spring uprisings except for Egypt, with polls showing widespread support by about 85% of the people.[122] They chanted “Mubarak! Assad! Bibi Netanyahu!” blaming their prime minister for their economic problems. Small protests had occurred earlier in the summer against increased cost of the popular food item cottage cheese and government threats to increase fuel prices. Before that, student organized strikes against increases in income inequality and reduction of public services. Youth bore the brunt of these neoliberal economic problems, especially with the reduction in public spending on education and public housing.[123]
A young woman started the 2011 uprising, similar to the Cedar Revolution in Lebanon. A 25-year old videomaker, Daphne (or Daphni) Leef got a notice she had to give up the apartment in trendy Tel Aviv where she had lived for three years. Searching for a new place to live, she found that rental prices had doubled in the previous five years. She created a Facebook page to ask for help in organizing a protest. Ten people came to an organizing meeting in June and pitched tents on pricey Rothschild Boulevard five days after the meeting. A sign read “Rothschild at the corner of Tahrir” Square and they used the Egyptian chant “The people demand social justice.” (In high school she signed a letter with other students refusing to serve in the “army of occupation,” and carried out her promise)
With the help of intensive media coverage, within a few days hundreds more tents appeared on the Boulevard, and within a week almost 50,000 people demonstrated. Her first speech to the demonstrators is available on YouTube in Hebrew. Daphni Leef First speech: Revolution in Israel 2011. They took the government by surprise because many thought youth were a “generation unable to make a revolution.” By September 3, half a million people were on the streets in Tel Aviv, 50,000 in Jerusalem, and 40,000 in Haifa in the One Million March. The initial focus on cost of living and housing expanded to larger issues, expressed in slogans like, “The People Demand Social Justice,” “The Response to Privatization is Revolution,” and “Ties between Capital with Government are Criminal.” They took over the middle of the boulevard with thousands of tents. “People are on edge, you can’t fool us any more,” said student participant Avi Cohen. Various interest groups joined in to express concerns about women’s and minority’s rights and other inequality issues.
Other tent cities mushroomed around Israel—including some organized by Arab Israelis, but dwindled with the end of summer as police removed tents. On August 7 about 200,000 people protested in Tel Aviv and a September protest attracted more than 350,000 demonstrators. They wanted a return to the welfare state as prices just kept going up. Similar to other youth-led protests, they didn’t affiliate with political parties or unions that they felt ignored youth. Activists aimed to be inclusive, in this case of Jews and Arabs, religious and secular–typical of the global uprisings. The last tents were cleared October 3 and the original organizers split into factions although they considered themselves leaderless and horizontal. In a video interview held in September she said the government “has to change the way it relates to people. We’ve had enough. We don’t want charity, we want justice. At some point we’ll stop waiting and take control.”[124]
The protesters adopted the Spanish indignados’ general assemblies and hand signs used to express approval or dissent during meetings. An Israeli writer discussed the ambiguity of the middle-class European descendants’ leadership issue: “During the summer of 2011 the original initiators–Daphni Leef, Stav Shaffir, Regev Contes and Yigal Rambam, and others–were considered to be leaders of the movement. But they didn’t control it in reality; the movement was uncontrollable. Their role was mainly as spokespeople. Most have receded back to anonymity; others, including Leef and Shaffir, continued to lead the way, in a way.”[125]
An Israeli journalist wrote that the demonstrations were “a revolt by the middle class against the last three decades of extreme economic neoliberalism” because 69% of the wealth is owned by the richest 10 chanting, “The people demand social justice!” and “Walk like an Egyptian.” The %.[126] On July 28, thousands of parents demonstated against the high cost of raising children in the “Strollers’ March.” Wanting lower rent costs and progressive taxes, they marched latter was a reference to Tahrir perhaps well to a 1986 hit song by the American female band The Bangles with the same title. Israelis also adopted Spanish 15M methods of organizing. In August protesters briefly occupied several abandoned buildings in Tel Aviv.
Interviews with six young activists were recorded in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz.[127] Government ministers ridiculed them as “sushi-eaters” and “nargila [hookah] smokers with guitars” or radical leftists, but Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu set up a task force in August. The Trachtenberg Commission brainstormed ways to improve life for the middle class. It made recommendations in September 2012, including an increase in income tax on the wealthy, cuts in military spending, tax breaks for families with young children and new anti-poverty programs. They weren’t implemented.
An Israeli professor, Joseph Zeira said the economic problems that triggered the protests haven’t improved, so “deep anger” persists. In 2012 he predicted a new outbreak of protests.[128] An editor of Haaretz newspaper writing at the same time evaluated the impact of the protests as the new empowerment of the middle class, a “revolutionary political change.”[129] Progressives campaigned to end exemption of Orthodox women (all) and men in full-time religious studies from the draft or national service.(Arabs are also exempt from the draft but can volunteer.) Youth and other workers organized employee committees as part of the union Histadrut. Others pointed to the government backing down on lowering corporate taxes and raising taxes on the very rich.
The J14 social justice movement revived protests on their July anniversary in 2012 with thousands of demonstrators marching through Tel Aviv, angry over the government not acting on its promises and to demonstrate again against the continued high cost of living. Leef and hundreds of other activists tried to put up tents again, but the police tore them down and Leef and 11 other protesters were beaten and arrested. The social movement divided into two camps, resulting in two different demonstrations. Leaders of political parties on the right and left tried to coopt the movement, which lost its previous unity as “the people.”[130]
Of course pictures and videos of the clashes went viral, generating thousands of demonstrators, but not as many as the previous year. A new slogan was “Democracy! Democracy!” shown on a video.[131] Leef was charged with forcefully resisting arrest by pushing a policeman in the 2012 protests and put on trial in January 2014 (similar to Occupy Wall Street demonstrator Cecily McMillan who was jailed for “assault” elbowing a policeman in March 2012 who she said bruised her breast when he grabbed her in Zuccotti Park.) Leef in turn accused the police of thuggery. Her case was dropped in April, along with 10 other social activists.
The more radical faction of activists formed a political party in 2012 that aimed to “to change the system of government, social organization and the economy in Israel,”[132] but in 2013 more activists ran on the Labour Party list led by Shelly Rachimovich. She promised social and economic reforms, but her party won only 15 seats and Netanyahu had an easy election victory despite economic inequality. The centrist party Yest Atid founded by Yair in 2012 ran on a platform based on the 2011 protests supported by large numbers of young people. It supported military service for all Israelis. The party came in second in January 2013 elections campaigning for social justice and peace, but joined in coalition with Netanyahu’s Likud party. The government wasn’t able to deliver on promises such as lowering middle-class taxes, although Israel has the highest child poverty rate of any industrialized nation, according to the OECD (Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development). Netanyahu stayed in power (first elected in 1996, he was Israel’s youngest prime minister and became the only leader to be elected three times in a row.
In 2014, around 300 Israeli young leaders and students met with Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas to discuss peace talks. He told them that God forbid, if peace isn’t in place when they assume leadership, he counts on them to be peacemakers. He mentioned that his grandchildren had attended Seeds of Peace camps in the US with young Israelis.
In 2015, Israel’s Education Ministry overrode its literature director and rejected using a novel written in Hebrew called Borderline about the love affair of a Jewish woman and Palestinian man, fearing it would lead high school students to “miscegenation.” Jews are not allowed to marry someone outside their religion and ethnicity although foreign marriages are recognized as legal. Critics accused the J14 movement of sticking to middle-class cost of living problems for fear of being labeled left wing, avoiding discussion of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and multi-culturalism, and failing to “articulate a moral message.”[133]
Security and concern about the high cost of living and lack of affordable housing are major issues for youth, as well as other Israelis, but only 41% of young people voted in the 2013 general elections. Those that do vote are increasingly moving to the right. In 1998, 35% of people aged 15 to 25 voted for right-wing parties, increasing to 40% in 2010, and 67% in 2016. This move to the right contributed to the re-elections of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, called “Mr. Security.” Coming of Age: ‘Generation Z to Impact Israeli Political Arena,” The Jerusalem Post, 2018. The youth swing to the right is accompanied by increasing pessimism about the future of the country and its institutions (including the military) and traditional religious attitudes: In 2004 54% of youth described themselves as secular and non-observant, which fell to 40% in 2017. Whereas only 29% called themselves traditional in 1998, 35% did so in 2017. Youth who labeled themselves Orthodox Jews increased from 9% to 15%, partly because orthodox parents tend to have more children.[134]
On the Palestinian side of the occupied territories, another young woman became an icon of her cause. Posters, murals, and T-shirts feature the face of Ahed Tamimi with curly blond hair wearing her keffiyeh, the black and white scarf signifying Palestinian nationalism. When she was 17, she joined her brother Wa‘ed in jail for eight months in 2017 to 2018 for slapping two Israeli soldiers on her family’s property in the West Bank after her cousin, age 15, was severely wounded by an Israeli rubber bullet to his face during a demonstration against moving the US embassy to Jerusalem. Her mother’s video of the incident went viral. Some Israeli politicians called her a terrorist who should spend her life in jail or “Shirley Temper,” while she gained international supporters after joining hundreds of other Palestinian children in prison. Speaking with the media after her release, she said, “’The resistance continues until the occupation ends.” She aims for peace without borders and occupation until, “all of us equal.”(alexia Underwood, “How Ahed Tamimi, a 17-Year-Old Palestinian activist became an International Icon,” August 3, 2018 Her time in jail led her to want to become a lawyer in order to defend the Palestinian cause. An Israeli human rights group called BTselem gave the Tamimi family cameras in 2011 to record violent encounters with Israeli soldiers. The next year images of her trying to prevent a soldier from detaining her brother went viral when Ahed was 12 and another in 2015 when a masked soldier had her 12-year-old brother in a choke-hold.
The Nationality Bill passed by the Knesset in July of 2018 was called apartheid by the Palestinians, who compose about 20% of Israeli citizens, generated large protests In Tel Aviv. The law granted full citizenship to Jews, downgraded Arabic from an official language and encouraged Jewish settlements in occupied territories. Israel was defined as “the national home of the Jewish people.” Prime Minister Netanyahu said, “Today we made it law. This is our nation, language and flag.” Arab legislator Jamal Zahalka called it the death of democracy. Protesters included members of the left-wing political party Meretz as well as a coalition of Arab parties and Druze Arabs. Women were also active in other Palestinian demonstrations, such as the Great Return March in the Spring of 2018 to the barrier between the G when 13,000 were wounded. “Women activists have played a visibly crucial role in the protests on a scale not seen for decades, possibly indicating what the future may look like when it comes to activism in the Gaza Strip.”[135] An example is Siwar Alza’anen, 20, an activist in the Palestinian Students Labor Front who said her aim to let the international community to know they are living under “siege, pain, poverty.”
Morocco
Morocco became independent from France in 1956.. With half the population under age 30, had waves of protest in the last decade. In 2011’s Moroccan Spring, democracy activists protested the constitutional reforms presented by popular King Mohammed VI that maintained his absolute powers as “sacred” head of religion, the military and the government. His family has ruled Morocco since 1664, but when he became king, he presented himself as a modern thinker by instituting free elections albeit attempting to manipulate politics behind the scenes using “soft power.” In response to the protests, he promised to share more decision-making and revised the family code to be more egalitarian.[136]Protestors’ key complaints, in addition to the king’s power over the parliament and cabinet, were the informal economic and political power of the king’s inner circle of family, friends, and advisors. Economic issues were similar to other MENA countries, included growing economic inequality, high youth unemployment (40% of university graduates), coupled with the high cost of living.
Inspired by Tunisian and Egyptian youth, the February 20th movement in Morocco was initiated by Amina Boughalbi, a 20-year-old journalism student, in a role similar to Asmaa Mahfouz’ call for protest in Tahrir Square the previous month. Boughalbi said, “I am Moroccan and I will march on February 20th because I want freedom and equality for all Moroccans.”[137] Boughalbi spoke at the first press conference organized by the movement and at a conference in Paris. Young women and men alternated telling their reasons for marching on YouTube and they shared leadership positions. Several thousand people responded to their call to protest in more than 60 cities.
A 19-year-old science student, Tahani Madad, presented the movement’s plan at a conference in February. She defined the February 20th movement as a “youth dynamic” that is peaceful, not affiliated with political parties or religion in a post-Islamist era. They regard belief as an individual matter, “secular, modernist, democratic,” aiming for equality and social justice. The movement uses consensus decision-making and makes sure both women and men lead demonstrations and moderate the general assemblies. Local groups are autonomous because grassroots activists feared national organizations taking over their February 20th movement.[138] They followed up with weekly protests around the country, demanding a new constitution without the king as ruler, free education, and more housing and jobs. Generally, slogans to “get out” were meant not for the king but for his closest advisors. Morocco aims to be the first MENA country to rely on renewable energy sources by 2020.
Omar Radi, a Moroccan journalist and co-founder of the #Feb20 Movement, referred to it as the leading street opposition movement.[139] He’s also a member of www.Mamfakinch.com (“We’ll never give up”) that provides news on their social movements. He reported that young people went to the streets in most villages and cities on February 20, 2011, the first time such a large protest occurred. Thirteen young activists made a video stating why they planned to protest on February 20, joining the action started by a group called Democracy and Freedom Now. They called for constitutional reforms, an independent judiciary and release of political prisoners. Local activist groups studied World Social Forum publications to help define their principles and goals.
The king tried to undercut the February protests by doubling subsidies on flour, sugar and cooking oil, and given sham power to the opposition party the Islamist Party of Justice, but thousands of peaceful protestors demonstrated on the streets of various cities. Police reacted with violence, as shown on YouTube, arresting activists. The government photoshopped images of youth activists spread on the Internet showed them as unbelievers drinking alcohol or as Christian converts and unpatriotic. Many protesters were young women, a new activism for them. They chanted, “Majidi, Get lost!” in opposition to the king’s secretary who they believed suppressed independent press such as Al Jazeera. The government youth minister blamed foreign influences, as usual for such autocratic governments. The king’s speech on March 4 promising to reform the constitution split the protest movement
The number of protests doubled on April 24, the largest demonstration in Moroccan history, along with increased violence by security forces, causing numbers of protesters to dwindle. During the fall elections, Islamists won using the slogans of #Feb20, “down with despotism” and “end corruption.” The youth movement was supported by the National Council for Human rights comprised of around 100 civil society groups that includes labor unions, human rights organizations, and leftist parties. Organizations select three members to represent them on the Council; at least one must be a woman, but feminist organizations weren’t on the Council. Feminists pressed for a 10% quota for women in Parliament and supported the 2004 Family Code that increased gender equality, but were reluctant to oppose the King in 2011. However, women in rural and poor urban areas were inspired to lead local protest movements—for example, against privatization of water.
In response to the youth movement, King Mohamed VI proposed constitutional reforms that were approved in a referendum in July. It required the King to appoint a prime minister from the largest party in Parliament. The February 20th movement called for a boycott of the referendum and overthrow of the monarchy while reformist feminist groups backed it. Activists surprised the king by calling for constitutional reforms of his powers. Seventeen days later he agreed to increase democracy with constitutional reforms but maintained his control as the most powerful policy maker.
Electoral law reserved 60 seats for women and 30 for candidates under the age of 40, but both the youth movement and radical Islamists called for a boycott of the November 2011 elections. A moderate Islamist party called the Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD) got the most votes. Only 60 women representatives were elected along with 345 men. A young leader in the movement, journalist Hamza Mahfoud said problems in other Arab Spring countries, like the army’s takeover of Egypt, discouraged many Moroccans from advocating change. Only one woman was selected to be on the 31-member cabinet, a PJD member who predictably headed the Ministry of Family and Social Development.
The king retained power, but precedent was established to criticize him. The new activism decentralized protests to regions outside major cities. and the government as when young activists organized a “kiss-in” outside Parliament in 2013. Youth protested the arrest of two boys, age 15, and a girl, 14, who posed a photo of them kissing on Facebook. Rapper Lhaqed supported the movement and was jailed for a year in 2012 for defaming the police in his songs, but he continued to be outspoken. He reported, “The only change after February 20 is that the citizens today talk openly about other things, they protest in the slums, whole neighborhoods take to the streets. But as for those who rule the country, there’s been no change at all in my view. We have no independent judiciary, no free press, corruption remains rife and the country’s money is stolen.”[140] However, an ongoing resistance campaign is taking place in Western Sahara by the Polisario Front against the Moroccan occupation and unemployed university graduates regularly organize sit-ins on city streets.
Thousands of demonstrators marched in Casablanca in April 2014, organized by the three largest labor unions and student unions to protest government corruption. Youth use the image of comic character Bart Simpson as their logo, another example of the global influence of western popular media. Eleven student members of the February 20 movement were beaten and arrested by police, including a woman named Amine Lekbabi.[141] To protest the detention of the 11 students, activists organized sit-ins and flash mobs, seen on video included in the previous endnote, along with a banner showing the world’s most popular rebel hero–Che Guevara.also in 2014, a law was passed to ban allowing a rapist to marry his victim, following the death of a 16 year old girl who drank rat poison rather than marry her rapist. In January 2016 teacher trainees who demonstrated in multiple cities against cuts to teacher pay were beaten by police so severely that some protesters were hospitalized.
The largest protests since the Arab Spring occurred in the mining town of Jerada early in 2018 (as well as protests in other towns about water shortages) and later in July protests in the capital Rabat against the conviction and jailing of protest leader Nasser Zefzaf (age 39) and 38 other leaders in June for demonstrations they led in late 2016 into 2017 against the lack of economic progress in the Berber region in the north. Zefzafi participated in the 2011 to 2012 protests in his home city of Al Hoceima and then responded to the death of the fisherman by speaking out at a Friday prayer sermon in a mosque in al-Hoceima against “hogra,” extreme injustice by the elite in a time of growing inequality. He was accused of disrespecting the king, separatism, and receiving foreign funds to destabilize the country punishable by 20 years in prison, which he appealed. When the regime is unable to manipulate politics behind the scenes, it resorts to overt repression.[142]
Their movement is called Hirak Rif or popular movement. Tactics include social media campaigns with no known leaders to boycott large companies (i.e., dairy and mineral water) with close ties to the monarchy. The catalyst was the death of a fish seller (age 31) crushed to death in a garbage truck as he tried to retrieve fish confiscated by police in October of 2016, similar to the catalyst for the Tunisian uprising. Zefzaf warned that if they kept quiet the problem it would continue. The Riffian movement demanded reforms and the end of corruption. His initial abduction and arrest were accompanied by other arrests of over 100 activists, which led to daily protests in neighboring cities. In response to the June sentencing, the July demonstration drew over 30,000 people calling for “freedom, dignity and social justice,” and “long live the Rif” (the Berber area). They included leftist parties, Berber groups, and the banned Islamist movement Al-Adl wal-Ihsan. An Al Jazeera video shows demonstrations. “Morocco: Rif Protest Leader Nasser Zefzafi,” June 28, 2018. Similar to other recent uprisings, they are mainly leaderless and non-ideological, triggered by economic struggles is inequality increases.
Saudi Arabia
In Saudi Arabia the most vocal rebels are Shiites protesting their lack of rights and women who worked for the right to drive, finally granted in 2018 by the Crown Prince without requiring male permission. Activist and author of Daring to Drive (2017) Manal al-Sharif joyfully commented that the car key is “the key to change,” but it doesn’t address the bigger problem of guardianship. Women must have the permission of a male relative to work or attend college (where they are over half the students but prohibited from engineering classes), leave the country, get out of jail, and so on. Turning to anonymous social media, a Twitter campaign called #IAmMyOwnGuardian began in 2014, which collected 14. signatures on its petition, and #TogetherToEndMaleGuardianship began in 2016, supported by Human Rights Watch, produced a report about the problem called “Boxed In.” In 2015 their petition called “Baladi” (my country) lobbied for women to be able to run for municipal office, which was granted, although organizers like Loujain al-Houthloul were banned from running. The government organized “Twitter trolls” at a “troll farm” in Riyadh to attack critics like journalist Jamal Khashoggi, later murdered in Istanbul. This was the biggest event in the region since the Arab Spring, according to researcher Michael Stephens. (David Kirkpatrick, “Turkey’s President vows to Detail Khashoggi Death ‘in Full Nakedness,’” New York Times, October 21, 2018. A counter force of volunteers called “Electronic Bees” were organized by a Saudi dissent living in Canada, named Omar Abdulaziz.
Young Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (MbS (born in 1985) assumed power in June3 of 2017 and led economic reform to employ more women and young people titled “Vision 2030.” He permitted women to open their own business without a man’s permission starting in February of 2018. He told a reporter in 2018, “I’m young. Seventy percent of our citizens are young. We don’t want to waste our lives in this whirlpool that we were in the past 30 years. We want to end this epoch now.” (Manaa al-Sharif. “Once Women Take the wheel, Saudi Araba Will never Be the Same,” The Washington Post, October 5, 2018.) hence he allowed movie theaters and mixing of the sexes in public places such as coffee shops and sports stadiums. Journalist like Thomas Friedman made the mistake of viewing MbS as “ushering in “Saudi Arabia’s Arab Spring, at last.” He also restricted the power of the Wahhabi Muslim religious police and permitted the first public concert with a female singer, but mandated a crackdown on activists and critical clerics starting in 2017. He permitted women to drive starting in June 2018 but his officials informed women activists like Loujain al-Hathloul (28) who spent 73 days in jail for driving in 2015 and their male supporters of a gag order to remain silent or go to jail. The prince wanted the credit to go only to him in a country with no constitution.
The repression increased in May 2018 resulting in more than a dozen arrests of “The Drivers,” who began their rebellion in 1990, women like Samar Badawi and Nassima al-Sadah who were among the first women to petition the authorities for the right to drive and vote and run in municipal elections. Badawi also campaigns for the release of bloggers like her brother Raif Badawi jailed for their controversial posts. Canada was one of the few governments to protest these arrests leading to Saudi reprisals. The media labeled the activists as traitors who colluded with foreign governments(especially Qatar) and may serve long jail terms. Their photos were featured on front pages of newspapers. Some of those who could, left the country, and others stayed mute. Human Rights Watch researcher Hiba Zayadin reported, “Even people outside the kingdom are scared to speak their mind. All the momentum for a grassroots reform movement that was built over recent years has been halted,” such as “salon” discussion groups held in homes and collectives like the “Jeddah Reformers” or the Union for Human Rights.(Sarah Aziza, Saudi Arabia women Driving Activists, The Intercept, October 6, 2018, MbS was most infamous for his association with the murder and dismemberment of journalist Jamal Khashoggi, which President Trump refused to acknowledge, and his devastating war in Yemen. More about Saudi feminists is discussed in Brave: Young Women’s Global Revolution.
Democratic Outcomes?
Although youth ousted dictators, they weren’t able to develop a vision for a viable democratic replacement with the exception of Tunisia. This vacuum opened the door for well-organized military generals in Egypt, Islamists (Ennahda in Tunisia and the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Libya and Syria), or tribal leaders (Libya and Yemen). Richard Falk, UN “Special Rapporteur” from 2008 to 2014, observed the rise of nonstate actors such as ISIS (that US policy helped create) and Hezbollah after the Arab Spring, the lack of democracy except in Tunisia and Turkey and the survival of the old bureaucracies after dictators were overthrown.[143] Falk faulted the US for adding to the turmoil in the region with its reliance on air strikes rather than diplomacy, stating: “’Democracy’ and Washington’s policy agenda in the region are irreconcilable.”[144] NATO was involved as well; “nothing can be much worse that what Western intervention produces…the wheels of violence turn with accelerating velocity.”[145] Lacking oil reserves, Tunisia has been spared much Western intervention.
Arundhati Roy, Indian writer and opponent of neoliberalism, commented on the outcome of the Arab Spring, “I worry that the anger and energy of people who have been repressed for years by puppet dictators is being siphoned off, carefully defused, while the West jockeys to retain the status quo one way or another and replace the old despots with a more streamlined, less obvious form of despotism.”[146] Roy said it’s important to realize help won’t come from outside and “we have to fight our own battles.” Writer Noura Farra observed in 2016 that not much has been said about the lives of the young peoples who led the Arab Spring. She finds Arab young people fee disempowered in the face of struggling economies, limited jobs, the rise of extremist groups, and resistance to progress—including being able to socialize with the other gender. (2014) Noura Farra, “On the Limitations and promise of Arab millennials,” Reformer Magazine, October 3, 2016. Also, they’re held back from power by their dislike of political parties. Hillary Clinton described in her book HardChoices (2014) meetings with revolutionary leaders who didn’t want to form a unified party to run in elections.
Islamic law often trumps democracy. As Islamists took office in Tunisia, Libya, and Egypt they wanted Sharia law to be the basis of government. A global survey found four countries where a majority of Muslim respondents preferred a strong leader rather than democracy: Bosnia, Afghanistan, Russia, and Kyrgyzstan. In other Muslim countries a majority preferred democracy.[147] Egyptians want Islam to have influence on laws: A majority in Egypt (66%) believes laws should strictly follow the teachings of the Quran, similar to Lebanon (61%), Turkey (64%), and Tunisia (84%). Turkish Prime Minister Erdoğan was reported to have said when he was mayor of Istanbul, “Democracy is like taking a tram—you ride it to your destination and then you get off.” His government was often pointed to as a secular model for Middle Eastern governments but he became increasingly autocratic and conservative, especially after a July 2016 coup attempt. He used it as an excuse to detain or fire tens of thousands of soldiers, journalists, teachers, judges, and other civil servants.
The Arab Spring hasn’t produced viable democracies, with the exception of Tunisia. Youth unemployment remained the highest in the world (29.5% in 2015 and 40% of people aged 15 to 29 are NEETs), and learning by rote produces graduates without current skills.[148]Wasta (connections) still influences who gets jobs. Despite these chronic problems, young people learned much from leading the uprisings. Professor Juan Cole, author of The New Arabs: How the Millennial Generating is Changing the Middle East, reminds us they have decades to transform the region.[149] He credits youth with ending dynasties where fathers who ruled for life passed their rule to sons as was the plan in Egypt, Libya, Syria, Yemen, etc. Syria’s Bashar al-Assad was probably the last ruler to be handed the presidency by his father. The new Egyptian constitution allows the president only two four-year terms, although el-Sisi supporters discussed amending the constitution similar to China’s move to keep Xi Jinping in power for life. Cole believes analysts missed the “more important, longer-term story of generational shift in values, attitudes, and mobilizing tactics.” As youth work in non-governmental organizations, Cole predicts their new skills will be applied as they enter politics in the future. He said in The Arab millennials Will Be Back, the Millennial activists are putting their energies into non-governmental organizations, thousands of which have flowered, barely noticed in countries that once suffered from one-party rule. This process is enhanced by the increase in female literacy, in fact more women in universities than men.
In the vacuum created by the fall of the dictators, fundamentalist Islamic Salafist-type groups used their organization, money, and armed groups to increase their influence. Counter-offensives, including feminist groups, are described in Your Fatwa Does Not Apply Here: Untold Stories from the Fight Against Muslim Fundamentalism by Karima Bennoune (2014). Some scholars, such as Canadian professor John McMurtry, blame the rise of Islamic fundamentalism on US financial support in the name of fighting communism and financial control of countries undergoing civil war.[150] In May 2013, leaders of large democracies pledged $40 billion in aid to help develop democracy in Northern Africa, similar to aid after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the collapse of the USSR. A widely circulated Twitter post hopefully states, “Yesterday we are all Tunisians; today we are all Egyptians; tomorrow we will all be free.”
However, need for financial security may trump desire for democracy, as evidenced in 2012 interviews with 2,500 Arab youth, ages 18 to 24 (60% male).[151] The emphasis on democracy dropped from 68% to 58% of respondents in 2012; however in Egypt 75% of youth view it as very important. According to the interviews with 2,500 Arab youth, the other country where Arab youth would most like to live besides their own is modern UAE with its high standard of living but governed by a ruling family–not a democracy. A case in point, young men were jailed in 2013 for posting a mock documentary on YouTube pretending to portray “gansta culture” using shoes, the cord that holds on Arab men’s traditional headcovering, and a cell phone as their weapons. The phone is used to call in friends to help. Although it was a joke, the filmmakers were charged with “damaging the state’s reputation.”[152]
The 2012 interviews found youth were much more likely to keep up with the news and to blog on the Internet than before the revolutions. A year after the Arab Spring, top priority changed from wanting to live in a democracy to desire for fair pay (82% said income is very important) and wanting to own a home (65%). Their goal of homeownership is similar to a large international survey of 25,000 young people in 2010, indicating a global desire for security in recession. The Arab youth surveyed said the two biggest obstacles facing them and the region are lack of democracy and civil unrest, so they’re still very focused on liberty. (Their second biggest concern is the danger of drugs.) Despite economic troubles, like young people elsewhere, Arab youth are optimistic about their futures.
Optimism remained a key finding in 2016 interviews with 3,500 young people (ages 18 to 24) in 16 MENA countries, despite the ongoing problem of unemployment.[153] Less than half of the interviewees believe they have good job prospects; up to 75 million out of the 200 million Arab youth are unemployed, a main cause of the Arab Spring. The UAE. remained their model country and has a minister for happiness, although, it prosecutes activists and their family members who call for reform on social media with arrests disappearances, and torture.[154] In this survey, youth favor stability over democracy, although at the same time they want more personal freedom. They want their leaders to do more to improve human rights, especially women’s rights. Most of them rejected ISIS, believed that the Sunni and Shia division increased over the previous five years, and they think religion plays too important a role in the Middle East Like other educated young people, respondents often get their news online.
Liberation from old dictators who tried to appear modern by supporting state feminism may roll back women’s rights, as in Tunisia where male demonstrators shouted, “your place is in the kitchen” and “when women have rights they abuse them.” They blamed former President Ben Al’s wife for being corrupt like a modern Marie Antoinette. Ultraconservative Salafis denounced unveiled women.The government estimated that Salafi preachers took over about 1,000 mosques out of 5,000 in Tunisia.[155] Some Tunisian Islamic parties called for banning women from the workplace to correct the high unemployment rate for men.[156] They lobbied unsuccessfully to institute Sharia law to permit plural wives for men, reduction of legal age of marriage for girls, stoning lawbreakers, and unequal divorce laws. Traditionalists associate women’s rights with Western influences or associate them with the ousted dictator’s regime, as in Egypt.
Some Arab governments responded to protests in positive ways by changing government leaders, ending decades of emergency rule, making democratic changes to the constitution, and giving cash grants of thousands of dollars (in Kuwait and Bahrain), or lowering food costs. Their authoritarian control is maintained by payoffs, military force, ideology and elite unity, according to William Quandt in Between Ballots and Bullets (1998). Autocrats continue to use force, arrest demonstrators, blame “terrorists” and assault foreign media as troublemakers. Some dictators use military force with water cannons and tear gas, and both rubber and real bullets have killed thousands of young demonstrators in Egypt, Bahrain, Libya and Syria. Some hired thugs, like Egypt’s President Mubarak’s baltagiya to intimidate protesters, especially women.
Some governments cut off access to Internet and mobile phones. They pitted tribes against one another and bribed tribal leaders, as in Yemen and Libya. The dictators used divide and conquer, fomenting divisions among tribes, Shiite and Sunni Muslims, and other ethnic and social groups to maintain control. Shiites and minority Sunni still fight each other in Iraq killing people daily, while conservative Muslims and secular urban liberals oppose each other in Egypt, Tunisia and Mali.
How did Arab youth evaluate the revolutions a year after? When asked in a 2011 Gallup poll if their lives were better or worse after the Arab Spring, both genders rated it worse along with a decline in the national economy, but they believe their lives will be better in five years.[157] Egypt was the only country in which respondents said their lives were better and the economy was improving. Both Egyptian men and women said economic problems were the main problem for their families, but they opposed receiving US aid. Arab women were more likely than men to rate their lives better in 2011, except for Bahrain and Syria where men and women were the same. Yemeni men had the lowest rating for their lives in 2011. A large majority of women and men surveyed by Gallup wanted some influence for Sharia law in their government, but Yemen was the only country that wanted Sharia to be the sole basis for legislation. The main influence on men’s support for women’s rights was not their support for Sharia law but their economic situation. This suggests that economic difficulty is more of a threat to women’s rights than Islamic beliefs.
In 2012 interviews with 2,500 Arab youth from throughout the Middle East, ages 18 to 24 (60% male), 72% feel strongly that the region is better off because of the Arab Spring and 68% feel they are personally better off.[158] Eighteen months after the beginning of the Arab Spring, they reported that their government had become more transparent, although they were more concerned about corruption than in interviews the year before the uprisings. Egyptian youth were especially concerned about corruption as the biggest problem (66%). An amazing jump from 18% in 2011 to 62% the following year said they followed the news daily and the percent who blog increased from 29% to 61%. In Egypt, optimism about their futures jumped from 38% in 2011 to 74% in 2012. Despite their positive views about the democracy movements, only 24% believed that protest movements would spread to other countries. Two young Arabs interviewed by BBC at the end of 2013 thought the Arab Spring was not successful because of the reactionary move to sectarian divisions, as between Sunni and Shia and the Muslim Brotherhood and Coptic Christians.[159]
Three years after the revolutions, 28% of youth were unemployed plus 40% of youth ages 15 to 29 were NEETs not counted in unemployment statistics, according to the World Bank. Some youth charged that the Arab Spring was fomented by Western powers to get regime change and old people remained in charge of governments. The economy didn’t improve and neoliberal policies continued, although the IMF acknowledged in 2016 that the market-driven approach has limitations. Morocco made the most reforms, according to Professor Heath Prince, such as providing vocational training, labor offices and apprenticeships.[160]
Islamic parties were organized and elected into power not only in Egypt, but also in Tunisia, Palestine (Hamas), Lebanon (Hezbollah), and a variety of Islamist parties in Iraq. In Libya the chairman of the governing Transitional Council suggested they reinstate polygamy (only two of the 24 members were female, including the Minister for Women). Sunni and Shi for power, led by Saudi Arabia and Iran as in their proxy war that devastated Yemen. If we adopt Hannah Arendt’s definition that a revolution brings about democratic changes, free elections occurred in Tunisia, Egypt and Yemen, as well as earlier in Iraq and Lebanon. However, free elections produced troubled and unstable governments and the continuation of military rule in Egypt. Some youth accuse Western powers of being behind the uprisings to foment regime change.[161] However, generally discouragement prevailed as revealed in the increase of dystopian and apocalyptic novels about “lost utopia,” when “now it’s almost worse than it was before” the uprisings, according to Layla al-Zubaidi.[162] She’s the co-editor of an anthology titled Diaries of an Unfinished Revolution: Voices from Tunis to Damascus (2013). The positive legacy is the hope that grassroots movements can unseat dictators without relying on foreign intervention or the military. Neighborhood committees formed during the chaos of the uprisings and some continued, along with entrepreneurship and revolutionary art.[163] The main cause of the Arab Spring was not growing inequality, but the broken social contract to provide the middle class with jobs and subsidized services, according to Elena Lanchovichina in Eruptions of Popular Anger (2017). She concludes that a new social contract is needed where the government promotes private sector job creation and honesty in government. Hundreds of new political parties, civil society groups, and media developed after the Arab Spring.
Other impactful recent protests fueled by young people occurred in the Velvet Revolution in the Spring of 2018 in Armenia where over 50,000 demonstrators succeeded in getting right-wing President Serzh Sargsyan to resign after he tried to copy his friend Putin’s tactics to extend his term limits by becoming Prime Minister in April 2018. Sargsyan explained, “The movement on the streets is against my rule. I’m complying with their demands.”[164] Millennials led peaceful protests, believing that “Soviet minds are a thing of the past.” Millennial Arevik Ashakharoyan, a literary agent, said, “The new generation, born after the fall of the Soviet Union, is playing a big role in the new democracy. We are tech-savvy and no ties to the corrupt Soviet past.” Peter Balakian, Armenia, August 20, 2018. Armenia became independent in 1991 after the fall of the Soviet Union after being a Soviet Republic since 1920.
A very interesting Middle Eastern study in direct democracy is Kurdish Rojava in Northern Syria, discussed in Resist: Goals and Tactics for Changemakers (2018). Next we’ll zero in on Egypt to learn how youth were able to unseat a dictator who ruled for almost 30 years in 18 days.
Discussion Questions and Activities
The Arab Spring “has failed completely.” True or false? Why?
Why did the revolutions start and best succeed In Tunisia?
What’s the impact of about two-thirds of MENA’s population being under 30? Would the Arab Spring have occurred if the youth population was smaller?
Yemen is the least developed and most tribal country that ousted its dictators. Why was a woman, Tawakkol Karman, able to lead it? Compare her leadership with Daphni Leef in Israel, a much more developed country.
What’s the role of political Islam in the Arab Spring? Why does religion seem to have more influence in Islamic countries?
Activities
1. Visit a mosque in your area.
2. Search Facebook pages for themes and attitudes about Middle East freedom, liberation, etc. Here’s a start.[165]
3. Identify concerns and interests as young people write about the Arab region on CommentMidEast.com, edited by a British graduate student of Yemeni origin.
4. Look at themes in graffiti during the Arab Spring.[166]
5. Search YouTube for Middle East uprisings, Arab Spring, etc. What video was most instructive and interesting?
Films
Unsettled. It tells the story of the eviction of young Israelis and their families from the Gaza Strip at the end of almost 40-year Israeli occupation and return to the Palestinians. 2007
Five Broken Cameras. Filmed by a West Bank farmer about the encroachment of Israeli settlements and the impact on his family. 2012
Paradise Now is about two Palestinian men who are best friends preparing for a suicide attack in Israel. 2005
[9] Firoze Manji and Sokari Ekine, African Awakening: The Emerging Revolutions. Pambazuka Press, 2012, chapter on “Neoliberal Threats to North Africa,” pp. 252 to 270.
[10] Maryam Jamshidi. The Future of the Arab Spring. Elsevier, 2014, p. 41.
[11] “Look Forward in Anger,” The Economist, August 6, 2016.
[19] 2012 anthologies featured revolutionary voices of activists in their 20s and 30s:Anya Schifrin and Eamon Kircher-Allen, From Cairo to Wall Street: Voices From the Global Spring and Maytha Alhassena and Ahmed Shigab-Eldin’s Demanding Dignity: Young Voices From the Front Lines of the Arab Revolutions (2012). These books were followed in 2013 by Youth and the Revolution in Tunisia by Alcinda Honwana; Mahmood Monshipouri’s Democratic Uprisings in the New Middle East: Youth, Technology, Human Rights, and US Foreign PolicyandNur Laiq’s Talking to Arab Youth: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Egypt and Tunisia. In 2014 The New Arabs by Juan Cole was published along with Wired Citizenship: Youth Learning and Activism in the Middle East by Linda Herrera. Ahmed Tohamy Abdelhay’s Youth Activism in Egypt was published in 2015 ($104), along with Bessma Momani’s Arab Dawn: Arab Youth and the Demographic Dividend They Will Bring. University of Toronto Press, 2015.
[20] Afef Abrougui, “Israa Al-Ghomgham, a Saudi Woman Facing the Death Penalty for Peaceful Protest,” Global Voices, October 31, 2018. https://globalvoices.org
[21] Ahmed Al Omran, “Saudi Arabia Raises the Alarm Over Unemployment,” Financial Times, April 24, 2018.
Yemen, Libya and Iran were the most corrupt, the median age is under 30 in all countries except Bahrain where it’s 30, and the highest literacy rates are in Jordan, Bahrain, and Iran.
[39] Peter McConaghy, Nabila Assaf and Simon Bell, “What’s Going to Get MENA’s Young People to Work?” The World Bank Voices and Views, November 5, 2012.
[57] Farid, “Singing and Dancing in a YouTube Video to Cheer On the National Football Team Can Get You Arrested in Iran,” Global Voices, June 27, 2014.
[84] Hela Yousfi, “UGTT at the Heart of a Troubled Political Transition,” in Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, eds. The Future We the People Need: Voices from New Social Movements. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, February 2013.
[89] Nur Laiq. Talking to Arab Youth: Revolution and Counterrevolution in Egypt and Tunisia. International Peace Institute, 2013, p. 30.
[90] Maytha Alhassen and Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, eds. Demanding Dignity: Young Voices from the Front Lines of the Arab Revolutions. White Cloud Press, 2012, p. 83.
[95] Sarah Yerkes and Maarwan Muasher, “Tunisia’s Corruption Contagion: a Transition at Risk,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, October 25, 2017.
[103] Maytha Alhassen and Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, eds. Demanding Dignity: Young Voices from the Front Lines of the Arab Revolutions. White Cloud Press, 2012, pp. 31-44.
[104] Khadija Alami, speaking at a Fairleigh Dickinson panel on “Winds of Change: The Role of Arab Youth in the Future of the MENA Region,” November 7, 2011. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cRKLQ2hvMZQ
[123] Joseph Zeira, “The Israeli Social Protests and the Economy,” in Werner Puschra and Sara Burke, eds. The Future We the People Need: Voices from New Social Movements. Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, February 2013.
[137] Zakia Salime, “A New Feminism? Gender Dynamics in Morocco’s February 20th Movement,” Journal of International Women’s Studies, Vol. 13, No. 5, October 2011.
[138] Thierry Desrues, “Mobilizations in a Hybrid Regime: The 20th February Movement and the Moroccan regime,” Current Sociology, Vol. 61, No. 4, p. 413.
[151] “A White Paper on the Findings of the ASDA’A Burson-Marsteller Arab Youth Survey 2012,” p. 7. Interviews with 2,500 Arab youth ages 18 to 24 (60% male) in 12 countries.
[158] “A White Paper on the Findings of the ASDA’A Burson-Marsteller Arab Youth Survey 2012,” pp. 12-13. Interviews with 2,500 youth ages 18 to 24 in 12 countries.